Margarita Stolbizer is an Argentine lawyer and prominent politician. Margarita Stolbizer was born in the western Buenos Aires suburb of Morón, in 1955, she enrolled at the Universidad de Morón and graduated in 1978, after which she taught at her alma mater's law school for four years. An avid volleyball player, she created her city's first women's volleyball team. Stolbizer was named to the National Council of Lawyers' Associations and, following elections in 1983, she was appointed Social Policy Director for the city of Morón. In 2015, she ran as a Progressive Party candidate for the Argentine presidency, she had been affiliated with the centrist Radical Civic Union − whose candidate, Raúl Alfonsín had been elected President in 1983 − since her days at the university and in 1985, she was elected to the Morón City Council on the UCR ticket. As such she gained prominence for her role in the investigation and impeachment of opposition Justicialist Party Mayor Juan Carlos Rousselot, in 1989, she was named staff counsel to the Infrastructure Contracts Investigations Committee of the Legislature of the Province of Buenos Aires, took part in ILO conferences on the subjects of labor rights and corruption, as well as the Human Rights Commission of the Latin American Parliament.
She supported Alfonsín's initiative to create an alliance with the center-left Frepaso and was elected to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies, in 1997. She was named to numerous committees dealing with legal and constitutional rights, was named President of the Penal Legislation Committee. Close to both Alfonsín and Congressman Federico Storani, her influence grew after Fernando de la Rúa 1999 election to the presidency and Storani's appointment as Interior Minister, she was opposed, however, to the President's crisis decision to return Domingo Cavallo to the Economy Ministry, in March 2001. Cavallo had been first appointed to the post in 1991 by de la Rúa's predecessor and nemesis, Carlos Menem, was considered responsible by Stolbizer for the prevailing economic crisis. Stolbizer represented the Argentine Congress in the 2002 conference of Parliamentarians for Global Action in Stockholm, was named Vice President of their International Council, she was nominated by the UCR as a candidate for the office of Governor of Buenos Aires Province for the 2003 elections, though fallout from President de la Rúa's chaotic, December 2001 resignation helped relegate her to fourth place.
She developed increasing differences with the UCR's leadership and in 2005, unsuccessfully challenged former President Alfonsín for the post of head of the Buenos Aires Province delegation to the UCR Central Committee. The party's weakness ahead of the 2007 presidential election prompted the UCR to endorse a stronger candidate akin to their views, which combine social democratic policies with a longtime anti-Peronism. Stolbizer, by a leader in the UCR's congressional delegation, favored endorsing ARI candidate Elisa Carrió, though Alfonsín's preference for the center-left economist Roberto Lavagna prevailed; the dissension led to her break with the UCR, whereby she formed the Generation for a National Encounter, by which she ran again for Governor of Buenos Aires Province during the same 2007 elections. She fared better, with 17 % of the vote. Stolbizer continued her policy for fostering alliances with former rivals: in 2007, she led her GEN party into Carrió's Civic Coalition, which grew into the largest opposition to Néstor and Cristina Kirchner's ruling Front for Victory.
Her son, Nicolas Laprovittola, is a professional basketball player for the San Antonio Spurs of the National Basketball Association and for the Argentine national basketball team. Margarita Stolbizer's Flickr photostream: Images of the 2009 campaign GEN party website
Human rights are "the basic rights and freedoms to which all humans are entitled" Examples of rights and freedoms which are thought of as human rights include civil and political rights, such as the right to life and property, freedom of expression, pursuit of happiness and equality before the law. All human beings are born equal in dignity and rights, they are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Ancient peoples did not have the same modern-day conception of universal human rights; the true forerunner of human-rights discourse was the concept of natural rights which appeared as part of the medieval natural law tradition that became prominent during the European Enlightenment. From this foundation, the modern human rights arguments emerged over the latter half of the 20th century.17th-century English philosopher John Locke discussed natural rights in his work, identifying them as being "life and estate", argued that such fundamental rights could not be surrendered in the social contract.
In Britain in 1689, the English Bill of Rights and the Scottish Claim of Right each made illegal a range of oppressive governmental actions. Two major revolutions occurred during the 18th century, in the United States and in France, leading to the United States Declaration of Independence and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen both of which articulated certain human rights. Additionally, the Virginia Declaration of Rights of 1776 encoded into law a number of fundamental civil rights and civil freedoms. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life and the pursuit of Happiness. Philosophers such as Thomas Paine, John Stuart Mill and Hegel expanded on the theme of universality during the 18th and 19th centuries. In 1831 William Lloyd Garrison wrote in a newspaper called The Liberator that he was trying to enlist his readers in "the great cause of human rights" so the term human rights came into use sometime between Paine's The Rights of Man and Garrison's publication.
In 1849 a contemporary, Henry David Thoreau, wrote about human rights in his treatise On the Duty of Civil Disobedience, influential on human rights and civil rights thinkers. United States Supreme Court Justice David Davis, in his 1867 opinion for Ex Parte Milligan, wrote "By the protection of the law, human rights are secured. In Western Europe and North America, labour unions brought about laws granting workers the right to strike, establishing minimum work conditions and forbidding or regulating child labour; the women's rights movement succeeded in gaining for many women the right to vote. National liberation movements in many countries succeeded in driving out colonial powers. One of the most influential was Mahatma Gandhi's movement to free his native India from British rule. Movements by long-oppressed racial and religious minorities succeeded in many parts of the world, among them the civil rights movement, more recent diverse identity politics movements, on behalf of women and minorities in the United States.
The foundation of the International Committee of the Red Cross, the 1864 Lieber Code and the first of the Geneva Conventions in 1864 laid the foundations of International humanitarian law, to be further developed following the two World Wars. The League of Nations was established in 1919 at the negotiations over the Treaty of Versailles following the end of World War I; the League's goals included disarmament, preventing war through collective security, settling disputes between countries through negotiation and improving global welfare. Enshrined in its Charter was a mandate to promote many of the rights which were included in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; the League of Nations had mandates to support many of the former colonies of the Western European colonial powers during their transition from colony to independent state. Established as an agency of the League of Nations, now part of United Nations, the International Labour Organization had a mandate to promote and safeguard certain of the rights included in the UDHR: the primary goal of the ILO today is to promote opportunities for women and men to obtain decent and productive work, in conditions of freedom, equity and human dignity.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is a non-binding declaration adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1948 in response to the barbarism of World War II. The UDHR urges member nations to promote a number of human, civil and social rights, asserting these rights are part of the "foundation of freedom and peace in the world"; the declaration was the first international legal effort to limit the behavior of states and press upon them duties to their citizens following the model of the rights-duty duality....recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom and peace in the world The UDHR was framed by members of the Human Rights Commission, with Eleanor Roosevelt as Chair, who began to discuss an International Bill of Rights in 1947. The members of the Commission did not agree on the form of such a bill of rights, whe
A political spectrum is a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes that represent independent political dimensions. Most long-standing spectra include a left wing, which referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament after the Revolution. On a left–right spectrum and socialism are regarded internationally as being on the left, Liberalism can mean different things in different contexts: sometimes on the left; those with an intermediate outlook are sometimes classified as centrists. That said and neoliberals are called centrists too. Politics that rejects the conventional left–right spectrum is known as syncretic politics, though the label tends to mischaracterize positions that have a logical location on a two-axis spectrum because they seem randomly brought together on a one-axis left-right spectrum. Political scientists have noted that a single left–right axis is insufficient for describing the existing variation in political beliefs and include other axes.
Though the descriptive words at polar opposites may vary in popular biaxial spectra the axes are split between socio-cultural issues and economic issues, each scaling from some form of individualism to some form of communitarianism. The terms right and left refer to political affiliations originating early in the French Revolutionary era of 1789–1799 and referred to the seating arrangements in the various legislative bodies of France; as seen from the Speaker's seat at the front of the Assembly, the aristocracy sat on the right and the commoners sat on the left, hence the terms right-wing politics and left-wing politics. The defining point on the ideological spectrum was the Ancien Régime. "The Right" thus implied support for aristocratic or royal interests and the church, while "The Left" implied support for republicanism and civil liberties. Because the political franchise at the start of the revolution was narrow, the original "Left" represented the interests of the bourgeoisie, the rising capitalist class.
Support for laissez-faire commerce and free markets were expressed by politicians sitting on the left because these represented policies favorable to capitalists rather than to the aristocracy, but outside parliamentary politics these views are characterized as being on the Right. The reason for this apparent contradiction lies in the fact that those "to the left" of the parliamentary left, outside official parliamentary structures represent much of the working class, poor peasantry and the unemployed, their political interests in the French Revolution lay with opposition to the aristocracy and so they found themselves allied with the early capitalists. However, this did not mean that their economic interests lay with the laissez-faire policies of those representing them politically; as capitalist economies developed, the aristocracy became less relevant and were replaced by capitalist representatives. The size of the working class increased as capitalism expanded and began to find expression through trade unionist, socialist and communist politics rather than being confined to the capitalist policies expressed by the original "left".
This evolution has pulled parliamentary politicians away from laissez-faire economic policies, although this has happened to different degrees in different countries those with a history of issues with more authoritarian-left countries, such as the Soviet Union or China under Mao Zedong. Thus the word "Left" in American political parlance may refer to "liberalism" and be identified with the Democratic Party, whereas in a country such as France these positions would be regarded as more right-wing, or centrist overall, "left" is more to refer to "socialist" or "social-democratic" positions rather than "liberal" ones. For a century, social scientists have considered the problem of how best to describe political variation. In 1950, Leonard W. Ferguson analyzed political values using ten scales measuring attitudes toward: birth control, capital punishment, communism, law, theism, treatment of criminals and war. Submitting the results to factor analysis, he was able to identify three factors, which he named religionism and nationalism.
He defined religionism as belief in God and negative attitudes toward birth control. This system was derived empirically, as rather than devising a political model on purely theoretical grounds and testing it, Ferguson's research was exploratory; as a result of this method, care must be taken in the interpretation of Ferguson's three factors, as factor analysis will output an abstract factor whether an objectively real factor exists or not. Although replication of the nationalism factor was inconsistent, the finding of religionism and humanitarianism had a number of replications by Ferguson and others. Shortly afterward, Hans Eysenck began researching political attitudes in Great Britain, he believed that there was something similar about the National Socialists on the one hand and the communists on the other, despite their opposite positions on the left–right axis. As Hans Eysenck described in his 1956 book Sense and
Argentine Chamber of Deputies
The Chamber of Deputies is the lower house of the Argentine National Congress. It is made up of 257 national deputies who are elected in multi-member constituencies corresponding with the territories of the 23 provinces of Argentina by party list proportional representation. Elections to the Chamber are held every two years; the Constitution of Argentina lays out certain attributions that are unique to the Chamber of Deputies. The Chamber holds exclusive rights to levy taxes. Additionally, the Chamber of Deputies receives for consideration bills presented by popular initiative; the Chamber of Deputies is presided over by the President of the Chamber, deputized by three Vice Presidents. It has 257 seats and one-half of the members are elected every two years to serve four-year terms by the people of each district using proportional representation, D'Hondt formula with a 3% of the district registered voters threshold, the following distribution: All data from official website. In order for an Argentine citizen to be elected to congress, they have to fulfil certain requirements: He or she has to be at least twenty five years old with at least four years of active citizenship and it has to be naturalized in the province, being elected to or at least have two years of immediate residency in said province, according to art.
48 or the Argentine Constitution. The Chamber of Deputies was provided for in the Constitution of Argentina, ratified on May 1, 1853. Eligibility requisites are that members be at least twenty-five years old, have been a resident of the province they represent for at least four years. Otherwise patterned after Article One of the United States Constitution per legal scholar Juan Bautista Alberdi's treatise, Bases de la Constitución Argentina, the chamber was apportioned in one seat per 33,000 inhabitants; the constitution made no provision for a national census and because the Argentine population doubled every twenty years from 1870 to 1930 as a result of immigration, censuses were conducted generationally, rather than every decade, until 1947. The distribution of the Chamber of Deputies is regulated since 1983 by Law 22.847 called Ley Bignone, enacted by the last Argentine dictator, General Reynaldo Bignone, ahead of the 1983 general elections. This law established that each province shall have one deputy per 161,000 inhabitants, with standard rounding.
If a province has fewer than five deputies, the number of deputies for that province is increased to reach that minimum. Controversially, apportionment remains based on the 1980 population census, has not been modified since 1983; the minimum of five seat per province allots the smaller ones a disproportionately large representation, as well. Accordingly, this distribution does not reflect Argentina's current population balance; the President of the Chamber is elected by the majority caucus. The officeholders for this post since 1983 have been: Leadership positions include: List of current Argentine deputies Argentine Senate Politics of Argentina List of legislatures by country Chamber of Deputies Argentina - Official Site
Hermes Juan Binner is an Argentine physician and a politician. He was elected Governor of Santa Fe in 2007. Binner is the first Socialist to become the governor of an Argentine province, the first non-Justicialist to rule Santa Fe since 1983. Binner was a Deputy of the Civic and Social Progressive Front, a Santa Fe party coalition including the Socialist Party, the Radical Civic Union and other left-wing parties, since the parliamentary elections of October 23, 2005. Binner was raised in Rafaela, Santa Fe Province, to a Swiss Argentine family, he attended primary school at St. Joseph's College, attended high school at the Rafaela National College, where he began his political activity through participation in the Student Center. At the time the need for public free non-religious education was being hotly debated in Argentina. Binner moved to Rosario to study Medicine at the Universidad Nacional de Rosario. At 18 he became affiliated with the Argentine Socialist Party and continued to exercise an intense political activity, both as a member of the Student Center and at the institutional level in the Faculty of Medicine.
After the 1966 coup d'état, he participated in the movements resisting the military dictatorship of General Juan Carlos Onganía, against a background of political and ideological persecution. He graduated in 1970 and continued his militant activism as a Graduate Council Member at the University, as well as working as a union member at the Rosario Medical Association and the Physicians' College. Guillermo Estévez Boero and Binner co-founded the Popular Socialist Party in Buenos Aires on April 23, 1972, a merger of the Argentine Socialist Party with other left-wing groups, he continued exercising his profession, taking up specialties in anesthesiology and occupational medicine, starting studies in the field of public health. On the last account he obtained the posts of Director of public hospitals. Following the 1989 economic crisis that led to the early handover of power by President Raúl Alfonsín to President-elect Carlos Menem, the UCR Mayor of Rosario Horacio Usandizaga resigned in protest, forcing anticipated municipal elections to be held.
The Socialist Héctor Cavallero was elected, he appointed Binner to the office of Public Health Secretary. After Cavallero's term, in 1993, Binner was elected concejal for the PSP. From this platform he developed a trajectory that led him to present himself as a candidate for the municipal elections of 1995. Binner was elected Mayor of Rosario in 1995 and re-elected in 1999, ending his second four-year term in 2003, he was candidate to the governorship of the province of Santa Fe, obtaining a larger percentage of the popular vote than any of the other candidates, but the controversial voting system in place at the time caused the Socialist Party to lose the election to the Peronist Party. The eight years of the Binner administration in Rosario were marked by several guidelines: Decentralization and emphasis on the citizen's rule: The city was divided into several large districts, moving the bureaucratic structure from the Municipality to the peripheral barrios, implementing mechanisms of direct democracy.
Emphasis on the public sphere and public welfare. The administration's Health Plan was acknowledged by the Pan-American Health Organization as a model for the rest of Latin America. Positioning of Rosario as a strategically placed metropolis with a vast area of economic and geopolitical influence. Binner was a Founding Member and Executive Secretary of Mercociudades, President of the Ibero-American Center for Urban Strategic Development, President of the Argentine Municipalities Federation. On December 8, 2003, months after the end of Binner's second term, the United Nations acknowledged the people and the government of Rosario as a model of democratic governance among 257 Latin American cities. Hermes Binner was succeeded in office by one of his former municipal officials, Miguel Lifschitz, who has continued and developed the policies outlined above, was re-elected in 2007. Binner is a member of the National Table of the Socialist Party and the Secretary General of the Santa Fe Federation for the same.
He is the director of the Rosario's Municipal and Provincial Studies Center, an institution for political and academic formation with professionals of diverse disciplines debating current issues and policies. Binner was a candidate for a seat in the National Chamber of Deputies for the Progressive and Social Front, a Santa Fe political coalition in the parliamentary elections of October 23, 2005, he won the seat, together with other six candidates of the Progressive Front, by a 10% margin over the list of candidates led by his closest competitor, the Justicialist Party candidate Agustín Rossi. Binner ran for governor of Santa Fe in 2007, together with former Santa Fe City federal prosecutor Griselda Tessio as vice-governor, against former chancellor and national deputy for Buenos Aires City Rafael Bielsa, he was supported by the left-wing opposition leader Elisa Carrió, head of the ARI. Binner won the provincial election of September 2007, by a significant margin over Bielsa, he was sworn in on December 11, becoming the first Socialist governor in the history of Argentina, the first non-Justicialist to rule Santa Fe since 1983.
Politics of Argentina
The politics of Argentina take place in the framework of what the Constitution defines as a federal presidential representative democratic Republic, where the President of Argentina is both Head of State and Head of Government. Legislative power is vested in the two chambers of the Argentine National Congress; the Judiciary is independent of the Legislature. Elections take place on a multi-party system; the government structure of Argentina is a democracy. The current Chief of State and Head of Government is President Mauricio Macri. Legislative Branch is a bicameral Congress, which consists of the Senate, presided by the Vice-President, the Chamber of Deputies presided by Emilio Monzó of the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires; the General Auditing Office of the Nation and the Ombudsman are part of this branch. Deputies serve for 4 years; the Judiciary Branch is composed of federal judges and others with different jurisdictions, a Supreme Court with five judges, appointed by the President with approval of the Senate, who may be deposed by Congress.
Further information: Government of Argentina Argentina is divided into 23 Provinces, the equivalent of States, one autonomous district, CABA, inside the Buenos Aires province. Because of its federal government, every province has its own constitution, authorities; each province, except for Buenos Aires Province, is divided into departments, or disctricts, which are in turn divided into municipalities. The Buenos Aires Province is different, its territory is divided into 134 districts called partidos, not municipalities. Argentina's first government, autonomous from the Spanish Crown, can be traced back to May 1810 and the May Revolution, where an assembly of Argentines, called Primera Junta, took power; because at the time it was difficult to find the right form of government, more difficult to consolidate a Republic, Argentina experimented with different forms of assembly, like juntas and triumvirates. The 9th of July 1816, half of Argentina's provinces signed a declaration of independence.
The beginnings of Argentine state building were rough and many provinces refused to answer to a central government and sign the first constitution of 1826. In 1853, after several years of centralist power, a new constitution was passed, this one consolidated fully, the Argentine Nation. Buenos Aires, still refused to be considered part of the country. However, after the battle of Pavon in 1861, Buenos Aires set terms for its inclusion in the Constitution and the Republic of Argentina was born, with Bartolome Mitre as the President. From 1852 until 1930 Argentina experienced liberal government with first oligarchic and democratic tendencies. From 1852-1916 the government, run by the landowning elite, controlled the outcome of elections by committing fraud; this was contested by working-class sectors. This fueled the creation of more unions and political parties, including the Radical Civil Union, which represented the emergent middle-class. In 1912, Law 8871, or the Sáenz Peña Law established universal and obligatory male suffrage, which marked the middle classes entering the government, displacing the landowning elite.
Since the 1930s coups d'état have disrupted this democracy. After World War II and Juan Perón's presidency, recurring economic and institutional crises fostered the rise of military regimes. In 1930, the elected president Hipolito Yrigoyen was ousted by a right-wing led coup. In 1931 the new government held controlled elections and blocked the participation of Yrigoyen's party; this alleged elections gave way to the Concordancia, a three-party regime. They controlled the Argentine government, through fraud and rigged elections, until 1943. Several factors, including the deaths of the most prominent leaders and World War II, led to another coup that ended the Concordancia regime; this coup was led by the army, which supported the Axis powers, modeled the new government after Italy's fascist regime. Among the military leaders was Juan Domingo Perón, in charge of the Secretariat of Labor and Social Welfare, he veered off the path set by the conservative army and set forth to improve the living and working conditions of workers, including giving Labor Unions support and governmental positions.
He was jailed but after mass protests, he became president in the elections of 1946. His regime is known as a populist one, aided by the figure of his first wife Eva Duarte de Perón or “Evita”, their regime produced economic growth and improvements on working conditions. It passed female suffrage, nationalized the central bank and gas, urban transport and the telephone. After the death of his wife, Perón started losing support, he was ousted in 1955 by another coup. However, Peronism continues to live on in Argentina; the next stage of the Social State was one characterized by both political instability. Peron died a year later, his second wife, became president. However, she was not capable of running the country and the military took power once again in 1976. Jorge Rafael Videla's dictatorship began in 1976 but fell into decline in 1982 after a defeat in the Falklands War, ended in 1983 with the democratic election of President Raúl Alfonsín of the Radical Civic Union party. Alfonsín faced significant challenges, including a military uprising, resigned in 1989, six months before the end of his term, but the country was not in clear danger of becoming subject to a dictatorship again.
Carlos Menem of th
A political party is an organized group of people with common views, who come together to contest elections and hold power in the government. The party agrees on some proposed policies and programmes, with a view to promoting the collective good or furthering their supporters' interests. While there is some international commonality in the way political parties are recognized and in how they operate, there are many differences, some are significant. Many political parties have an ideological core, but some do not, many represent ideologies different from their ideology at the time the party was founded. Many countries, such as Germany and India, have several significant political parties, some nations have one-party systems, such as China and Cuba; the United States is in practice a two-party system but with many smaller parties participating and a high degree of autonomy for individual candidates. Political factions have existed in democratic societies since ancient times. Plato writes in his Republic on the formation of political cliques in Classical Athens, the tendency of Athenian citizens to vote according to factional loyalty rather than for the public good.
In the Roman Republic, Polybius coined the term ochlocracy to describe the tendency of politicians to mobilise popular factionalist sentiment against their political rivals. Factional politics remained a part of Roman political life through the Imperial period and beyond, the poet Juvenal coined the phrase "bread and circuses" to describe the political class pandering to the citizenry through diversionary entertainments rather than through arguments about policy. "Bread and circuses" survived as part of Byzantine political life - for example, the Nika revolt during the reign of Justinian was a riot between the "Blues" and the "Greens"—two chariot racing factions at the Hippodrome, who received patronage from different Senatorial factions and religious sects. The patricians who sponsored the Blues and the Greens competed with each other to hold grander games and public entertainments during electoral campaigns, in order to appeal to the citizenry of Constantinople; the first modern political factions, can be said to have originated in early modern Britain.
The first political factions, cohering around a basic, if fluid, set of principles, emerged from the Exclusion Crisis and Glorious Revolution in late 17th century England. The Whigs supported Protestant constitutional monarchy against absolute rule, they were interested in the citizens of United Kingdom being free from the aristocracy and opposed to any tyranny, however they supported the constitutional aristocracy and does not consider the British nobility abusive because of its limits; the leader of the Whigs was Robert Walpole, who maintained control of the government in the period 1721–1742. As the century wore on, the factions began to adopt more coherent political tendencies as the interests of their power bases began to diverge; the Whig party's initial base of support from the great aristocratic families widened to include the emerging industrial interests and wealthy merchants. As well as championing constitutional monarchy with strict limits on the monarch's power, the Whigs adamantly opposed a Catholic king as a threat to liberty, believed in extending toleration to nonconformist Protestants, or dissenters.
A major influence on the Whigs were the liberal political ideas of John Locke, the concepts of universal rights employed by Locke and Algernon Sidney. Although the Tories were out of office for half a century, for most of this period the Tories retained party cohesion, with occasional hopes of regaining office at the accession of George II and the downfall of the ministry of Sir Robert Walpole in 1742, they acted as a united, though unavailing, opposition to Whig corruption and scandals. At times they cooperated with the "Opposition Whigs", Whigs who were in opposition to the Whig government, they regained power with the accession of George III in 1760 under Lord Bute. When they lost power, the old Whig leadership dissolved into a decade of factional chaos with distinct "Grenvillite", "Bedfordite", "Rockinghamite", "Chathamite" factions successively in power, all referring to themselves as "Whigs". Out of this chaos, the first distinctive parties emerged; the first such party was the Rockingham Whigs under the leadership of Charles Watson-Wentworth and the intellectual guidance of the political philosopher Edmund Burke.
Burke laid out a philosophy that described the basic framework of the political party as "a body of men united for promoting by their joint endeavours the national interest, upon some particular principle in which they are all agreed". As opposed to the instability of the earlier factions, which were tied to a particular leader and could disintegrate if removed from power, the party was centred around a set of core principles and remained out of power as a united opposition to government. A coalition including the Rockingham Whigs, led by the Earl of She