Direct action originated as a political activist term for economical and political acts in which the actors use their power to directly reach certain goals of interest, in contrast to those actions that appeal to others by, for instance, revealing an existing problem, highlighting an alternative, or demonstrating a possible solution. Both direct action and actions appealing to others can include nonviolent and violent activities which target persons, groups, or property deemed offensive to the action participants. Examples of nonviolent direct action can include sit-ins, workplace occupations, street blockades or hacktivism, while violent direct action may include political violence or assaults. Tactics such as sabotage and property destruction are sometimes considered violent. By contrast, electoral politics, negotiation and arbitration are not described as direct action, as they are politically mediated. Non-violent actions are sometimes a form of civil disobedience, may involve a degree of intentional law-breaking where persons place themselves in arrestable situations in order to make a political statement but other actions may not violate criminal law.
The aim of direct action is to either obstruct another political agent or political organization from performing some practice to which the activists object, or to solve perceived problems which traditional societal institutions are not addressing to the satisfaction of the direct action participants. Non-violent direct action has been an assertive regular feature of the tactics employed by social movements, including Mahatma Gandhi's Indian Independence Movement and the Civil Rights Movement. Direct action tactics have been around for as long as conflicts have existed but it is not known when the term first appeared; the radical union the Industrial Workers of the World first mentioned the term "direct action" in a publication in reference to a Chicago strike conducted in 1910. Other noted historical practitioners of direct action include the American Civil Rights Movement, the Global Justice Movement, the Suffragettes, revolutionary Che Guevara, certain environmental advocacy groups. American anarchist Voltairine de Cleyre wrote an essay called "Direct Action" in 1912, cited today.
In this essay, de Cleyre points to historical examples such as the Boston Tea Party and the American anti-slavery movement, noting that "direct action has always been used, has the historical sanction of the people now reprobating it."In his 1920 book, Direct Action, William Mellor placed direct action in the struggle between worker and employer for control "over the economic life of society." Mellor defined direct action "as the use of some form of economic power for securing of ends desired by those who possess that power." Mellor considered direct action a tool of both owners and workers and for this reason, he included within his definition lockouts and cartels, as well as strikes and sabotage. However, by this time the US anarchist and feminist Voltairine de Cleyre had given a strong defense of direct action, linking it with struggles for civil rights:...the Salvation Army, started by a gentleman named William Booth was vigorously practising direct action in the maintenance of the freedom of its members to speak and pray.
Over and over they were arrested and imprisoned... till they compelled their persecutors to let them alone. Martin Luther King felt that non-violent direct action's goal was to "create such a crisis and foster such a tension" as to demand a response; the rhetoric of Martin Luther King, James Bevel, Mohandas Gandhi promoted non-violent revolutionary direct action as a means to social change. Gandhi and Bevel had been influenced by Leo Tolstoy's The Kingdom of God Is Within You, considered a classic text that ideologically promotes passive resistance. By the middle of the 20th century, the sphere of direct action had undoubtedly expanded, though the meaning of the term had contracted. Many campaigns for social change—such as those seeking suffrage, improved working conditions, civil rights, abortion rights or an end to abortion, an end to gentrification, environmental protection—claim to employ at least some types of violent or nonviolent direct action; some sections of the anti-nuclear movement used direct action during the 1980s.
Groups opposing the introduction of cruise missiles into the United Kingdom employed tactics such as breaking into and occupying United States air bases, blocking roads to prevent the movement of military convoys and disrupt military projects. In the US, mass protests opposed nuclear energy and military intervention throughout the decade, resulting in thousands of arrests. Many groups set up semi-permanent "peace camps" outside air bases such as Molesworth and Greenham Common, at the Nevada Test Site. Environmental movement organizations such as Greenpeace have used direct action to pressure governments and companies to change environmental policies for years. On April 28, 2009, Greenpeace activists, including Phil Radford, scaled a crane across the street from the Department of State, calling on world leaders to address climate change. Soon thereafter, Greenpeace activists dropped a banner off of Mt. Rushmore, placing President Obama's face next to other historic presidents, which read "History Honors Leaders.
Overall, more than 2,600 people were arrested while protesting energy policy and associated health issues under the Barack Obama Administration. In 2009
The Labour-Farmer Party was a political party in the Empire of Japan. It represented the left wing sector of the legal proletarian movement at the time. Oyama Ikuo was the chairman of the party. At the time the party was banned by the government in 1928, it was estimated to have around 90,000 members in 131 local organizations; the party was supported by the Japan Peasant Union. The Rōdōnōmintō was founded in March 1926 as a continuation of the Farmer-Labour Party; the party was founded by the Sodomei trade union centre, the Japan Labour Union Federation, the Japan Peasant Union, the Seamen's Union and the Federation of Government Employees. The Japan Peasant Union leader Motojirō Sugiyama became the chairman of the party, Abe and Nishio were included in its Central Committee. Three members of the Central Committee of the party, Matsuda Kiichi, Ueda Onshi and Saiko Bankichi, were leaders in the Suiheisha movement; the platform of the Rōdōnōmintō stated that the goal of the organization was the political and economic emancipation of the proletarian class, through legal means work advocate agrarian reform and re-distribution of production.
According to the party platform the established political parties represented the interests of the privileged classes, that the Rōdōnōmintō sought their overthrow and reform of the parliamentary system. Other demands raised in the platform included universal suffrage, right to form trade unions and to organize strikes, collective bargaining, minimum wages, 8-hour working day, women's rights, free education, increased legal rights to tenant farmers, progressive taxation and the democratization of the military leadership. At the time of its foundation, a party by-law was passed stating that only members of the constituent organizations of the party could acquire party membership; this was done to prevent communists and other left-wing elements to gain influence inside the organization. The anti-communist sectors wanted to block members of leftwing groups like Hyōgikai, the Proletarian Youth League and the Society for Political Studies from joining the party. However, large sections of the party considered this by-law as impeding the formation of a single, unified party of the proletarian movement.
The by-law was hotly debated within the party leadership. Oyama Ikuo and other younger militants of the Japan Peasant Union demanded that the by-law be scrapped; the result was a compromise, that membership was open for those individuals who were approved by the party branch in question. The compromise did; the extreme right-wing faction inside the party was the first dissident group to desert the party. In October 1926 they formed the Japan Farmers Party. On October 24, 1926, Sodomei and other trade unions withdrew from the party; the party leadership was now in the hands of Oyama Ikuo, Mizutani Chozaburo and Hososako Kanemitsu, all restrictions on party membership were scrapped. Sodomei and other moderate sectors founded the Social Democratic Party in December 1926. In September 1926, the Rōdōnōmintō and Hyōgikai started a campaign to demand the introduction of five pieces of legislation. On December 12, 1926, the Rōdōnōmintō held its first convention; the convention elected Oyama Ikuo as Hososako general secretary.
The revolutionary left was divided within own ranks. After the disbanding of the first Japanese Communist Party in 1924, leftwing cadres had joined the Labour-Farmer Party. One sector wanted to reconstitute the Communist Party and concentrated their work on underground organizing, whilst Sakai Toshihiko, Yamakawa Kikue, Yamakawa Hitoshi and their sympathizers focused on building the legal Labour-Farmer Party. By the end of 1926, the Fukomoto group dominated both the reconstituted Communist Party and the Labour-Farmer Party, holding key strategic positions inside the latter. In March 1927, the Communist International intervened. A meeting was held in Moscow, in which Bukharin, M. N. Roy, J. T. Murphy and Béla Kun participated, along with Fukumoto and other Japanese communist leaders. Both Yamakawa and Fukumoto were condemned in the thesis issued by the Communist International. Yamakawa was denounced as a "liquidationist", while Fukumoto was branded as "sectarian"; the Communist Party of Japan was instructed to organize itself as a vanguard party, working with and within mass organizations like the Labour-Farmer Party.
In December 1927, the Yamakawa group began publishing the monthly journal Rōnō, borrowing the name of the Labour-Farmer Party for their factional organ. In the midst of financial crisis that hit Japan in the spring of 1927, the party stepped up its propaganda work, launching a campaign to call for early elections; the Kantō Women's League, a women's organization connected to the party, was founded on July 3, 1927. The Kantō Wome's League was dissolved in March 1928, after the party had issued a directive against the existence of a separate organization for women; the change of position regarding the women's organization was a side-effect of the factional battle inside the party. Regarding the Chinese question, the party opposed the Japanese government policy and ran a "Hands off China" campaign; the party was supportive of the leftist Wuhan government. The party aided the foundation of the Taiwan Peasant Union and supported its struggles against the agricultural policies of t
Hitoshi Yamakawa was a Japanese socialist intellectual. He played a leading role in founding the Japanese Communist Party in 1922, he was one of the founders of Rono-ha, a group of Marxist thinkers opposed to the Comintern. His most famous work was the essay "A change of course for the proletarian movement" where he advocated direct political action and better coordination with the labour movement while criticising the anarchist movement for failing to achieve any lasting results, he is remembered in Japan today for being instrumental in introducing Marxism and socialism to Japanese thinkers. Yamakawa was born in Kurashiki in southern Honshu in 1880, he was enrolled in the Doshisha high school in Kyoto, where he converted to Christianity, he did however not finish his studies and dropped out because of his dissatisfaction with the way the school was restructuring itself in order to receive accreditation from the Ministry of Education. He moved to Tokyo, where he helped to write an article on the Crown Prince´s marriage that got him sentenced to two years in jail.
This was the first time anyone was sentenced for leèse-majesté in Japan and earned Yamakawa some fame. In jail Yamakawa started familiarising himself with Marxism. After his release he met the socialist Kotoku Shusui, who offered him a position at a paper he was editing, but Yamakawa declined and moved back to his home town. A few years disillusioned with his work, he contacted Kotoku, who again offered him a position; this time he accepted it. He moved back to Tokyo and started working at the Heimin Shimbun in early 1907 where he met his livelong friends Toshihiko Sakai and Kanson Arahata, he was converted to syndicalism under the influence of Kotoku only a month but was sent to jail again in 1908. After being released a few years Yamakawa moved back home once more and dropped all socialist activities because of government repression. Yamakawa resumed writing in 1916; the Russian Revolution caught him and most Japanese socialists by surprise, he did however convert from anarchism to Bolshevism.
When agents of the Comintern tried to establish relations with Japanese socialists Yamakawa was one of the first ones contacted, he was though reluctant to establish relations which could land him back in prison. In 1922 younger converts to Bolshevism were becoming impatient and Yamakawa along with Sakai and Arahata agreed to found an illegal Communist Party. Yamakawa wrote the essay "A change of course for the proletarian movement" in August 1922, in fact a manifesto for the new Communist party. In it, he criticized the anarchist faction, dominant within the socialist and labour movement in Japan for being idle dreamers who failed to obtain anything concrete that benefited the working class, he advocated direct political organization of the working class. The document was the beginning of the end for anarchists in Japan and a year when its main leader Osugi Sakae was murdered by a military policeman, anarchism ceased to be an active political force in Japan. Yamakawa's approach was foremost practical.
He wanted a broad socialist movement focusing on practical gains. This approach become known as Yamakawaism and was contrasted by Fukumotoism. Yamakawa became the most influential theoretician of the small Communist party which, while illegal, was popular among left wing students and academics. In 1924, however, he opted to dissolve the party, arguing that the time was not right for a Communist Party in Japan. In 1927 Yamakawa and others established a loosely organised Marxist group, the Rono-ha, which influenced socialist and Communist activists through writings and discussions while refraining from open political action; the Rono-ha got its name from its belief that a Communist movement would need to be a broad based movement with support from both workers and farmers. It opposed the Kono-ha which followed the Comintern. Yamakawa withdrew from active politics in 1931, but was thrown in prison in 1937 when the government was clamping down on dissent after invading China, he spent the war years in prison.
After his release in 1945, Yamakawa became an adviser to the new Japan Socialist Party and, after it split into left-wing and right-wing factions, became an influential mentor to the leaders of the left-wing faction with Itsurō Sakisaka. He died of cancer in 1958. Yamakawa was married to the outspoken feminist Kikue Yamakawa. Swift, Thomas Duane. Yamakawa Hitoshi and the dawn of Japanese Socialism. University of California, Berkeley. 1970. Yamakawa Hitoshi Jiden, Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo, 1961. A Change of course for the proletarian movement by Yamakawa Hitoshi
The Meiji oligarchy was the new ruling class of Meiji period Japan. In Japanese, the Meiji oligarchy is called the domain clique; the members of this class were adherents of kokugaku and believed they were the creators of a new order as grand as that established by Japan's original founders. Two of the major figures of this group were Ōkubo Toshimichi, son of a Satsuma retainer, Satsuma samurai Saigō Takamori, who had joined forces with Chōshū, Hizen to overthrow the Tokugawa shogunate. Okubo Saigō a field marshal. Kido Koin, a native of Chōshū, student of Yoshida Shōin, conspirator with Ōkubo and Saigō, became minister of education and chairman of the Governors' Conference and pushed for constitutional government. Prominent were Iwakura Tomomi, a Kyoto native who had opposed the Tokugawa and was to become the first ambassador to the United States, Ōkuma Shigenobu, of Hizen, a student of Rangaku and English, who held various ministerial portfolios becoming prime minister in 1898. To accomplish the new order's goals, the Meiji oligarchy set out to abolish the four divisions of society through a series of economic and social reforms.
Tokugawa shogunate revenues had depended on taxes on Tokugawa and other daimyo lands, loans from wealthy peasants and urban merchants, limited customs fees, reluctantly accepted foreign loans. To provide revenue and develop a sound infrastructure, the new government financed harbor improvements, machinery imports, overseas study for students, salaries for foreign teachers and advisers, modernization of the army and navy and telegraph networks, foreign diplomatic missions, such as the Iwakura mission. Difficult economic times, manifested by increasing incidents of agrarian rioting, led to calls for social reforms. In addition to the old high rents and interest rates, the average citizen was faced with cash payments for new taxes, military conscription, tuition charges for the newly introduced compulsory education; the people needed more time for productive pursuits while correcting social abuses of the past. To achieve these reforms, the old Tokugawa class system of samurai, farmer and merchant was abolished by 1871, though old prejudices and status consciousness continued, all were theoretically equal before the law.
Helping to perpetuate social distinctions, the government named new social divisions: the former daimyō became peerage nobility, the samurai became gentry, all others became commoners. Daimyō and samurai pensions were paid off in lump sums, the samurai lost their exclusive claim to military positions. Former samurai found new pursuits as bureaucrats, army officers, police officials, scholars, colonists in the northern parts of Japan and businessmen; these occupations helped stem some of the discontent. The 1873 Korean crisis resulted in the resignation of military expedition proponents Saigō and Councillor of State Etō Shimpei. Etō, the founder of various patriotic organizations, conspired with other discontented elements to start an armed insurrection against government troops in Saga, the capital of his native prefecture in Kyūshū in 1874. Charged with suppressing the revolt, Ōkubo swiftly crushed Etō, who had appealed unsuccessfully to Saigō for help. Three years the last major armed uprising—but the most serious challenge to the Meiji government—took shape in the Satsuma Rebellion, this time with Saigō playing an active role.
The Saga Rebellion and other agrarian and samurai uprisings mounted in protest to the Meiji reforms had been put down by the army. Satsuma's former samurai were numerous and they had a long tradition of opposition to central authority. Saigō, with some reluctance and only after more widespread dissatisfaction with the Meiji reforms, raised a rebellion in 1877. Both sides fought well, but the modern weaponry and better financing of the government forces ended the Satsuma Rebellion. Although he was defeated and committed suicide, Saigō was not branded a traitor and became a heroic figure in Japanese history; the suppression of the Satsuma Rebellion marked the end of serious threats to the Meiji regime but was sobering to the oligarchy. The fight drained the national treasury, led to serious inflation, forced land values—and badly needed taxes—down. Most important, calls for reform were renewed; the following were leading figures in the Meiji Restoration, when and in the subsequent Government of Meiji Japan: From the Court nobility: Iwakura Tomomi Saionji Kinmochi Sanjō Sanetomi From Satsuma Domain: Godai Tomoatsu Kuroda Kiyotaka Matsukata Masayoshi Mori Arinori Ōkubo Toshimichi Oyama Iwao Saigō Takamori Saigō Tsugumichi Terashima Munenori From Chōshū Domain: Inoue Kaoru Itō Hirobumi Kido Takayoshi Ōmura Masujirō Takasugi Shinsaku Yamagata Aritomo From Tosa Domain: Gotō Shōjirō Itagaki Taisuke Sakamoto Ryōma From Hizen Domain: Etō Shimpei Oki Takato Ōkuma Shigenobu Soejima Taneomi Others: Hayashi Tadasu Inoue Kowashi 1844-1905) Katsu Kaishū Yokoi Shonan Yuri Kimimasa Genrō Government of Meiji Japan Meiji Restoration Japan: Country Studies - Federal Research Division, Library of Congress This arti
Anarcho-syndicalism is a theory of anarchism that views revolutionary industrial unionism or syndicalism as a method for workers in capitalist society to gain control of an economy and thus control influence in broader society. Syndicalists consider their economic theories a strategy for facilitating worker self-activity and as an alternative co-operative economic system with democratic values and production centered on meeting human needs; the basic principles of anarcho-syndicalism are solidarity, direct action and direct democracy, or workers' self-management. The end goal of syndicalism is to abolish the wage system. Anarcho-syndicalist theory therefore focuses on the labour movement. Anarcho-syndicalists view the primary purpose of the state as being the defense of private property, therefore of economic and political privilege, denying most of its citizens the ability to enjoy material independence and the social autonomy that springs from it. Reflecting the anarchist philosophy from which it draws its primary inspiration, anarcho-syndicalism is centred on the idea that power corrupts and that any hierarchy that cannot be ethically justified must either be dismantled or replaced by decentralized egalitarian control.
Hubert Lagardelle wrote that Pierre-Joseph Proudhon laid out fundamental ideas of anarcho-syndicalism and repudiated both capitalism and the state in the process since he viewed free economic groups and struggle, not pacifism, as dominant in humans. In September 1903 and March 1904, Sam Mainwaring published in Britain two issues of a short-lived newspaper called The General Strike, a publication that made detailed criticisms of the "officialism" of union bureaucracy and publicized strikes in Europe making use of syndicalist tactics. In 1910, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo was founded in the middle of the restoration in Barcelona in a congress of the Catalan trade union Solidaridad Obrera with the objective of constituting an opposing force to the then-majority trade union, the socialist UGT and "to speed up the economic emancipation of the working class through the revolutionary expropriation of the bourgeoisie"; the CNT started small, counting 26,571 members represented through several trade unions and other confederations.
In 1911, coinciding with its first congress, the CNT initiated a general strike that provoked a Barcelona judge to declare the union illegal until 1914. That same year of 1911, the trade union received its name. From 1918 on, the CNT grew stronger and had an outstanding role in the events of the La Canadiense general strike, which paralyzed 70% of industry in Catalonia in 1919, the year the CNT reached a membership of 700,000. Around that time, panic spread among employers, giving rise to the practice of pistolerismo, causing a spiral of violence that affected the trade union; these pistoleros are credited with killing 21 union leaders in 48 hours. In 1922, the International Workers' Association was founded in Berlin and the CNT joined but with the rise of Miguel Primo de Rivera's dictatorship the labor union was outlawed once again the following year. However, with the workers' movement resurgent following the Russian Revolution, what was to become the modern IWA was formed, billing itself as the "true heir" of the original International.
The successful Bolshevik-led revolution of 1918 in Russia was mirrored by a wave of syndicalist successes worldwide, including the struggle of the Industrial Workers of the World in the United States alongside the creation of mass anarchist unions across Latin America and huge syndicalist-led strikes in Germany, Spain and France, where it was noted that "neutral syndicalism had been swept away". The final formation of this new International known as the International Workingmen's Association, took place at an illegal conference in Berlin in December 1922, marking an irrevocable break between the international syndicalist movement and the Bolsheviks; the Italian Syndicalist Union: 500,000 members The Argentine Workers Regional Organisation: 200,000 The General Confederation of Workers in Portugal: 150,000 The Free Workers' Union of Germany: 120,000 The Committee for the Defense of Revolutionary Syndicalism in France: 100,000 The Federation du Combattant from Paris: 32,000 The Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden: 32,000 The National Labor Secretariat of the Netherlands: 22,500 The Industrial Workers of the World in Chile: 20,000 The Union for Syndicalist Propaganda in Denmark: 600The first secretaries of the International included the famed writer and activist Rudolph Rocker, along with Augustin Souchy and Alexander Schapiro.
Following the first congress, other groups affiliated from France, Denmark, Switzerland, Bulgaria and Romania. A bloc of unions in the United States, Peru, Guatemala, Costa Rica and El Salvador shared the IWA's statutes; the biggest syndicalist union in the United States was the IWW and considered joining, but ruled out affiliation in 1936 by citing the IWA's policies on religious and political affiliation. Although not anarcho-syndicalist, the IWW were informed by developments in the broader revolutionary syndicalist milieu at the turn of the 20th century. At its founding congress in 1905, influential members with strong anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist sympathies like Thomas J. Hagerty, William Trautmann and Lucy Parsons contributed to the union's overall revolutionary syndicalist orientation. Although
The Shōwa period, or Shōwa era, refers to the period of Japanese history corresponding to the reign of Emperor Shōwa from December 25, 1926 until his death on January 7, 1989. The Shōwa period was longer than the reign of any previous Japanese emperor. During the pre-1945 period, Japan moved into political totalitarianism and fascism culminating in Japan's invasion of China in 1937; this was part of an overall global period of social upheavals and conflicts such as the Great Depression and the Second World War. Defeat in the Second World War brought about radical change to Japan. For the first and only time in its history, Japan was occupied by foreign powers. Allied occupation brought forth sweeping democratic reforms, it led to the end of the emperor's status as a living god and the transformation of Japan into a democracy with a constitutional monarch. In 1952, with the Treaty of San Francisco, Japan became a sovereign nation once more; the post-war Shōwa period led to the Japanese economic miracle.
In these ways, the pre-1945 and post-war periods regard different states: the pre-1945 Shōwa period concerns the Empire of Japan, while post-1945 Shōwa period was a part of the State of Japan. It was succeeded by the Heisei period; the term Shōwa could be understood as "radiant Japan" or "Japanese glory". The two kanji characters were from a passage of the Chinese Book of Documents: "百姓昭明，協和萬邦" From this same quotation, Japan adopted the era name Meiwa during the Edo period in the late-18th century. There were two other candidates at the time - Genka. In his enthronement address, read to the people, the Emperor referenced this era name: "I have visited the battlefields of the Great War in France. In the presence of such devastation, I understand the blessing of peace and the necessity of concord among nations." The election of Katō Takaaki as Prime Minister of Japan continued democratic reforms, advocated by influential individuals on the left. This culminated in the passage of universal manhood suffrage in May 1925.
This bill gave all male subjects over the age of 25 the right to vote, provided they had lived in their electoral districts for at least one year and were not homeless. The electorate thereby increased from 3.3 million to 12.5 million. Pressure from the conservative right, forced the passage of the Peace Preservation Law of 1925 along with other anti-radical legislation, only ten days before the passage of universal manhood suffrage; the Peace Preservation Act curtailed individual freedom in Japan at the beginning to some degree to a large degree. It outlawed groups that sought to abolish private ownership; the leftist movements, galvanized by the Russian Revolution were subsequently crushed and scattered. This was in part due to the Peace Preservation Act, but due to the general fragmentation of the left. Conservatives forced the passage of the Peace Preservation Law because the party leaders and politicians of the Taishō era had felt that, after World War I, the state was in danger from revolutionary movements.
The Japanese state never defined a boundary between private and public matters and, demanded loyalty in all spheres of society. Subsequently, any ideological attack, such as a proposal for socialist reforms, was seen as an attack on the existence of the state; the meaning of the law was stretched to academic spheres. After the passage of the Peace Preservation Law and related legislation, kokutai emerged as the symbol of the state. Kokutai was seen as the barrier against socialist movements in Japan. With the challenge of the Great Depression on the horizon, this would be the death knell for parliamentary democracy in Japan. After World War I, the Western Powers, influenced by Wilsonian ideology, attempted an effort at general disarmament. At the Washington Naval Conference of 1921–1922, the Great Powers met to set limits on naval armament; the Five Power Naval Limitation Agreement worked out in Washington limited competition in battleships and aircraft carriers to a ratio of 5:5:3 for the United Kingdom, the United States, Japan respectively.
Japanese ultra-nationalists viewed this as an attempt by Western powers to curb Japanese expansionism in an area of the globe over which they had no interest. But, those in power in Japan agreed to the disarmament, realizing that the global taste for war had been soured after the First World War and knowing that, the ratio was sufficient to maintain hegemony in the Pacific. In 1924, friendly U. S.-Japanese relations were torpedoed by the Japanese Exclusion Act. The act closed off Japanese immigration to the United States and dropped Japanese immigrants to the level of other Asians; the overwhelming reaction in Japan, both at the highest levels and in mass rallies that reflected angry public opinion, was hostile and sustained. Commentators suggested the opening guns of a race war and called for a new buildup of the Japanese armed forces. From 1928 to 1932, domestic crisis could no longer be avoided; as the left was vigorously put down by the state, the economic collapse brought a new hardship to the people of Japan.
Silk and rice prices plummeted and exports decreased 50%. Unemployment in both the cities and the countryside skyrocketed and social agitation came to a head. Meanwhile, the London Naval Treaty was ratified in 1930, its purpose was to e
Freedom and People's Rights Movement
The Freedom and People's Rights Movement and Civil Right Movement, or Free Civil Right Movement was a Japanese political and social movement for democracy in the 1880s. It pursued the formation of an elected legislature, revision of the Unequal Treaties with the United States and European countries, the institution of civil rights, the reduction of centralized taxation; the Movement prompted the Meiji government to establish a constitution in 1889 and a diet in 1890. Chiba Takusaburō, author of the "Itsukaichi constitution", a draft constitution for the Empire of Japan Etō Shinpei Fukuda Hideko Gotō Shōjirō Ido Reizan Inoue Kaoru Itagaki Taisuke, founder of the first Jiyūtō, former leader of the Jinshotai Yamamoto Yae Nakae Chōmin Ōkuma Shigenobu Shimizu Shikin Soejima Taneomi Yamaji Motoharu, former Jinshotai commander Tokutomi Sohō Ueki Emori Azenbō Soeda, prolific enka bard Saionji Kinmochi, one of the last Meiji period democrats, who tried to prevent the Tripartite Pact Liberalism in Japan Japanese dissidence during the Shōwa period