The Pre-Columbian era incorporates all period subdivisions in the history and prehistory of the Americas before the appearance of significant European influences on the American continent, spanning the time of the original settlement in the Upper Paleolithic period to European colonization during the Early Modern period. While the phrase "pre-Columbian era" refers only to the time preceding Christopher Columbus's voyages of 1492, in practice the phrase is used to denote the entire history of indigenous Americas cultures until those cultures were exterminated, diminished, or extensively altered by Europeans if this happened decades or centuries after Columbus's first landing. For this reason the alternative terms of Precontact Americas, Pre-Colonial Americas or Prehistoric Americas are in use. In areas of Latin America the term used is Pre-Hispanic. Many pre-Columbian civilizations established hallmarks which included permanent settlements, agriculture and monumental architecture, major earthworks, complex societal hierarchies.
Some of these civilizations had long faded by the time of the first permanent European colonies and the arrival of enslaved Africans, are known only through archaeological investigations and oral history. Other civilizations were contemporary with the colonial period and were described in European historical accounts of the time. A few, such as the Maya civilization, had their own written records; because many Christian Europeans of the time viewed such texts as heretical, men like Diego de Landa destroyed many texts in pyres while seeking to preserve native histories. Only a few hidden documents have survived in their original languages, while others were transcribed or dictated into Spanish, giving modern historians glimpses of ancient culture and knowledge. Indigenous American cultures continue to evolve after the pre-Columbian era. Many of these peoples and their descendants continue traditional practices while evolving and adapting new cultural practices and technologies into their lives.
Before the development of archaeology in the 19th century, historians of the pre-Columbian period interpreted the records of the European conquerors and the accounts of early European travelers and antiquaries. It was not until the nineteenth century that the work of men such as John Lloyd Stephens, Eduard Seler and Alfred P. Maudslay, of institutions such as the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology of Harvard University, led to the reconsideration and criticism of the European sources. Now, the scholarly study of pre-Columbian cultures is most based on scientific and multidisciplinary methodologies. Asian nomads are thought to have entered the Americas via the Bering Land Bridge, now the Bering Strait and along the coast. Genetic evidence found in Amerindians' maternally inherited mitochondrial DNA supports the theory of multiple genetic populations migrating from Asia. Over the course of millennia, Paleo-Indians spread throughout South America; when the first group of people migrated into the Americas is the subject of much debate.
One of the earliest identifiable cultures was the Clovis culture, with sites dating from some 13,000 years ago. However, older sites dating back to 20,000 years ago have been claimed; some genetic studies estimate the colonization of the Americas dates from between 40,000 and 13,000 years ago. The chronology of migration models is divided into two general approaches; the first is the short chronology theory with the first movement beyond Alaska into the Americas occurring no earlier than 14,000–17,000 years ago, followed by successive waves of immigrants. The second belief is the long chronology theory, which proposes that the first group of people entered the hemisphere at a much earlier date 50,000–40,000 years ago or earlier. Artifacts have been found in both North and South America which have been dated to 14,000 years ago, accordingly humans have been proposed to have reached Cape Horn at the southern tip of South America by this time. In that case, the Eskimo peoples would have arrived separately and at a much date no more than 2,000 years ago, moving across the ice from Siberia into Alaska.
The North American climate was unstable. It stabilized by about 10,000 years ago. Within this time frame pertaining to the Archaic Period, numerous archaeological cultures have been identified; the unstable climate led to widespread migration, with early Paleo-Indians soon spreading throughout the Americas, diversifying into many hundreds of culturally distinct tribes. The Paleo-Indians were hunter-gatherers characterized by small, mobile bands consisting of 20 to 50 members of an extended family; these groups moved from place to place as preferred resources were depleted and new supplies were sought. During much of the Paleo-Indian period, bands are thought to have subsisted through hunting now-extinct giant land animals such as mastodon and ancient bison. Paleo-Indian groups carried a variety of tools; these included distinctive projectile points and knives, as well as less distinctive implements used for butchering and hide processing. The vastness of the North American continent, the variety of its climates, vegetation and landforms, led ancient peoples to coalesce into many distinct linguistic and cultural groups.
This is reflected in the oral histories of the indigenous peoples, described by a wide range of traditional creation stories which say that a given people have been living in a certain territory since the creation of the world. Over the course of thousands of years, paleo-Indian
Coles Creek culture
Coles Creek culture is a Late Woodland archaeological culture in the Lower Mississippi valley in the southern United States. It followed the Troyville culture; the period marks a significant change in the cultural history of the area. Population increased and there is strong evidence of a growing cultural and political complexity by the end of the Coles Creek sequence. Although many of the classic traits of chiefdom societies are not yet manifested, by 1000 CE the formation of simple elite polities had begun. Coles Creek sites are found in Arkansas and Mississippi, it is considered ancestral to the Plaquemine culture. The Coles Creek culture is an indigenous development of the Lower Mississippi Valley that took place between the terminal Woodland period and the Plaquemine culture period; the period is marked by the increased use of flat-topped platform mounds arranged around central plazas, more complex political institutions, a subsistence strategy still grounded in the Eastern Agricultural Complex and hunting rather than on the maize plant as would happen in the succeeding Plaquemine Mississippian period.
The culture was defined by the unique decoration on grog-tempered ceramic ware by James A. Ford after his investigations at the Mazique Archeological Site, he had studied both the Mazique and Coles Creek Sites, went with the Mazique culture, but decided on the less involved sites name. The Coles Creak area is further subdivided into Coles Creek proper in the northern part of its range throughout the interior Mississippi Valley, Coastal Coles Creek, being found along the Gulf coast south of the latitude of modern Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Although earlier cultures built mounds as a part of mortuary customs, by the Coles Creek period these mounds took on a newer shape and function. Instead of being for burial, mounds were constructed to support temples and other civic structures. Pyramidal mounds with flat tops and ramps were constructed over successive years and with many layers. A temple or other structures of wattle and daub construction, would be built on the summit of the mound. A typical Coles Creek site plan consisted of at least two, more three, mounds around a central plaza.
This pattern emerged in 800 CE and continued for several hundred years. By late Coles Creek times, the site plans are enlarged to include up to three more mounds. Sites typical of this period are Mount Nebo, Holly Bluff, Kings Crossing, Lake Agnes. Many Coles Creek mounds were erected over earlier mortuary mounds, leading researchers to speculate that emerging elites were symbolically and physically appropriating dead ancestors to emphasize and project their own authority. Long-distance trade seems to have been negligible at this time, as exotic goods and trade items are rare in Coles Creek sites. There is little evidence of domesticated or cultivated plants until the end of the Coles Creek period. Acorns are a dominant food source, supplemented with persimmons and some starchy seeds such as maygrass. Coles Creek populations may have loosely "managed" certain plant resources in order to promote a better or more consistent food supply. Maize is found in limited quantities, but by 1000-1200 CE had begun to increase, although nowhere near the levels it would reach in Mississippian culture times.
The bow and arrow was introduced in this period. Pottery styles changed during this period, as people began to create more durable wares with more diversified uses. Wet clay was tempered with particles of dry clay to prevent cracking during firing. Most pots were decorated only on the upper half with designs of incised lines or impressed tool marks. Colors ranged from tan, black and gray, although the rare red example is known; the rare effigy pot is found. Plum Bayou culture Culture and chronological table for the Mississippi Valley Hudson, Charles M. Knights of Spain, Warriors of the Sun: Hernando De Soto and the South's Ancient Chiefdoms, University of Georgia Press, 1997. ISBN 0-8203-1888-4 R. Barry Lewis and Charles Stout, editors. "Mississippian Towns and Sacred Spaces", University of Alabama Press, 1998. ISBN 0-8173-0947-0 Southeastern Prehistory - Late Woodland Period
The Clovis culture is a prehistoric Paleo-Indian culture, named for distinct stone tools found in close association with Pleistocene fauna at Blackwater Locality No. 1 near Clovis, New Mexico, in the 1920s and 1930s. It appears around 11,500–11,000 uncalibrated radiocarbon years before present at the end of the last glacial period, is characterized by the manufacture of "Clovis points" and distinctive bone and ivory tools. Archaeologists' most precise determinations at present suggest this radiocarbon age is equal to 13,200 to 12,900 calendar years ago. Clovis people are considered to be the ancestors of most of the indigenous cultures of the Americas; the only human burial, directly associated with tools from the Clovis culture included the remains of an infant boy researchers named Anzick-1. Paleogenetic analyses of Anzick-1's ancient nuclear, Y-chromosome DNA reveal that Anzick-1 is related to modern Native American populations, which lends support to the Beringia hypothesis for the settlement of the Americas.
The Clovis culture was replaced by several more localized regional societies from the Younger Dryas cold-climate period onward. Post-Clovis cultures include the Folsom tradition, Suwannee-Simpson, Plainview-Goshen and Redstone; each of these is thought to derive directly from Clovis, in some cases differing only in the length of the fluting on their projectile points. Although this is held to be the result of normal cultural change through time, numerous other reasons have been suggested as driving forces to explain changes in the archaeological record, such as the Younger Dryas postglacial climate change which exhibited numerous faunal extinctions. After the discovery of several Clovis sites in eastern North America in the 1930s, the Clovis people came to be regarded as the first human inhabitants who created a widespread culture in the New World. However, this theory has been challenged, in the opinion of many archaeologists, by several archaeological discoveries, including sites such as Cactus Hill in Virginia, Paisley Caves in the Summer Lake Basin of Oregon, the Topper site in Allendale County, South Carolina, Meadowcroft Rockshelter in Pennsylvania, the Friedkin site in Texas, Cueva Fell in Chile, Monte Verde in Chile.
The oldest claimed human archaeological site in the Americas is the Pedra Furada hearths, a site in Brazil that precedes the Clovis culture and the other sites mentioned by 19,000 to 30,000 years. This claim has become an issue of contention between North American archaeologists and their South American and European counterparts, who disagree on whether it is conclusively proven to be an older human site. A hallmark of the toolkit associated with the Clovis culture is the distinctively shaped, fluted-stone spear point, known as the Clovis point; the Clovis point is bifacial and fluted on both sides. Archaeologists do not agree on whether the widespread presence of these artifacts indicates the proliferation of a single people, or the adoption of a superior technology by diverse population groups; the culture is named after artifacts found between 1936 at Blackwater Locality No. 1, an archaeological site between the towns of Clovis and Portales, New Mexico. These finds were deemed important due to their direct association with mammoth species and the extinct Bison antiquus.
The in situ finds of 1936 and 1937 included most of four stone Clovis points, two long bone points with impact damage, stone blades, a portion of a Clovis blade core, several cutting tools made on stone flakes. Clovis sites have since been identified throughout much of the contiguous United States, as well as Mexico and Central America, into northern South America. Clovis people are accepted to have hunted mammoths, as well as extinct bison, gomphotheres, tapir, camelops and other smaller animals. More than 125 species of plants and animals are known to have been used by Clovis people in the portion of the Western Hemisphere they inhabited; the oldest Clovis site in North America is believed to be El Fin del Mundo in northwestern Sonora, discovered during a 2007 survey. It features occupation dating around 13,390 calibrated years BP. In 2011, remains of gomphotheres were found; the Aubrey site in Denton County, produced an identical radiocarbon date. The most held perspective on the end of the Clovis culture is that a decline in the availability of megafauna, combined with an overall increase in a less mobile population, led to local differentiation of lithic and cultural traditions across the Americas.
After this time, Clovis-style fluted points were replaced by other fluted-point traditions with an uninterrupted sequence across North and Central America. An continuous cultural adaptation proceeds from the Clovis period through the ensuing Middle and Late Paleoindian periods. Whether the Clovis culture drove the mammoth, other species, to extinction via overhunting – the so-called Pleistocene overkill hypothesis – is still an open, controversial, question, it has been hypothesized that the Clovis culture had its decline in the wake of the Younger Dryas cold phase. This'cold shock', lasting 1500 years, affected many parts of the world, including North America; this appears to have been triggered by a vast amount of meltwater – from Lake Agassiz – emptying into the North Atlantic, disrupting the thermohaline circulation. The Younger Dryas impact hypothesis, or Clovis comet hypothesis proposed that a large air burst or earth impact of a comet or comets from outer space initiated the Younger Drya
The Deptford culture was an archaeological culture in the United States characterized by the appearance of elaborate ceremonial complexes, increasing social and political complexity, mound burial, permanent settlements, population growth, an increasing reliance on cultigens. Deptford is named for the Deptford area near Georgia; the culture is defined by the presence of sand-tempered pottery decorated with the impressions of carved wooden paddles that were pressed against the vessels before they were fired. The sand-tempering distinguishes Deptford ceramics from the fiber-tempered ceramics of the late-Archaic Stallings Island/St. Simons and Norwood cultures that preceded it. Other contemporary cultures of the southeastern United States produced paddle decorated ceramics; the Deptford culture was oriented to the coast. From northern Georgia it spread along the Atlantic coast, reaching Cape Fear, North Carolina to the north and the mouth of the St. Johns River to the south; the Deptford culture spread along the Gulf of Mexico coast, reaching from the Perdido River on the western border of Florida to Tampa Bay on the lower west coast of Florida.
Deptford culture appeared in Florida around 500 BCE. The Deptford culture in the Gulf region evolved into the Swift Creek and Santa Rosa-Swift Creek cultures around 200 CE, while the culture in the Atlantic coastal region continued until about 700. In the eastern Florida Panhandle the Deptford culture has been divided into an early Deptford period, in which fiber-tempered and Deptford series ceramics are found together, a middle Deptford period, with only Deptford series ceramics present, a late Deptford period with both Deptford series and Swift Creek series ceramics present. Archaeological sites associated with the Deptford culture include: Tar River, North Carolina G. S. Lewis-West site, middle Savannah River Brewton Hill site, eastern Savannah, Georgia Dulany site, eastern Savannah Irene site, northwest of Savannah Refuge site, north of Savannah Meldrim site, southeast of Savannah Haven Home site, southwest of Savannah The Florida Panhandle from the Perdido River to the Aucilla River.
Hawkshaw site, in Pensacola, Florida The Block-Sterns site, Lake Lafayette, Florida Site 8LE484 on the northern shore of Lake Miccosukee, Leon County, FloridaThe sites in Leon County represent significant inland Deptford period sites. The Gulf coast of Florida from the Aucilla River to the Anclote River, extending 15 miles to 20 miles inland. Bird Island, near Horseshoe Beach, Florida Garden Patch, near Horseshoe Beach, Florida Cat Island, north of the mouth of the Suwannee River Little Bradford Island, in the mouth of the Suwannee River Sites 8LV75 and 8LV76 on Deer Island, between the mouth of the Suwannee River and Cedar Key, Florida Shell Mound, north of Cedar Key Palmetto Mound, north of Cedar Key Richards Island, north of Cedar Key North Key, in the Cedar Keys Seahorse Key, in the Cedar Keys Crystal River site, FloridaMany Deptford culture sites along the Gulf coast may now be under water, or eroded by rising water levels, as the sea level along the coast of the Florida Panhandle has risen 80 inches in the last 2,000 years.
Early Deptford ceramics appear to have been developed in Georgia around 2,600 years ago out of the Early Woodland Refuge phase, spread north into South Carolina and North Carolina and south into Florida. Deptford ceramics continued to be made and found on Middle Woodland sites in the southeastern U. S. until about 600 BCE. Occupation for the Atlantic coastal plain of Georgia and the Carolinas seems to have followed a seasonal pattern of winter shellfish camps on the coast inland occupation during the spring and summer for deer hunting, fall for nut gathering. From the Early through the Middle Woodland periods, the extensive, low-lying coastal environment of the South Atlantic coast, stretching from North Carolina to northern Florida, was used by numerous Deptford hunter-gatherer bands who lived seasonally within a variety of ecosystems and took advantage of seasonally available foods. Along the Gulf Coast, the Deptford culture continued the seasonal existence throughout the Middle Woodland.
Settlements in this geographical area lacked permanence of occupation, although the cultures here participated in the Hopewellian trading network to a limited extent and constructed numerous low sand burial mounds. These sand burial mounds along coastal Georgia and Florida, as well as in the Carolinas, are believed to represent local lineage burial grounds rather than the resting place of an elite individual. In northwestern Florida, the Early Woodland Deptford culture evolved in place to become the Swift Creek and Santa Rosa-Swift Creek cultures. Trade items recovered from burial mounds include copper panpipes, ear ornaments, stone plummets, stone gorgets; these show this area's incorporation within the Hopewellian Interaction Sphere by about 1,900 years ago. McFadden, Paulette S.. "Archaeological Investigations at Bird Island, Dixie County, Florida". University of Florida Laboratory of Southeastern Archaeology. Technical Report 14. Retrieved May 25, 2012. Milanich, Jerald T.. "The Southeastern Deptford Culture: a Preliminary Definition".
Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties. 3: 51–63. Retrieved 14 May 2012. Milanich, Jerald T.. Archaeology of Precolumbian Florida. Gainesville, Florida: University Press of Florida. ISBN 0-8130-1273-2. Monés, Micah P..
The Hopewell tradition describes the common aspects of the Native American culture that flourished along rivers in the northeastern and midwestern United States from 100 BCE to 500 CE, in the Middle Woodland period. The Hopewell tradition was not a single culture or society, but a dispersed set of related populations, they were connected by a common network of trade routes, known as the Hopewell exchange system. At its greatest extent, the Hopewell exchange system ran from the Crystal River Indian Mounds in modern-day Florida as far north as the Canadian shores of Lake Ontario. Within this area, societies participated in a high degree of exchange with the highest amount of activity along waterways; the Hopewell exchange system received materials from all over. Most of the items traded were exotic materials and were received by people living in the major trading and manufacturing areas; these people converted the materials into products and exported them through local and regional exchange networks.
The objects created by the Hopewell exchange system spread far and wide and have been seen in many burials outside the Midwest. Although the origins of the Hopewell are still under discussion, the Hopewell culture can be considered a cultural climax. Hopewell populations originated in western New York and moved south into Ohio, where they built upon the local Adena mortuary tradition. Or, Hopewell was said to have originated in western Illinois and spread by diffusion... to southern Ohio. The Havana Hopewell tradition was thought to have spread up the Illinois River and into southwestern Michigan, spawning Goodall Hopewell; the name "Hopewell" was applied by Warren K. Moorehead after his explorations of the Hopewell Mound Group in Ross County, Ohio, in 1891 and 1892; the mound group itself was named after Mordecai Hopewell, whose family who owned the earthworks at the time. What any of the various groups now defined as Hopewellian called themselves is unknown, it is used to describe a wide scattering of people who lived near rivers in temporary settlements of 1-3 households and practiced a mixture of hunting and crop growing.
The Hopewell inherited from their Adena forebears an incipient social stratification. This increased social stability and reinforced sedentism, social stratification, specialized use of resources, population growth. Hopewell societies cremated most of their deceased and reserved burial for only the most important people. In some sites, hunters received a higher status in the community because their graves were more elaborate and contained more status goods; the Hopewellian peoples had leaders, but they were not like powerful rulers who could command armies of slaves and soldiers. These cultures accorded certain families a special place of privilege; some scholars suggest that these societies were marked by the emergence of "big-men". These leaders acquired their position because of their ability to persuade others to agree with them on important matters such as trade and religion, they perhaps were able to develop influence by the creation of reciprocal obligations with other important members of the community.
Whatever the source of their status and power, the emergence of "big-men" was another step toward the development of the structured and stratified sociopolitical organization called the chiefdom. The Hopewell settlements were linked by extensive and complex trading routes, which doubled as communication networks, bring people together for important ceremonies. Today, the best-surviving features of the Hopewell tradition era are mounds built for uncertain purposes. Great geometric earthworks are one of the most impressive Native American monuments throughout American prehistory. Eastern Woodlands mounds have various geometric shapes and rise to impressive heights; the gigantic sculpted earthworks took the shape of animals, birds, or writhing serpents. The function of the mounds is still under debate. Due to considerable evidence and surveys, plus the good survival condition of the largest mounds, more information can be obtained. Several scientists, including Dr. Bradley T. Lepper, Curator of Archaeology, Ohio Historical Society, hypothesize that the Octagon earthwork at Newark, was a lunar observatory oriented to the 18.6-year cycle of minimum and maximum lunar risings and settings on the local horizon.
The Octagon covers the size of 100 football pitches. Dr. John Eddy completed an unpublished survey in 1978, proposed a lunar major alignment for the Octagon. Ray Hively and Robert Horn of Earlham College in Richmond, were the first researchers to analyze numerous lunar sightlines at the Newark Earthworks and the High Banks Works in Chillicothe, Ohio. Christopher Turner noted that the Fairground Circle in Newark, Ohio aligns to the sunrise on May 4, i.e. that it marked the May cross-quarter sunrise. In 1983, Turner demonstrated that the Hopeton earthworks encode various sunrise and moonrise patterns, including the winter and summer solstices, the equinoxes, the cross-quarter days, the lunar maximum events, the lunar minimum events due to their precise straight and parallel lines. William F. Romain has written a book on the subject of "astronomers and magicians" at the earthworks. Many of the mounds contain various types of burials. Precious burial good have been found in the mounds; these include objects of adornment made of copper and obsidian, imported to the region hundreds of miles away.
Stone and ceramics were fashioned into intricate shapes. The Hopewell created artwork of the Americas. Most of their works had some religious significance, their graves were filled with neck
National Park Service
The National Park Service is an agency of the United States federal government that manages all national parks, many national monuments, other conservation and historical properties with various title designations. It was created on August 25, 1916, by Congress through the National Park Service Organic Act and is an agency of the United States Department of the Interior; the NPS is charged with a dual role of preserving the ecological and historical integrity of the places entrusted to its management, while making them available and accessible for public use and enjoyment. As of 2018, the NPS employs 27,000 employees who oversee 419 units, of which 61 are designated national parks. National parks and national monuments in the United States were individually managed under the auspices of the Department of the Interior; the movement for an independent agency to oversee these federal lands was spearheaded by business magnate and conservationist Stephen Mather, as well as J. Horace McFarland. With the help of journalist Robert Sterling Yard, Mather ran a publicity campaign for the Department of the Interior.
They wrote numerous articles that praised the scenic and historic qualities of the parks and their possibilities for educational and recreational benefits. This campaign resulted in the creation of a National Park Service. On August 25, 1916, President Woodrow Wilson signed a bill that mandated the agency "to conserve the scenery and the natural and historic objects and wildlife therein, to provide for the enjoyment of the same in such manner and by such means as will leave them unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations." Mather became the first director of the newly formed NPS. On March 3, 1933, President Herbert Hoover signed the Reorganization Act of 1933; the act would allow the President to reorganize the executive branch of the United States government. It wasn't until that summer when the new President, Franklin D. Roosevelt, made use of this power. Deputy Director Horace M. Albright had suggested to President Roosevelt that the historic sites from the American Civil War should be managed by the National Park Service, rather than the War Department.
President Roosevelt issued two Executive orders to make it happen. These two executive orders not only transferred to the National Park Service all the War Department historic sites, but the national monuments managed by the Department of Agriculture and the parks in and around the capital, run by an independent office. In 1951, Conrad Wirth became director of the National Park Service and went to work on bringing park facilities up to the standards that the public expected; the demand for parks after the end of the World War II had left the parks overburdened with demands that could not be met. In 1952, with the support of President Dwight D. Eisenhower, he began Mission 66, a ten-year effort to upgrade and expand park facilities for the 50th anniversary of the Park Service. New parks were added to preserve unique resources and existing park facilities were upgraded and expanded. In 1966, as the Park Service turned 50 years old, emphasis began to turn from just saving great and wonderful scenery and unique natural features to making parks accessible to the public.
Director George Hartzog began the process with the creation of the National Lakeshores and National Recreation Areas. Since its inception in 1916, the National Park Service has managed each of the United States' national parks, which have grown in number over the years to 60. Yellowstone National Park was the first national park in the United States. In 1872, there was no state government to manage it, so the federal government assumed direct control. Yosemite National Park began as a state park. Yosemite was returned to federal ownership. At first, each national park was managed independently, with varying degrees of success. In Yellowstone, the civilian staff was replaced by the U. S. Army in 1886. Due to the irregularities in managing these national treasures, Stephen Mather petitioned the federal government to improve the situation. In response, Secretary of the Interior Franklin K. Lane challenged him to lobby for creating a new agency, the National Park Service, to manage all national parks and some national monuments.
Mather was successful with the ratification of the National Park Service Organic Act in 1916. The agency was given authority over other protected areas, many with varying designations as Congress created them; the National Park System includes. The title or designation of a unit need not include the term park; the System as a whole is considered to be a national treasure of the United States, some of the more famous national parks and monuments are sometimes referred to metaphorically as "crown jewels". The system encompasses 84.4 million acres, of which more than 4.3 million acres remain in private ownership. The largest unit is Wrangell-St. Elias National Park and Preserve, Alaska. At 13,200,000 acres, it is over 16 percent of the entire system; the smallest unit in the system is Thaddeus Kosciuszko National Memorial, Pennsylvania, at 0.02 acre. In addition to administering its units and other properties, the National Park Service provides technical and financial assistance to several "affiliated areas" authorized by Congress.
The largest affiliated area is New Jersey Pinelands National Reserve at 1,164,025 acres. The smallest is Benjamin Franklin National Memorial at less than 0.01 acres. Although all units of the Nat
Fort Walton culture
The Fort Walton culture is the term used by archaeologists for a late prehistoric Native American archaeological culture that flourished in southeastern North America from 1200~1500 CE and is associated with the historic Apalachee people. The Fort Walton culture was named by archaeologist Gordon Willey for the Fort Walton Mound site near Fort Walton Beach, based on his work at the site. Through more work in the area archaeologist have now come to believe the Ft. Walton site was built and used by people of the contemporaneous Pensacola culture; the peoples of the Ft. Walton culture used sand, grog, or combinations of these materials as tempering agents in their pottery, whereas the Pensacola culture peoples used the more typical Mississippian culture shell tempering for their pottery. Using this unique combination of sand/grit/grog tempering as its criterion Fort Walton culture is now defined within the geographical area stretching from the Aucilla River in the east to a Pensacola–Fort Walton transitional area around Choctawhatchee Bay in the west and north into the interior of south Alabama and Georgia, 107 miles up the Apalachicola River and 50 miles up the Chattahoochee River.
1000 to 1200 CE local Weeden Island peoples began adapting and adopting intensive maize agriculture, the building of platform mounds for ceremonial and religious purposes and making a new variety of ceramics, changes influenced by contact with the major Mississippian culture centers to the north and west. Early archaeologists thought that the Fort Walton culture represented the intrusion of peoples from Mexico or Mississippian cultures from the northwest replacing the indigenous Weeden Island peoples, but by the late 1970s this theory was discounted. Layouts and locations for Fort Walton sites are similar to other Mississippian culture sites, with the exception of sites in the Tallahassee Hills area which because of the local geography are located around lakes and swamps instead of rivers. Settlement types include single family homesteads, multi family hamlets, small single mound centers, large multimound centers; the hierarchical settlement patterns suggests. By the Late Fort Walton period increased contact with Lamar Phase peoples from central Georgia saw another change in styles of decoration and manufacture of ceramics.
This new phase is known as the Leon-Jefferson culture. This period sees the collapse of the chiefdoms as aboriginal populations declined following contact with European explorers and colonizers, such as the Hernando de Soto Expedition in 1539; the Fort Walton and Leon-Jefferson peoples are the direct ancestors of the Apalachee peoples. The Lake Jackson Mounds site in Leon County is the largest known ceremonial center of the Fort Walton culture, although there are eight other known ceremonial sites in the Apalachee Province, it was occupied during the entire Fort Walton period, but abandoned at about 1500 CE when the capital of the chiefdom was moved to nearby Anhaica, the capital when the de Soto entrada encamped there in the winter of 1539. Another large site located nearby is the Velda Mound, occupied from 1450 to 1625. Other sites include the Yon Mound and Village Site in Liberty County, the Thick Greenbriar Site in Jackson County. Woodville Karst Plain Project Gabrielle Shahramfar. Determining Fort Walton burial patterns and their relationship within the greater Mississippian world.
University of South Florida