Luis Carrero Blanco
Admiral Luis Carrero Blanco, 1st Duke of Carrero Blanco was a Spanish Navy officer and politician, Prime Minister of Spain from June to December 1973. He fought in the Rif War, he was appointed head of operations at the Navy Defense Staff in August 1939 by Francisco Franco. Carrero was one of the most powerful people in Spain, being the long-time confidant and right-hand man of Franco. Throughout his career, he held many political offices. From his position of Sub-Secretary of the Presidency, he collaborated with Franco in solving the internal conflicts of the successive cabinets. After being appointed Deputy Prime Minister, Carrero ended up succeeding Franco as head of government in June 1973, due to Franco's debilitating health. Carrero was killed on 20 December 1973 by Basque nationalist terrorist group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna while returning from a mass in his Dodge Dart. A bomb had been detonated when his car passed through. Several years the Duke of Veragua, a personal friend of Carrero, would be murdered by the organization while travelling by car.
Carrero's assassination is considered to be the biggest attack against the Francoist State since the end of the Spanish Civil War in 1939. He was posthumously given the nobiliary title of 1st Duke of Carrero Blanco, he was born on 4 March 1904 in Cantabria. He entered the Escuela Naval Militar, the Spanish naval academy, in 1918 at the age of 14 and participated in the Rif War of 1924–1926. In 1929, he married María del Carmen Pichot y Villa and he had five children. In July 1936, when the Spanish Civil War erupted, he found himself behind the coalescing Republican line. Taking refuge in the embassy of Mexico and that of France, he was able to cross the front and reach the Nationalist side in June 1937. Carrero Blanco served in the Nationalist navy. After the Nationalist victory and subsequent installation of Generalísimo Franco as Caudillo of Spain, Carrero Blanco became one of his closest collaborators as well as chief of naval operations, he is said to have opposed Spain entering World War II on the side of the Axis powers, a notably different political position compared to some other Falangists.
He himself was a monarchist. Devoted to the Roman Catholic Church, he was close to Opus Dei. In 1951 he was involved in the production of the film Dawn of America, a patriotic work portraying Christopher Columbus' discovery of the Americas. Carrero Blanco worked on the screenplay of the film, supported by the government for its nationalist theme. With the infusion of American capital in the 1950s, the state's policies were liberalized, but authoritarian control remained; the Falange syndicalists resisted the economic opening of Spain to capitalistic influences, the technocrats of Opus Dei "de-emphasized the role of the syndicates and favored increased competition as a means of achieving rapid economic growth. The technocrats prevailed, members of Opus Dei assumed significant posts in Franco's 1957 cabinet.". Carrero Blanco, without explicitly supporting political liberalization, aspired to economic integration with European markets, he became a Minister in Spain in 1957. Carrero Blanco was made Vice-Admiral in 1963 and Admiral in 1966.
He was Vice-President of the Council of Ministers from 1967 to 1973. By that time, Franco if he was still the Head of State and concurrent Prime Minister, had delegated his power to run the day-to-day operations of the government to Carrero-Blanco himself owing to the former's old age and illness, his zenith came on 8 June 1973, when being named the Prime Minister of Spain and made a top deputy to Franco, who remained as Head of State with some substantial powers in compliance with the Organic Law of the State ratified in 1967 which separated the posts of the Head of State and Prime Minister. It seemed. Six months after being named prime minister, Carrero Blanco was assassinated on 20 December 1973 in Madrid by four Basque members of ETA, who carried out a bombing near the San Francisco de Borja church in the Calle de Serrano while he returned from Mass in a Dodge 3700. In a collective interview justifying the attack, the ETA bombers said: The execution in itself had an order and some clear objectives.
From the beginning of 1951 Carrero Blanco occupied the government headquarters. Carrero Blanco symbolized better than anyone else the figure of "pure Francoism" and without linking himself to any of the Francoist tendencies, he covertly attempted to push Opus Dei into power. A man without scruples conscientiously mounted his own State within the State: he created a network of informers within the Ministries, in the Army, in the Falange, in Opus Dei, his police managed to put themselves into all the Francoist apparatus. Thus he made himself the key element of the system and a fundamental piece of the oligarchy's political game. On the other hand, he came to be irreplaceable for his experience and capacity to manoeuvre and because nobody managed as he did to maintain the internal equilibrium of Francoism. In his first speech to the Cortes on 12 February 1974, Carrero Blanco's successor as prime minister Carlos Arias Navarro, promised liberalizing reforms including the right to form political associations.
Though he was denounced by falangists, the transition had begun. One of the members of the ETA cell who had assassinated Carrero Blanco was himself assassinated by a car bomb in southern France on 21 December 1978 by a Spanish right-wing group organized from inside the Navy (including one member o
Spanish Civil War
The Spanish Civil War took place from 1936 to 1939. Republicans loyal to the left-leaning Second Spanish Republic, in alliance with the Anarchists and Communists, fought against the Nationalists, an alliance of Falangists and Catholics, led by General Francisco Franco. Due to the international political climate at the time, the war had many facets, different views saw it as class struggle, a war of religion, a struggle between dictatorship and republican democracy, between revolution and counterrevolution, between fascism and communism; the Nationalists won the war in early 1939 and ruled Spain until Franco's death in November 1975. The war began after a pronunciamiento against the Republican government by a group of generals of the Spanish Republican Armed Forces under the leadership of José Sanjurjo; the government at the time was a moderate, liberal coalition of Republicans, supported in the Cortes by communist and socialist parties, under the leadership of centre-left President Manuel Azaña.
The Nationalist group was supported by a number of conservative groups, including the Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right-wing Groups, including both the opposing sides of Alfonsists and the religious conservative Carlists, the Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista, a fascist political party. Sanjurjo was killed in an aircraft accident while attempting to return from exile in Portugal, whereupon Franco emerged as the leader of the Nationalists; the coup was supported by military units in the Spanish protectorate in Morocco, Burgos, Valladolid, Cádiz, Córdoba, Seville. However, rebelling units in some important cities—such as Madrid, Valencia, Málaga—did not gain control, those cities remained under the control of the government. Spain was thus left militarily and politically divided; the Nationalists and the Republican government fought for control of the country. The Nationalist forces received munitions and air support from Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, while the Republican side received support from the Soviet Union and Mexico.
Other countries, such as the United Kingdom and the United States, continued to recognise the Republican government, but followed an official policy of non-intervention. Notwithstanding this policy, tens of thousands of citizens from non-interventionist countries directly participated in the conflict, they fought in the pro-Republican International Brigades, which included several thousand exiles from pro-Nationalist regimes. The Nationalists advanced from their strongholds in the south and west, capturing most of Spain's northern coastline in 1937, they besieged Madrid and the area to its south and west for much of the war. After much of Catalonia was captured in 1938 and 1939, Madrid cut off from Barcelona, the Republican military position became hopeless. Madrid and Barcelona were occupied without resistance, Franco declared victory and his regime received diplomatic recognition from all non-interventionist governments. Thousands of leftist Spaniards fled to refugee camps in southern France.
Those associated with the losing Republicans were persecuted by the victorious Nationalists. With the establishment of a dictatorship led by General Franco in the aftermath of the war, all right-wing parties were fused into the structure of the Franco regime; the war became notable for the passion and political division it inspired and for the many atrocities that occurred, on both sides. Organised purges occurred in territory captured by Franco's forces so they could consolidate their future regime. A significant number of killings took place in areas controlled by the Republicans; the extent to which Republican authorities took part in killings in Republican territory varied. The 19th century was a turbulent time for Spain; those in favour of reforming Spain's government vied for political power with conservatives, who tried to prevent reforms from taking place. Some liberals, in a tradition that had started with the Spanish Constitution of 1812, sought to limit the power of the monarchy of Spain and to establish a liberal state.
The reforms of 1812 did not last after King Ferdinand VII dissolved the Constitution and ended the Trienio Liberal government. Twelve successful coups were carried out between 1814 and 1874; until the 1850s, the economy of Spain was based on agriculture. There was little development of a bourgeois commercial class; the land-based oligarchy remained powerful. In 1868 popular uprisings led to the overthrow of Queen Isabella II of the House of Bourbon. Two distinct factors led to the uprisings: a series of urban riots and a liberal movement within the middle classes and the military concerned with the ultra-conservatism of the monarchy. In 1873 Isabella's replacement, King Amadeo I of the House of Savoy, abdicated owing to increasing political pressure, the short-lived First Spanish Republic was proclaimed. After the restoration of the Bourbons in December 1874, Carlists and Anarchists emerged in opposition to the monarchy. Alejandro Lerroux, Spanish politician and leader of the Radical Republican Party, helped bring republicanism to the fore in Catalonia, where poverty was acute.
Growing resentment of conscription and of the military culminated in the Tragic Week in Barcelona in 1909. Spain was neutral in World War I. Following the war, the working class, industrial class, military united in hopes of removing the corrupt central government, but were unsuc
Juan Yagüe y Blanco, 1st Marquis of San Leonardo de Yagüe was a Spanish army officer during the Spanish Civil War, one of the most important in the National side. He became known as the "Butcher of Badajoz" because he ordered thousands killed, including wounded men in the hospital; the son of a doctor, he enrolled at a young age in the Infantry Academy of Toledo, where Francisco Franco was a fellow cadet. The two men received their commissions concurrently and served together in Africa, where Yagüe was wounded on several occasions and received several decorations. Yagüe was promoted to lieutenant colonel in 1932. He, along with Franco and General López Ochoa, helped suppress a workers uprising in Asturias using Moroccan Regulars and Legionnaires in 1934, he was a strong early supporter of the Falange Española and a close personal friend of José Antonio Primo de Rivera. When Niceto Alcalá-Zamora was replaced as President of the Republic by the left-wing Manuel Azaña on 10 May 1936, a group of Spanish Army officers, including Yagüe, Emilio Mola, Gonzalo Queipo de Llano and José Sanjurjo, started plotting to overthrow the democratically elected Popular Front government.
This led to a military uprising which precipitated the Spanish Civil War on 17 July 1936. Yagüe's forces revolted in Ceuta before crossing the Straits of Gibraltar to link up with Nationalist forces in Seville, led by Queipo de Llano. Yagüe advanced northward, first seizing Mérida before attacking Badajoz with 3,000 troops on 14 August 1936. Bitter street fighting took place. Yagüe's forces gained control of Badajoz, with both sides suffering heavy casualties. Under Yagüe's direction hundreds of prisoners and civilians, were killed or executed in Badajoz, during the Badajoz massacre. Before leaving the city, Yagüe was asked by the American journalist John T. Whitaker about his reason for killing all those people and he answered: Of course that we have killed them. What did you suppose? Will I take 4,000 red prisoners with my column, having to advance against the clock? Or will I leave them in my rearguard so that Badajoz will be red another time? Yagüe was promoted to colonel and afterwards advanced on Madrid, capturing Trujillo, Navalmoral de la Mata and Talavera de la Reina, but was unable to take the capital.
He seized control of Belchite, Caspe and Lérida. He played a leading role in the Nationalist victory at the Battle of the Ebro. In May 1938, Yagüe was removed from his command and imprisoned for injudicious remarks he made in a speech at Burgos, critical of Franco, he was back at the front within weeks. It has been said. Yagüe never showed panic when the enemy was close by, was able to adjust battle plans in order to suit changing circumstances. After the collapse of the Second Spanish Republic in 1939, Yagüe was promoted to major-general and appointed as Minister of the Air Force by General Franco, he was posthumously made commander-in-chief. Newspaper clippings about Juan Yagüe in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics
National Catholicism was part of the ideological identity of Francoism, the political system with which dictator Francisco Franco governed Spain between 1939 and 1975. Its most visible manifestation was the hegemony that the Catholic Church had in all aspects of public and private life; as a symbol of the ideological divisions within Francoism, it can be compared to National syndicalism, an essential component of the ideology and political practice of the Falangists. In the 1920s France, a similar model of National Catholicism was advanced by the Fédération Nationale Catholique formed by General Édouard Castelnau. Although it reached one million members in 1925, it was of short-lived significance, subsiding into obscurity by 1930. In Spain, the Francoist State initiated a project in 1943 to reform the university, it was called the University Regulatory Law, which remained active until 1970. The U. R. L. Represented the clearest politicization of the university in the service of the new regime's National-Catholic precepts.
While there was no explicit exclusion of women from higher learning, their presence at the university level was discouraged and not recognized during the two first decades of the regime. In the 1930s and 1940s, Ante Pavelić's Croatian Ustaše movement espoused a similar ideology, although it has been called other names, including "political Catholicism" and "Catholic Croatism". Other countries in central and eastern Europe where similar movements of Franquist inspiration combined Catholicism with nationalism include: Austria, Poland and Slovakia. Action Française Movimiento Nacional Religious nationalism Christian nationalism Clerical fascism BOTTI, Nazionalcattolicesimo e Spagna nuova, Franco Angeli, 1992 ISBN 88-204-7242-2 Stanley G. Payne. "7. National Catholicism". Spanish Catholicism: An Historical Overview. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0-299-09804-9
Manuel Fraga Iribarne was a Spanish professor and politician in Francoist Spain, the founder of the People's Party. Fraga was the Minister of Information and Tourism between 1962 and 1969, Ambassador to the United Kingdom between 1973 and 1975, Minister of the Interior in 1975, Deputy Prime Minister between 1975 and 1976, President of the People's Alliance/People's Party between 1979 and 1990 and President of the Regional Government of Galicia between 1990 and 2005, he was a Deputy in the Congress and a Senator. Fraga's career as one of the key political figures in Spain straddles both General Francisco Franco's Spanish State and the subsequent transition to representative democracy, he served as the President of the Regional Government of Galicia from 1990 to 2005 and as a Senator until November 2011. Fraga is one of the Fathers of the Constitution. Fraga was born in Lugo Province, Galicia. Trained in law and political science, he began his political career in 1945, during Francisco Franco's reign.
Fraga started in the Franco cabinet in 1962 as Minister of tourism. He played a major role in the revitalization of Spanish tourist industry, leading a campaign under the slogan Spain is different!. On 8 March 1966, he attempted to dispel fears of a nuclear accident after the Palomares hydrogen bombs incident by swimming in the contaminated water with the American ambassador, Angier Biddle Duke. Fraga authorized the execution of political prisoners under the Francoist State. A notable case is the execution of communist leader Julián Grimau, whom he called "that little gentleman" in a press conference when asked about his detention and death sentence, his death sentence caused a large controversy outside of Spain. Grimau was executed by firing squad in 1963. Fraga never publicly expressed regret for Grimau's execution. Another notable case was the assassination by Spanish police of Enrique Ruano, a student activist who opposed the Francoist State. Fraga telephoned Ruano's father and threatened to arrest his other daughter, an anti-Francoist, unless she stopped her activism.
The then-director of Spanish newspaper ABC, Torcuato Luca de Tena confessed that Fraga ordered him to publish a manipulated copy of Ruano's personal diary in order to present Ruano as a mentally unstable person who killed himself. In the decade, Fraga established himself as one of the more prominent members of a reformist faction in the government who favoured opening up the government from above, he introduced an a posteriori censorship law, based on lifting pre-publication censorship and a reduction in its strictness. Additionally, a certain sexual liberality in films was popularly summarized in the expression Con Fraga hasta la braga, his departure from the government was prompted by the MATESA affair: the debt of the important publisher Manuel Salvat Dalmau was tangled with members of the Opus Dei, faction which Fraga opposed. When he published this information, the caudillo Franco expelled both sectors. After a brief period as Spain's ambassador in the United Kingdom, which ended with Franco's death in 1975, Fraga was appointed deputy prime minister and Interior Minister on 12 December 1975, under Carlos Arias Navarro, a post he held until 5 July 1976.
This was the first government with Juan Carlos I as chief of state. By this time, Fraga believed. However, while he still favoured liberalization from above, his vision entailed an gradual transition to full democracy; the drastic measures he took as interior minister and head of state security during the first days of the Spanish transition to democracy gave him a reputation for heavy-handedness, damaged his popularity. The phrase "¡La calle es mía!" was attributed to him as his answer to complaints of police repression of street protests: he claimed that the streets did not belong to the "people" but to the state. He was known to be an admirer of Cánovas del Castillo. During a clash at the Church of St. Francis of Assisi in Vitoria between police and striking workers, on Fraga's orders the police stormed into a packed church into which 4,000 demonstrators had retreated and went on a shooting spree, resulting in five dead and over 100 wounded. Fraga was one of the writers of the new Spanish constitution approved in 1978.
Along with other former reformist members of the Francoist government, he founded the People's Alliance, became its president. Although he tried to brand the party as a mainstream conservative party, the people did not trust him due to the large number of former Francoists in the party, combined with his performance as interior minister; the party fared poorly in its first years, but after the 1982 crisis and the collapse of the UCD, the centrist party that had won the first two democratic elections, AP became the second party in Spain. Fraga was reckoned as the Leader of the Opposition to the Spanish Socialist Workers Party government; the PSOE enjoyed great popularity and an absolute majority winning streak in the 1982 and 1986 elections, in part because Fraga and the AP were viewed as too reactionary to be an alternative. Following this critical development, Fraga resigned the presidency of the party in 1986, he suffered a scandal in 1983, when it was reported that Rodolfo Almirón, a former Argentine national police officer implicated in Triple A, a right-wing death squad in Argentina, became a chief of his security team.
Because of the outcry by Argentinean Justice
Second Spanish Republic
The Spanish Republic known as the Second Spanish Republic, was the democratic government that existed in Spain from 1931 to 1939. The Republic was proclaimed on 14 April 1931, after the deposition of Alfonso XIII, it lost the Spanish Civil War on 1 April 1939 to the rebel faction, that would establish a military dictatorship under the rule of Francisco Franco. After the proclamation of the Republic, a provisional government was established until December 1931, when the 1931 Constitution was approved a Constitutional Republic was formally established; the republican government of Manuel Azaña would start a great number of reforms to "modernize" the country. After the 1933 general election, Alejandro Lerroux formed a government with the confidence and supply of the Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right-wing Groups. Under Lerroux's premiership, the Republic found itself before an insurrection of anarchists and socialists that took a revolutionary undertone in Asturias; the revolt was suppressed by the Republic with the intervention of the army.
The Popular Front won the 1936 general election. On 17–18 July 1936, a coup d'état fractured the Spanish Republican Armed Forces and failed, marking the beginning of the Spanish Civil War. During the Spanish Civil War, there were three governments; the first was led by left-wing republican José Giral. The second government was led by socialist Francisco Largo Caballero of the trade union General Union of Workers; the UGT, along with the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, were the main forces behind the aforementioned social revolution. The third government was led by socialist Juan Negrín, who led the Republic until the military coup of Segismundo Casado, which ended republican resistance and led to the victory of the nationalists, who would establish a military dictatorship under the rule of Francisco Franco, known as Francoist Spain; the Republican government survived in exile, it had an embassy in Mexico City until 1976. After the restoration of democracy in Spain, the government formally dissolved the following year.
On 28 January 1930 the military dictatorship of General Miguel Primo de Rivera was overthrown. This led various republican factions from a wide variety of backgrounds to join forces; the Pact of San Sebastián was the key to the transition from monarchy to republic. Republicans of all tendencies were committed to the Pact of San Sebastian in overthrowing the monarchy and establishing a republic; the restoration of the royal Bourbons was rejected by large sectors of the populace who vehemently opposed the King. The pact, signed by representatives of the main Republican forces, allowed a joint anti-monarchy political campaign; the 12 April 1931 municipal elections led to a landslide victory for republicans. Two days the Second Republic was proclaimed, King Alfonso XIII went into exile; the king's departure led to a provisional government of the young republic under Niceto Alcalá-Zamora. Catholic churches and establishments in cities like Madrid and Sevilla were set ablaze on 11 May. In June 1931 a Constituent Cortes was elected to draft a new constitution, which came into force in December.
The new constitution established freedom of speech and freedom of association, extended suffrage to women in 1933, allowed divorce, stripped the Spanish nobility of any special legal status. It effectively disestablished the Roman Catholic Church, but the disestablishment was somewhat reversed by the Cortes that same year, its controversial articles 26 and 27 imposed stringent controls on Church property and barred religious orders from the ranks of educators. Scholars have described the constitution as hostile to religion, with one scholar characterising it as one of the most hostile of the 20th century. José Ortega y Gasset stated, "the article in which the Constitution legislates the actions of the Church seems improper to me." Pope Pius XI condemned the Spanish government's deprivation of the civil liberties of Catholics in the encyclical Dilectissima Nobis. The legislative branch was changed to a single chamber called the Congress of Deputies; the constitution established legal procedures for the nationalisation of public services and land and railways.
The constitution provided accorded civil liberties and representation. Catholic churches in major cities were again subject to arson in 1932, a revolutionary strike action was seen in Málaga the same year. A Catholic church in Zaragoza was burnt down in 1933, the cathedral in Oviedo was destroyed by flames in 1934; the church of San Lorenzo in Gijon was set ablaze in the same year. The church of San Juan in Albacete was torched three months prior to the onset of the civil war, in March 1936; the 1931 Constitution was formally effective from 1931 until 1939. In the summer of 1936, after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, it became irrelevant after the authority of the Republic was superseded in many places by revolutionary socialists and anarchists on one side, fascists on the other; the Republican Constitution changed the country's national symbols. The Himno de Riego was established as the national anthem, the Tricolor, with three horizontal red-yellow-purple fields, became the new flag of Spain.
Under the new Constitution, all of Spain's regions had the right to autonomy. Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia (although the Galician Statu