A portmanteau or portmanteau word is a linguistic blend of words, in which parts of multiple words or their phones are combined into a new word, as in smog, coined by blending smoke and fog, or motel, from motor and hotel. In linguistics, a portmanteau is defined as a single morph; the definition overlaps with the grammatical term contraction, but contractions are formed from words that would otherwise appear together in sequence, such as do and not to make don't, whereas a portmanteau word is formed by combining two or more existing words that all relate to a singular concept. A portmanteau differs from a compound, which does not involve the truncation of parts of the stems of the blended words. For instance, starfish is not a portmanteau, of star and fish; the word portmanteau was first used in this sense by Lewis Carroll in the book Through the Looking-Glass, in which Humpty Dumpty explains to Alice the coinage of the unusual words in "Jabberwocky", where slithy means "slimy and lithe" and mimsy is "miserable and flimsy".
Humpty Dumpty explains to Alice the practice of combining words in various ways: You see it's like a portmanteau—there are two meanings packed up into one word. In his introduction to The Hunting of the Snark, Carroll uses portmanteau when discussing lexical selection: Humpty Dumpty's theory, of two meanings packed into one word like a portmanteau, seems to me the right explanation for all. For instance, take the two words "fuming" and "furious." Make up your mind that you will say both words, but leave it unsettled which you will say first … if you have the rarest of gifts, a balanced mind, you will say "frumious." In then-contemporary English, a portmanteau was a suitcase. The etymology of the word is the French porte-manteau, from porter, "to carry", manteau, "cloak". In modern French, a porte-manteau is a clothes valet, a coat-tree or similar article of furniture for hanging up jackets, hats and the like. An occasional synonym for "portmanteau word" is frankenword, an autological word exemplifying the phenomenon it describes, blending "Frankenstein" and "word".
Many neologisms are examples of blends. In Punch in 1896, the word brunch was introduced as a "portmanteau word." In 1964, the newly independent African republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar chose the portmanteau word Tanzania as its name. Eurasia is a portmanteau of Europe and Asia; some city names are portmanteaus of the border regions they straddle: Texarkana spreads across the Texas-Arkansas border, while Calexico and Mexicali are the American and Mexican sides of a single conurbation. A scientific example is a liger, a cross between a male lion and a female tiger. Many company or brand names are portmanteaus, including Microsoft, a portmanteau of microcomputer and software. "Jeoportmanteau!" is a recurring category on the American television quiz show Jeopardy!. The category's name is itself a portmanteau of the words "Jeopardy" and "portmanteau." Responses in the category are portmanteaus constructed by fitting two words together. Portmanteau words may be produced by joining together proper nouns with common nouns, such as "gerrymandering", which refers to the scheme of Massachusetts Governor Elbridge Gerry for politically contrived redistricting.
The term gerrymander has itself contributed to portmanteau terms playmander. Oxbridge is a common portmanteau for the UK's two oldest universities, those of Oxford and Cambridge. In 2016, Britain's planned exit from the European Union became known as "Brexit". David Beckham's English mansion Rowneybury House was nicknamed "Beckingham Palace", a portmanteau of his surname and Buckingham Palace. Many portmanteau words do not appear in all dictionaries. For example, a spork is an eating utensil, a combination of a spoon and a fork, a skort is an item of clothing, part skirt, part shorts. On the other hand, turducken, a dish made by inserting a chicken into a duck, the duck into a turkey, was added to the Oxford English Dictionary in 2010; the word refudiate was first used by Sarah Palin when she misspoke, conflating the words refute and repudiate. Though a gaffe, the word was recognized as the New Oxford American Dictionary's "Word of the Year" in 2010; the business lexicon is replete with newly coined portmanteau words like "permalance", "advertainment", "advertorial", "infotainment", "infomercial".
A company name may be portmanteau as well as a product name. Two proper names can be used in creating a portmanteau word in r
Case is a special grammatical category of a noun, adjective, participle or numeral whose value reflects the grammatical function performed by that word in a phrase, clause or sentence. In some languages, pronouns, determiners, prepositions, numerals and their modifiers take different inflected forms, depending on their case; as a language evolves, cases can merge, a phenomenon formally called syncretism. English has lost its inflected case system although personal pronouns still have three cases, which are simplified forms of the nominative and genitive cases, they are used with personal pronouns: objective case and possessive case. Forms such as I, he and we are used for the subject, forms such as me, him and us are used for the object. Languages such as Ancient Greek, Assamese, Belarusian, Czech, Finnish, Icelandic, Korean, Lithuanian, Romanian, Sanskrit, Slovak, Tibetan, Turkish and most Caucasian languages have extensive case systems, with nouns, pronouns and determiners all inflecting to indicate their case.
The number of cases differs between languages: Esperanto has two. Encountered cases include nominative, accusative and genitive. A role that one of those languages marks by case is marked in English with a preposition. For example, the English prepositional phrase with foot might be rendered in Russian using a single noun in the instrumental case or in Ancient Greek as τῷ ποδί with both words changing to dative form. More formally, case has been defined as "a system of marking dependent nouns for the type of relationship they bear to their heads". Cases should be distinguished from thematic roles such as patient, they are closely related, in languages such as Latin, several thematic roles have an associated case, but cases are a morphological notion, thematic roles a semantic one. Languages having cases exhibit free word order, as thematic roles are not required to be marked by position in the sentence, it is accepted that the Ancient Greeks had a certain idea of the forms of a name in their own language.
A fragment of Anacreon seems to prove this. It cannot be inferred that the Ancient Greeks knew what grammatical cases were. Grammatical cases were first recognized by the Stoics and from some philosophers of the Peripatetic school; the advancements of those philosophers were employed by the philologists of the Alexandrian school. The English word case used in this sense comes from the Latin casus, derived from the verb cadere, "to fall", from the Proto-Indo-European root *ḱad-; the Latin word is a calque of the Greek πτῶσις, ptôsis, lit. "falling, fall". The sense is; this picture is reflected in the word declension, from Latin declinere, "to lean", from the PIE root *ḱley-. The equivalent to "case" in several other European languages derives from casus, including cas in French, caso in Spanish and Kasus in German; the Russian word паде́ж is a calque from Greek and contains a root meaning "fall", the German Fall and Czech pád mean "fall", are used for both the concept of grammatical case and to refer to physical falls.
The Finnish equivalent is sija, whose main meaning is "position" or "place". Although not prominent in modern English, cases featured much more saliently in Old English and other ancient Indo-European languages, such as Latin, Old Persian, Ancient Greek, Sanskrit; the Indo-European languages had eight morphological cases, though modern languages have fewer, using prepositions and word order to convey information, conveyed using distinct noun forms. Among modern languages, cases still feature prominently in most of the Balto-Slavic languages, with most having six to eight cases, as well as Icelandic and Modern Greek, which have four. In German, cases are marked on articles and adjectives, less so on nouns. In Icelandic, adjectives, personal names and nouns are all marked for case, making it, among other things, the living Germanic language that could be said to most resemble Proto-Germanic; the eight historical Indo-European cases are as follows, with examples either of the English case or of the English syntactic alternative to case: All of the above are just rough descriptions.
Case is based fundamentally on changes to the noun to indicate the noun's role in the sentence – one of the defining features of so-called fusional languages. Old English was a fusional language. Modern English has abandoned the inflectional case system of Proto-Indo-European in favor of analytic constructions. The
In English, a phrasal verb is a phrase such as turn down or ran into which combines two or three words from different grammatical categories: a verb and a particle and/or a preposition together form a single semantic unit. This semantic unit cannot be understood based upon the meanings of the individual parts, but must be taken as a whole. In other words, the meaning is non-compositional and thus unpredictable. Phrasal verbs that include a preposition are known as prepositional verbs and phrasal verbs that include a particle are known as particle verbs. Additional alternative terms for phrasal verb are compound verb, verb-adverb combination, verb-particle construction, two-part word/verb or three-part word/verb and multi-word verb. There are at least three main types of phrasal verb constructions depending on whether the verb combines with a preposition, a particle, or both; the phrasal verb constructions in the following examples are in bold. Verb + preposition When the element is a preposition, it is the head of a full prepositional phrase and the phrasal verb is thus prepositional.
These phrasal verbs can be thought of as transitive and non-separable. Who is looking after the kids? – after is a preposition that introduces the prepositional phrase after the kids. B, they picked on nobody. – on is a preposition that introduces the prepositional phrase on nobody. C. I ran into an old friend. -- into is a preposition. D, she takes after her mother. – after is a preposition that introduces the prepositional phrase after her mother. E. Sam passes for a linguist. -- for is a preposition. F. You should stand by your friend. – by is a preposition that introduces the prepositional phrase by your friend Verb + particle When the element is a particle, it can not be construed as a preposition, but rather is a particle because it does not take a complement. These verbs can be intransitive. If they are transitive, they are separable. A, they brought that up twice. – up is a particle, not a preposition. B. You should think it over. – over is a particle, not a preposition. C. Why does he always dress down?
– down is a particle, not a preposition. D. You should not give in so quickly. – in is a particle, not a preposition. E. Where do they want to hang out? – out is a particle, not a preposition. F, she handed it in. – in is a particle, not a preposition. Verb + particle + preposition Many phrasal verbs combine a preposition. Just as for prepositional verbs, particle-prepositional verbs are not separable. A. Who can put up with that? – up is a particle and with is a preposition. B, she is looking forward to a rest. – forward is a particle and to is a preposition. C; the other tanks were bearing down on my Panther. – down is a particle and on is a preposition. D, they were teeing off on me. – off is a particle and on is a preposition. E. We loaded up on Mountain Doritos. – up is a particle and on is a preposition f. Susan has been sitting in for me. – in is a particle and for is a preposition. The aspect of these types of verbs that unifies them under the single banner phrasal verb is the fact that their meaning cannot be understood based upon the meaning of their parts taken in isolation: the meaning of pick up is distinct from pick.
When a particle verb is transitive, it can look just like a prepositional verb. This similarity is source of confusion, since it obscures the difference between prepositional and particle verbs. A simple diagnostic distinguishes between the two, however; when the object of a particle verb is a definite pronoun, it can and does precede the particle. In contrast, the object of a preposition can never precede the preposition. A. You can bank on Susan. – on is a preposition. B. *You can bank Susan on. – The object of the preposition cannot precede the preposition.a. You can take on Susan. – on is a particle. B. You can take Susan on. – The object of the particle verb can precede the particle.a. He is getting over the situation. – over is a preposition. B. *He is getting the situation over. – The object of the preposition cannot precede the preposition in the phrasal verb.a. He is thinking over the situation. – over is a particle. B, he is thinking the situation over. – The object of the particle verb can precede the particleThus the distinction between particles and prepositions is made by function, because the same word can function sometimes as a particles and sometimes as a preposition.
The terminology of phrasal verbs is inconsistent. Modern theories of syntax tend to use the term phrasal verb to denote particle verbs only. In contrast, literature in English as a second or foreign language ESL/EFL, tends to employ the term phrasal verb to encompass both prepositional and particle verbs. Note that prepositions and adverbs can have a literal meaning, spatial or orientational. Many English verbs interact with a preposition or an adverb to yield a meaning that can be understood from the constiuent elements, he walked across the square. She looked outside; these more understandable combinations are not phrasal verbs, although EFL/ESL books and dictionaries may include them in lists of phrasal verbs. Furthermore, the same words that occur as a genuine phrasal verb can appear in other contexts, as in 1 She looked up his address. Phrasal verb. 1 She looked his address up. Phrasal verb. 2 When he heard the crash, he looked up. Not a phrasal verb. 2 When he heard the c
In language, a clause is the smallest grammatical unit that can express a complete proposition. A typical clause consists of a subject and a predicate, the latter a verb phrase, a verb with any objects and other modifiers. However, the subject is sometimes not said or explicit the case in null-subject languages if the subject is retrievable from context, but it sometimes occurs in other languages such as English. A simple sentence consists of a single finite clause with a finite verb, independent. More complex sentences may contain multiple clauses. Main clauses are those. Subordinate clauses are those that would be incomplete if they were alone. A primary division for the discussion of clauses is the distinction between main clauses and subordinate clauses. A main clause can stand alone, i.e. it can constitute a complete sentence by itself. A subordinate clause, in contrast, is reliant on the appearance of a main clause. A second major distinction concerns the difference between non-finite clauses.
A finite clause contains a structurally central finite verb, whereas the structurally central word of a non-finite clause is a non-finite verb. Traditional grammar focuses on finite clauses, the awareness of non-finite clauses having arisen much in connection with the modern study of syntax; the discussion here focuses on finite clauses, although some aspects of non-finite clauses are considered further below. Clauses can be classified according to a distinctive trait, a prominent characteristic of their syntactic form; the position of the finite verb is one major trait used for classification, the appearance of a specific type of focusing word is another. These two criteria overlap to an extent, which means that no single aspect of syntactic form is always decisive in determining how the clause functions. There are, strong tendencies. Standard SV-clauses are the norm in English, they are declarative. The pig has not yet been fed. - Declarative clause, standard SV order I've been hungry for two hours.
- Declarative clause, standard SV order...that I've been hungry for two hours. - Declarative clause, standard SV order, but functioning as a subordinate clause due to the appearance of the subordinator thatDeclarative clauses like these are by far the most occurring type of clause in any language. They can be viewed as other clause types being derived from them. Standard SV-clauses can be interrogative or exclamative, given the appropriate intonation contour and/or the appearance of a question word, e.g. a. The pig has not yet been fed? - Rising intonation on fed makes the clause a yes/no-question.b. The pig has not yet been fed! - Spoken forcefully, this clause is exclamative.c. You've been hungry for how long? - Appearance of interrogative word how and rising intonation make the clause a constituent questionExamples like these demonstrate that how a clause functions cannot be known based on a single distinctive syntactic criterion. SV-clauses are declarative, but intonation and/or the appearance of a question word can render them interrogative or exclamative.
Verb first clauses in English play one of three roles: 1. They express a yes/no-question via subject–auxiliary inversion, 2, they express a condition as an embedded clause, or 3. They express a command via e.g. a. He must stop laughing. - Standard declarative SV-clause b. Should he stop laughing? - Yes/no-question expressed by verb first order c. Had he stopped laughing... - Condition expressed by verb first order d. Stop laughing! - Imperative formed with verb first ordera. They have done the job. - Standard declarative SV-clause b. Have they done the job? - Yes/no-question expressed by verb first order c. Had they done the job... - Condition expressed by verb first order d. Do the job! - Imperative formed with verb first orderMost verb first clauses are main clauses. Verb first conditional clauses, must be classified as embedded clauses because they cannot stand alone. Wh-clauses contain a wh-word. Wh-words serve to help express a constituent question, they are prevalent, though, as relative pronouns, in which case they serve to introduce a relative clause and are not part of a question.
The wh-word focuses a particular constituent and most of the time, it appears in clause-initial position. The following examples illustrate standard interrogative wh-clauses; the b-sentences are direct questions, the c-sentences contain the corresponding indirect questions: a. Sam likes the meat. - Standard declarative SV-clause b. Who likes the meat? - Matrix interrogative wh-clause focusing on the subject c. They asked. - Embedded interrogative wh-clause focusing on the subjecta. Larry sent Susan to the store. - Standard declarative SV-clause b. Whom did Larry send to the store? - Matrix interrogative wh-clause focusing on the object, subject-auxiliary inversion present c. We know. - Embedded wh-clause focusing on the object, subject-auxiliary inversion absenta. Larry sent Susan to the store. - Standard declarative SV-clause b. Where did Larry send Susan? - Matrix interrogative wh-clause focusing on the ob
In English grammar, a flat adverb or bare adverb is an adverb that has the same form as a related adjective. It does not end in -ly, e.g. "drive slow", "drive fast". A flat adverb is sometimes called simple adverb. Flat adverbs were once quite common but have been replaced by their -ly counterparts. In the 18th century, grammarians believed flat adverbs to be adjectives, insisted that adverbs needed to end in -ly. According to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, "It's these grammarians we have to thank for... the sad lack of flat adverbs today". There are now only a few flat adverbs, some are thought of as incorrect. Despite bare adverbs being grammatically correct and used by respected authors, they are incorrectly stigmatized. There have been public campaigns against street signs with the traditional text "go slow" and the innovative text "drive friendly". For most bare adverbs, an alternative form exists ending in -ly. Sometimes the -ly form has a different meaning, sometimes the -ly form is not used for certain meanings.
The adverb'seldom' is a curious example. It dates back to Anglo-Saxon times, but starting in the 1960s the same word began appearing in English books as'seldomly', it has been hypothesized that the decline in usage of'seldom' in English, combined with the 18th century insistence on adverbs ending in -ly, resulted in its used -ly form. Usage of the word'thus' has fallen since 1800 – while usage of an -ly form,'thusly', has spiked recently. Numerical adjectives are used in an -ly form despite having a valid alternative. While words like firstly and lastly exist, their flat form is much more used. Here, in contrast to other flat adverbs such as'good', the flat form is universally accepted in English as proper speech; some bare adverbs don't alternate. In addition, the ending -ly is found on some words that are both adverbs and adjectives and some words that are only adjectives. Nearly all irregular comparative adjectives in English can take on adverbial form and never use the -ly; some examples are good, little and far – and their comparative forms.
My best number was the one. Which one hurt more? You did good. Steel and coal companies were the ones worst affected by tariffs; the adverbs'surely' and'really' would be grammatical in this figure, while only'sure' maintains its meaning after becoming flat. Each flat adverb modifies specific type of words: Flat adverbs work as intensifiers that modify specific words. Again, consider sentences containing real and really: I like the pie. I real like the pie.*Here, real becomes to become an adverb to the verb like, while real cannot do the same and remain flat. According to data from the Corpus of Contemporary American English, real was followed by a verb only 657 times. For comparison, real was followed by an adjective 12,813 times, with good being the most common adjective collocated. In this case, real can only modify adjectives; this pie tastes good. This pie tastes real good; this pie tastes good. This pie real tastes good.*Alternatively, the flat adverb sure can only modify verbs. Citing data from the Corpus of Contemporary American English, sure was followed by a verb 7,396 times, but it was followed by an adjective at only 470 times.
Compare:We sure had a great time. We had a great time. We had a sure great time.* We had a great time. This can be explained by the differing uses of the suffix -ly, another adverbial suffix, -e. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, there are two different uses of the suffix -ly: when the suffix transforms a word into an adjective, when it forms an adverb; the suffix's origins are in Old English, coming from -lice, in turn derived from the German -lich. Due to its use in history, many verbs and adverbs have been formed from roots that are harder to recognizable today. Before -ly, -e was the most common adverbial suffix in Old English; the suffixes were not competing and could be used interchangeably. Examinations of texts from the time period show that the -e form was more common in poetry, while the -lice form was more common in prose; as English developed as a language, it began weakening its vowels, as such the -e suffix disappeared, making the adverbs bare. Some words retained adverbial use such as long, fast, or hard.
The adverbs did not die out entirely. At this point in Old English, the adverbial system was still not as developed as it would become in stages. Sentential adverbs were beginning to be developed and adverbs became used in more specific ways, the vowel weakening -e in tandem with more expressed -ly forms caused -ly to become the dominant adverbial form. Although there was no categorical changes between flat adverbs and the new adverbs, their use was limited. More and more adverbs took on this form for greater homogeneity among the class. John Earle wrote that a flat adverb was "simply a substantive or an adjective placed in the adverbial position." However, he found that flat adverbs are not suitable for many of the advanced uses that a modern adverb might be. An example of a more advanced adverb would be the sentential as in we got along; the term'flat adve
Part of speech
In traditional grammar, a part of speech' is a category of words which have similar grammatical properties. Words that are assigned to the same part of speech display similar behavior in terms of syntax—they play similar roles within the grammatical structure of sentences—and sometimes in terms of morphology, in that they undergo inflection for similar properties. Listed English parts of speech are noun, adjective, pronoun, conjunction and sometimes numeral, article, or determiner. Other Indo-European languages have all these word classes. Beyond the Indo-European family, such other European languages as Hungarian and Finnish, both of which belong to the Uralic family lack prepositions or have only few of them. Other terms than part of speech—particularly in modern linguistic classifications, which make more precise distinctions than the traditional scheme does—include word class, lexical class, lexical category; some authors restrict the term lexical category to refer only to a particular type of syntactic category.
The term form class is used, although this has various conflicting definitions. Word classes may be classified as open or closed: open classes acquire new members while closed classes acquire new members infrequently, if at all. All languages have the word classes noun and verb, but beyond these two there are significant variations among different languages. For example, Japanese has as many as three classes of adjectives; because of such variation in the number of categories and their identifying properties, analysis of parts of speech must be done for each individual language. The labels for each category are assigned on the basis of universal criteria; the classification of words into lexical categories is found from the earliest moments in the history of linguistics. In the Nirukta, written in the 5th or 6th century BC, the Sanskrit grammarian Yāska defined four main categories of words: नाम nāma – noun आख्यात ākhyāta – verb उपसर्ग upasarga – pre-verb or prefix निपात nipāta – particle, invariant word These four were grouped into two larger classes: inflectable and uninflectable.
The ancient work on the grammar of the Tamil language, Tolkāppiyam, argued to have been written around 2,500 years ago, classifies Tamil words as peyar, vinai and uri. A century or two after the work of Nirukta, the Greek scholar Plato wrote in his Cratylus dialog that "... sentences are, I conceive, a combination of verbs and nouns ". Aristotle added another class, "conjunction", which included not only the words known today as conjunctions, but other parts. By the end of the 2nd century BC grammarians had expanded this classification scheme into eight categories, seen in the Art of Grammar, attributed to Dionysius Thrax: Noun: a part of speech inflected for case, signifying a concrete or abstract entity Verb: a part of speech without case inflection, but inflected for tense and number, signifying an activity or process performed or undergone Participle: a part of speech sharing features of the verb and the noun Article: a declinable part of speech, taken to include the definite article, but the basic relative pronoun Pronoun: a part of speech substitutable for a noun and marked for a person Preposition: a part of speech placed before other words in composition and in syntax Adverb: a part of speech without inflection, in modification of or in addition to a verb, clause, sentence, or other adverb Conjunction: a part of speech binding together the discourse and filling gaps in its interpretationIt can be seen that these parts of speech are defined by morphological and semantic criteria.
The Latin grammarian Priscian modified the above eightfold system, excluding "article", but adding "interjection". The Latin names for the parts of speech, from which the corresponding modern English terms derive, were nomen, participium, praepositio, adverbium and interjectio; the category nomen included substantives and numerals. This is reflected in the older English terminology noun substantive, noun adjective and noun numeral; the adjective became a separate class, as did the numerals, the English word noun came to be applied to substantives only. Works of English grammar follow the pattern of the European tradition as described above, except that participles are now regarded as forms of
The Ancient Greek language includes the forms of Greek used in Ancient Greece and the ancient world from around the 9th century BCE to the 6th century CE. It is roughly divided into the Archaic period, Classical period, Hellenistic period, it is succeeded by medieval Greek. Koine is regarded as a separate historical stage of its own, although in its earliest form it resembled Attic Greek and in its latest form it approaches Medieval Greek. Prior to the Koine period, Greek of the classic and earlier periods included several regional dialects. Ancient Greek was the language of Homer and of fifth-century Athenian historians and philosophers, it has contributed many words to English vocabulary and has been a standard subject of study in educational institutions of the Western world since the Renaissance. This article contains information about the Epic and Classical periods of the language. Ancient Greek was a pluricentric language, divided into many dialects; the main dialect groups are Attic and Ionic, Aeolic and Doric, many of them with several subdivisions.
Some dialects are found in standardized literary forms used in literature, while others are attested only in inscriptions. There are several historical forms. Homeric Greek is a literary form of Archaic Greek used in the epic poems, the "Iliad" and "Odyssey", in poems by other authors. Homeric Greek had significant differences in grammar and pronunciation from Classical Attic and other Classical-era dialects; the origins, early form and development of the Hellenic language family are not well understood because of a lack of contemporaneous evidence. Several theories exist about what Hellenic dialect groups may have existed between the divergence of early Greek-like speech from the common Proto-Indo-European language and the Classical period, they differ in some of the detail. The only attested dialect from this period is Mycenaean Greek, but its relationship to the historical dialects and the historical circumstances of the times imply that the overall groups existed in some form. Scholars assume that major Ancient Greek period dialect groups developed not than 1120 BCE, at the time of the Dorian invasion—and that their first appearances as precise alphabetic writing began in the 8th century BCE.
The invasion would not be "Dorian" unless the invaders had some cultural relationship to the historical Dorians. The invasion is known to have displaced population to the Attic-Ionic regions, who regarded themselves as descendants of the population displaced by or contending with the Dorians; the Greeks of this period believed there were three major divisions of all Greek people—Dorians and Ionians, each with their own defining and distinctive dialects. Allowing for their oversight of Arcadian, an obscure mountain dialect, Cypriot, far from the center of Greek scholarship, this division of people and language is quite similar to the results of modern archaeological-linguistic investigation. One standard formulation for the dialects is: West vs. non-west Greek is the strongest marked and earliest division, with non-west in subsets of Ionic-Attic and Aeolic vs. Arcadocypriot, or Aeolic and Arcado-Cypriot vs. Ionic-Attic. Non-west is called East Greek. Arcadocypriot descended more from the Mycenaean Greek of the Bronze Age.
Boeotian had come under a strong Northwest Greek influence, can in some respects be considered a transitional dialect. Thessalian had come under Northwest Greek influence, though to a lesser degree. Pamphylian Greek, spoken in a small area on the southwestern coast of Anatolia and little preserved in inscriptions, may be either a fifth major dialect group, or it is Mycenaean Greek overlaid by Doric, with a non-Greek native influence. Most of the dialect sub-groups listed above had further subdivisions equivalent to a city-state and its surrounding territory, or to an island. Doric notably had several intermediate divisions as well, into Island Doric, Southern Peloponnesus Doric, Northern Peloponnesus Doric; the Lesbian dialect was Aeolic Greek. All the groups were represented by colonies beyond Greece proper as well, these colonies developed local characteristics under the influence of settlers or neighbors speaking different Greek dialects; the dialects outside the Ionic group are known from inscriptions, notable exceptions being: fragments of the works of the poet Sappho from the island of Lesbos, in Aeolian, the poems of the Boeotian poet Pindar and other lyric poets in Doric.
After the conquests of Alexander the Great in the late 4th century BCE, a new international dialect known as Koine or Common Greek developed based on Attic Greek, but with influence from other dialects. This dialect replaced most of the older dialects, although Doric dialect has survived in the Tsakonian language, spoken in the region of modern Sparta. Doric has passed down its aorist terminations into most verbs of Demotic Greek. By about the 6th century CE, the Koine had metamorphosized into Medieval Greek. Ancient Macedonian was an Indo-European language at least related to Greek, but its exact relationship is unclear because of insufficient data: a dialect of Greek; the Macedonian dialect (or l