Harvey LeRoy "Lee" Atwater was an American political consultant and strategist for the Republican Party. He was an adviser to US presidents Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush and chairman of the Republican National Committee. Atwater aroused controversy through his aggressive campaign tactics. Atwater was born in Atlanta, the son of Alma "Toddy", a school teacher, Harvey Dillard Atwater, an insurance adjustor, he had two siblings and Joe. He grew up in South Carolina; when Lee was five, his three-year-old brother, died when he pulled a deep fryer full of hot oil onto himself. As a teenager in Columbia, South Carolina, Atwater played guitar in a rock band, The Upsetters Revue. At the height of his political power, he would play concerts in clubs and church basements, solo or with B. B. King, in the Washington, D. C. area. He released an album called Red, Hot And Blue on Curb Records, featuring Carla Thomas, Isaac Hayes, Sam Moore, Chuck Jackson, King. Robert Hilburn wrote about the album in the Los Angeles Times on April 5, 1990: "The most entertaining thing about this ensemble salute to spicy Memphis-style 1950s and 1960s R&B is the way it lets you surprise your friends.
Play a selection such as'Knock on Wood' or'Bad Boy' for someone without identifying the singer watch their eyes bulge when you reveal that it's the controversial national chairman of the Republican Party, Lee Atwater." During the 1960s, Atwater played backup guitar for Percy Sledge. In 1973, Atwater graduated from Newberry College, a small private Lutheran institution in Newberry, South Carolina, where he was a member of the Alpha Tau Omega fraternity. At Newberry, Atwater served as the governor of the South Carolina Student Legislature, he earned a Master of Arts degree in communications from the University of South Carolina in 1977. During the 1970s and the 1980 election, Atwater rose to prominence in the South Carolina Republican Party participating in the campaigns of Governor Carroll Campbell and Senator Strom Thurmond. During his years in South Carolina, Atwater became well-known for managing hard-edged campaigns based on emotional wedge issues. Atwater's aggressive tactics were first demonstrated during the 1980 Congressional campaigns.
He was a campaign consultant to Republican incumbent Floyd Spence in his campaign for Congress against Democratic nominee Tom Turnipseed. Atwater's tactics in that campaign included push polling in the form of fake surveys by so-called independent pollsters to inform white suburbanites that Turnipseed was a member of the NAACP, he sent out last-minute letters from Senator Thurmond telling voters that Turnipseed would disarm the United States, turn it over to liberals and Communists. At a press briefing, Atwater planted a fake reporter who rose and said, "We understand that Turnipseed has had psychiatric treatment". Atwater told reporters off the record that Turnipseed "got hooked up to jumper cables", referring to electroconvulsive therapy that Turnipseed underwent as a teenager. Spence went on to win the race. "Lee seemed to delight in making fun of a suicidal 16-year-old, treated for depression with electroshock treatments", Turnipseed recalled. "In fact, my struggle with depression as a student was no secret.
I had talked about it in a widely-covered news conference as early as 1977, when I was in the South Carolina State Senate. Since I have shared with appropriate groups the full story of my recovery to responsible adulthood as a professional and civic leader and father. Teenage depression and suicide are major problems in the United States, I believe that my life story offers hope to young people who are suffering with a constant fear of the future". After the 1980 election, Atwater went to Washington and became an aide in the Ronald Reagan administration, working under political director Ed Rollins. In 1984, Rollins managed Reagan's re-election campaign, Atwater became the campaign's deputy director and political director. Rollins mentions Atwater's work several times in his 1996 book Bare Back Rooms, he states that Atwater ran a dirty tricks operation against Democratic vice-presidential nominee Geraldine Ferraro, including publicizing the fact that Ferraro's parents had been indicted on numbers running in the 1940s.
Rollins described Atwater as "ruthless", "Ollie North in civilian clothes", someone who "just had to drive in one more stake". Atwater became a senior partner at the political consulting firm of Black, Manafort and Kelly the day after the 1984 presidential election. During his years in Washington, Atwater became aligned with Vice President George H. W. Bush, who chose Atwater to manage his 1988 presidential campaign; as a member of the Reagan administration in 1981, Atwater gave an anonymous interview to political scientist Alexander P. Lamis. Part of the interview was printed in Lamis' book The Two-Party South reprinted in Southern Politics in the 1990s with Atwater's name revealed. Bob Herbert reported on the interview in the October 6, 2005, issue of The New York Times. On November 13, 2012, The Nation magazine released a 42-minute audio recording of the interview. James Carter IV, grandson of former president Jimmy Carter, had asked and been granted access to these tapes by Lamis' widow. Atwater talked about the Republican Southern strategy: Atwater: As to the whole Southern strategy that Harry S. Dent, Sr. and others put together in 1968, opposition to the Voting Rights Act would have been a central part of keeping the South.
Now you don't have to do that. All that you need to do to keep the South is for Reagan to run in place on the issues that he's campaigned on since 1964, that's fiscal conservatism, balancing the budget, cut taxes, you know, the
Arthur C. Brooks
Arthur C. Brooks is an American social scientist and contributing opinion writer for The Washington Post He is the president of the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank. Brooks is best known for his work on the junctions between culture and politics, he is the author of 11 books, including two New York Times best sellers: The Road to Freedom: How to Win the Fight for Free Enterprise and The Conservative Heart: How to Build a Fairer and More Prosperous America. He is a self-described independent. In March 2018, Brooks announced his intent to step down as AEI's president. In the summer of 2019, he will join the faculty of the Harvard Kennedy School and Harvard Business School. Brooks was raised in Seattle's Queen Anne neighborhood, his father was a professor and mother an artist and his upbringing has been described as being liberal. After high school, Brooks pursued a career as a professional French hornist, serving from 1983 to 1989 with the Annapolis Brass Quintet in Baltimore, from 1989 to 1992 as the associate principal French hornist with the City Orchestra of Barcelona in Spain, teaching from 1992 to 1995 at The Harid Conservatory, Music Division.
Brooks continually draws on his musical background in speeches he delivers at events such as the Aspen Ideas Festival. Toward the end of his professional music career, Brooks began pursuing his higher education with a bachelor's degree in economics in 1994 from Thomas Edison State College in New Jersey, a public university that offers distance and nontraditional education programs to working adults, he received a master's degree in economics from Florida Atlantic University in 1995 before pursuing a doctorate at the Frederick S. Pardee RAND Graduate School, a public policy program located at the RAND Corporation. After receiving his PhD in policy analysis in 1998, Brooks continued to be affiliated with RAND, for which he produced a number of studies on arts funding and orchestra operations, he began to study the junction of culture and economics that would come to be his trademark. "He kept his head down during the early years of his academic career, publishing the usual economics fare on philanthropy—such as how tax rates and government spending affect giving," writes Ben Gose.
Brooks himself said, "I made my academic career doing that stuff, but the whole time I knew I was missing something."After a stint at Georgia State University, Brooks landed at Syracuse University in 2001. In 2005, he became a full professor, held the Louis A. Bantle Chair in Business and Government Policy from 2007 to 2008. At Syracuse, Brooks held joint appointments in management schools. In the early 2000s, Brooks began to look deeper into behavioral economics using the General Social Survey. During his time at Syracuse, Brooks continued his academic work on philanthropy and nonprofits, authoring several articles and textbooks. Brooks's first book was published in 2006 with Who Really Cares: The Surprising Truth about Compassionate Conservatism. Originating in his research on philanthropy and drawing on survey data, he articulates a charity gap between the 75% of Americans who donate to charitable causes and the rest who do not. Brooks argues that there are three cultural values that best predict charitable giving: religious participation, political views, family structure.
91% of people who identify themselves as religious are to give to charity but only 66% of people who do not. The religious giving sector is just as to give to secular programs as it is to religious causes. Brooks claims that those who think government should do more to redistribute income are less to give to charitable causes, those who believe the government has less of a role to play in income redistribution tend to give more, he argues that couples who raise children are more to give philanthropically than those who do not. The more children there are in a family, the more that a family will donate to charity. One of Brooks's most controversial findings was that political conservatives give more, despite having incomes that are, on average, 6% lower than liberals. Brooks adopts what he calls a "polemic" tone when offering recommendations, urging that philanthropic giving not be crowded out by government programs and that giving must be cultivated in families and communities, he admits being surprised by his conclusion: "These are not the sort of conclusions I thought I would reach when I started looking at charitable giving in graduate school, 10 years ago.
I have to admit I would have hated what I have to say in this book."Who Really Cares was reviewed and critiqued. Many commentators thought that Brooks played up the role of religion too much and argued that a charity gap is erased when religious giving is not considered. However, Brooks raises some arguments to this objection in the book by saying that giving to houses of worship should be counted as charity. Jim Lindgren writes: "Although the liberal v. conservative split is the hook for the book, the data are not nearly as stark as the hype surrounding the book might indicate."In February 2007, after the release of Who Really Cares, Brooks briefed President George W. Bush and First Lady Laura Bush on his findings; that year, Brooks joined the American Enterprise Institute as a visiting scholar. In April 2008, Brooks published a survey and analysis of U. S. happiness research entitled Gross National Happiness: Why Happiness Matters for America—and How We Can Get More of It. Drawing his title from the Bhutanese measurement of national well-being, Brooks argues that despite the fact that the U.
S. is one of the few countries in the world to enshrine happiness in its credo, happi
Bourbon Democrat was a term used in the United States in the 19th century to refer to members of the Democratic Party who were ideologically aligned with conservatism or classical liberalism those who supported presidential candidates Charles O'Conor in 1872, Samuel J. Tilden in 1876, President Grover Cleveland in 1884–1888/1892–1896, Alton B. Parker in 1904. After 1904, the Bourbons faded away. Southerner Woodrow Wilson, a Bourbon, made a deal in 1912 with the leading opponent of the Bourbons, William Jennings Bryan. Bourbon Democrats were promoters of a form of laissez-faire capitalism which included opposition to the high-tariff protectionism that the Republicans were advocating as well as fiscal discipline, they represented business interests supporting the goals of banking and railroads, but opposed to subsidies for them and were unwilling to protect them from competition. They opposed American imperialism and overseas expansion, fought for the gold standard against bimetallism, promoted what they called "hard" and "sound" money.
Strong supporters of states' rights and reform movements such as the Civil Service Reform and opponents of the corrupt city bosses, Bourbons led the fight against the Tweed Ring. The anti-corruption theme earned the votes of many Republican Mugwumps in 1884; the term "Bourbon Democrats" was never used by the Bourbon Democrats themselves. It was not the name of any specific or formal group and no one running for office ran on a Bourbon Democrat ticket; the term "Bourbon" was used disparagingly by critics complaining of viewpoints they saw as old-fashioned. A number of splinter Democratic parties, such as the Straight-Out Democratic Party and the National Democratic Party, that ran candidates, fall under the more general label of Bourbon Democrats; the nickname "Bourbon Democrat" was first used as a pun, referring to bourbon whiskey from Kentucky and more to the Bourbon Dynasty of France, overthrown in the French Revolution, but returned to power in 1815 to rule in a reactionary fashion until its final overthrow in the July Revolution of 1830.
The term was used in the 1860s and 1870s to refer to conservative Democrats who still held the ideas of Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson and in the 1870s to refer to the regimes set up in the South by Redeemers as a conservative reaction against Reconstruction. The electoral system elevated Bourbon Democrat leader Grover Cleveland to the office of President both in 1884 and in 1892, but the support for the movement declined in the wake of the Panic of 1893. President Cleveland, a staunch believer in the gold standard, refused to inflate the money supply with silver, thus alienating the agrarian populist wing of the Democratic Party; the delegates at the 1896 Democratic National Convention turned against the policies of Cleveland and those advocated by the Bourbon Democrats, favoring bimetallism as a way out of the depression. Nebraska Congressman William Jennings Bryan now took the stage as the great opponent of the Bourbon Democrats. Harnessing the energy of an agrarian insurgency with his famous Cross of Gold speech, Congressman Bryan soon became the Democratic nominee for President in the 1896 election.
Some of the Bourbons sat out the 1896 election or tacitly supported William McKinley, the Republican nominee whereas others set up the third-party ticket of the National Democratic Party led by John M. Palmer, a former Governor of Illinois; these bolters, called "gold Democrats" returned to the Democratic Party by 1900 or by 1904 at the latest. Bryan demonstrated his hold on the party by winning the 1900 and 1908 Democratic nominations as well. In 1904, a Bourbon, Alton B. Parker, won the nomination and lost in the presidential race as did Bryan every time. William L. Wilson, President Cleveland's Postmaster General, confided in his diary that he opposed Bryan on moral and ideological as well as party grounds. Wilson had begun his public service convinced that special interests had too much control over Congress and his unsuccessful tariff fight had burned this conviction deeper, he feared the triumph of free silver would bring class legislation and selfishness feeding upon national bounty as as did protection.
Moreover, he saw the proposed unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1 to gold as morally wrong, "involving as it does the attempt to call 50 cents a dollar and make it legal tender for dollar debts". Wilson regarded populism as "the product of protection founded on the idea that Government can and therefore Government ought to make people prosperous"; the nomination of Alton Parker in 1904 gave a victory of sorts to pro-gold Democrats, but it was a fleeting one. The old classical liberal ideals had lost their appeal. By World War I, the key elder statesman in the movement John M. Palmer—as well as Simon Bolivar Buckner, William F. Vilas and Edward Atkinson—had died. During the 20th century, classical liberal ideas never influenced a major political party as much as they influenced the Democrats in the early 1890s. West Virginia was formed in 1863 after Unionists from northwestern Virginia establish the Restored Government of Virginia, it remained in Republican control until the passing of the Flick Amendment in 1871 returned states rights to West Virginians who had supported the defunct Confederacy.
A Democratic push led to a reformatting of the West Virginia State Constitution that resulted in more power to the Democratic Party. In 1877, Henry M. Mathews, as a Bourbon, was elected governor of the state and the Bourbons held onto power in the state until the 1893 election of Republican George
Barry Morris Goldwater was an American politician and author, a five-term Senator from Arizona and the Republican Party nominee for President of the United States in 1964. Despite his loss of the 1964 presidential election in a landslide, Goldwater is the politician most credited with having sparked the resurgence of the American conservative political movement in the 1960s, he had a substantial impact on the libertarian movement. Goldwater rejected the legacy of the New Deal and fought with the conservative coalition against the New Deal coalition. Although he had supported earlier civil rights legislation, he notably opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 as he believed it to be an overreach by the federal government. In 1964, Goldwater mobilized a large conservative constituency to win the hard-fought Republican presidential primaries. Although raised as an Episcopalian, Goldwater was the first candidate of ethnically Jewish heritage to be nominated for President by a major American party. Goldwater's platform failed to gain the support of the electorate and he lost the 1964 presidential election to incumbent Democrat Lyndon B. Johnson.
Goldwater returned to the Senate in specialized in defense and foreign policy. As an elder statesman of the party, Goldwater urged President Richard Nixon to resign in 1974 when evidence of a cover-up in the Watergate scandal became overwhelming and impeachment was imminent. Goldwater's views grew libertarian as he reached the end of his career, chose to retire from the Senate in 1987. A significant accomplishment in his career was the passage of the Goldwater–Nichols Act of 1986, he was succeeded by John McCain, who praised his predecessor as the man who "transformed the Republican Party from an Eastern elitist organization to the breeding ground for the election of Ronald Reagan." Goldwater supported the 1980 presidential campaign of Reagan, who had become the standard-bearer of the conservative movement after his Time for Choosing speech. Reagan reflected many of the principles of Goldwater's earlier run in his campaign. Washington Post columnist George Will took note of this, writing, "We...who voted for him in 1964 believe he won, it just took 16 years to count the votes."
After leaving the Senate, Goldwater's views cemented as libertarian. He began to criticize the "moneymaking ventures by fellows like Pat Robertson and others who are trying to...make a religious organization out of it." He lobbied for homosexuals to be able to serve in the military, opposed the Clinton administration's plan for health care reform, supported abortion rights and the legalization of medicinal marijuana. In 1997, Goldwater was revealed to be in the early stages of Alzheimer's disease, he died one year at the age of 89. To this day, Goldwater remains a controversial figure in U. S. politics. Goldwater was born in Phoenix in what was the Arizona Territory, the son of Baron M. Goldwater and his wife, Hattie Josephine "JoJo" Williams, his father's family had founded a leading upscale department store in Phoenix. Goldwater's paternal grandfather, Michel Goldwasser, a Polish Jew, was born in 1821 in Konin, whence he immigrated to London following the Revolutions of 1848. Soon after arriving in London, he anglicized his name from "Goldwasser" to "Goldwater".
Michel married a member of an English Jewish family, in the Great Synagogue of London. His father was Jewish and his mother, Episcopalian, came from a New England family that included the theologian Roger Williams of Rhode Island. Goldwater's parents were married in an Episcopal church in Phoenix. While he did not attend church, he stated that "If a man acts in a religious way, an ethical way he's a religious man—and it doesn't have a lot to do with how he gets inside a church."The family department store made the Goldwaters comfortably wealthy. Goldwater graduated from Staunton Military Academy, an elite private school in Virginia, attended the University of Arizona for one year, where he joined the Sigma Chi fraternity. Barry had never been close to his father, but he took over the family business after Baron's death in 1930, he became a Republican, promoted innovative business practices, opposed the New Deal because it fostered labor unions. Goldwater came to know former President Herbert Hoover, whose conservative politics he admired greatly.
In 1934, he married Margaret "Peggy" Johnson, daughter of a prominent industrialist from Muncie, Indiana. They had four children: Joanne, Barry and Peggy. Goldwater became a widower in 1985, in 1992 he married Susan Wechsler, a nurse 32 years his junior. Goldwater's son Barry Goldwater Jr. served as a United States House of Representatives member from California from 1969 to 1983. Goldwater's uncle Morris Goldwater was an Arizona territorial and state legislator, mayor of Prescott, a businessman. Goldwater's grandson, Ty Ross, a former Zoli model, is gay and HIV positive, the one who inspired the elder Goldwater "to become an octogenarian proponent of gay civil rights". With the American entry into World War II, Goldwater received a reserve commission in the United States Army Air Forces, he became a pilot assigned to the Ferry Command, a newly formed unit that flew aircraft and supplies to war zones worldwide. He spent most of the war flying between the U. S. and India, via the Azores and North Africa or South America
Free trade is a trade policy that does not restrict imports or exports. In government, free trade is predominantly advocated by political parties that hold liberal economic positions while economically left-wing and nationalist political parties support protectionism, the opposite of free trade. Most nations are today members of the World Trade Organization multilateral trade agreements. Free trade is additionally exemplified by the European Economic Area and the Mercosur which have established open markets. However, most governments still impose some protectionist policies that are intended to support local employment, such as applying tariffs to imports or subsidies to exports. Governments may restrict free trade to limit exports of natural resources. Other barriers that may hinder trade include import quotas and non-tariff barriers, such as regulatory legislation. There is a broad consensus among economists that protectionism has a negative effect on economic growth and economic welfare while free trade and the reduction of trade barriers has a positive effect on economic growth.
However, liberalization of trade can cause significant and unequally distributed losses, the economic dislocation of workers in import-competing sectors. Free trade policies may promote the following features: Trade of goods without taxes or other trade barriers. Trade in services without taxes or other trade barriers; the absence of "trade-distorting" policies that give some firms, households, or factors of production an advantage over others. Unregulated access to markets. Unregulated access to market information. Inability of firms to distort markets through government-imposed monopoly or oligopoly power. Trade agreements which encourage free trade. Two simple ways to understand the proposed benefits of free trade are through David Ricardo's theory of comparative advantage and by analyzing the impact of a tariff or import quota. An economic analysis using the law of supply and demand and the economic effects of a tax can be used to show the theoretical benefits and disadvantages of free trade.
Most economists would recommend that developing nations should set their tariff rates quite low, but the economist Ha-Joon Chang, a proponent of industrial policy, believes higher levels may be justified in developing nations because the productivity gap between them and developed nations today is much higher than what developed nations faced when they were at a similar level of technological development. Underdeveloped nations today, Chang believes, are weak players in a much more competitive system. Counterarguments to Chang's point of view are that the developing countries are able to adopt technologies from abroad whereas developed nations had to create new technologies themselves and that developing countries can sell to export markets far richer than any that existed in the 19th century. If the chief justification for a tariff is to stimulate infant industries, it must be high enough to allow domestic manufactured goods to compete with imported goods in order to be successful; this theory, known as import substitution industrialization, is considered ineffective for developing nations.
The chart at the right analyzes the effect of the imposition of an import tariff on some imaginary good. Prior to the tariff, the price of the good in the world market is Pworld; the tariff increases the domestic price to Ptariff. The higher price causes domestic production to increase from QS1 to QS2 and causes domestic consumption to decline from QC1 to QC2; this has three main effects on societal welfare. Consumers are made worse off. Producers are better off; the government has additional tax revenue. However, the loss to consumers is greater than the gains by the government; the magnitude of this societal loss is shown by the two pink triangles. Removing the tariff and having free trade would be a net gain for society. An identical analysis of this tariff from the perspective of a net producing country yields parallel results. From that country's perspective, the tariff leaves producers worse off and consumers better off, but the net loss to producers is larger than the benefit to consumers. Under similar analysis, export tariffs, import quotas and export quotas all yield nearly identical results.
Sometimes consumers are better off and producers worse off and sometimes consumers are worse off and producers are better off, but the imposition of trade restrictions causes a net loss to society because the losses from trade restrictions are larger than the gains from trade restrictions. Free trade creates winners and losers, but theory and empirical evidence show that the size of the winnings from free trade are larger than the losses. According to mainstream economics theory, the selective application of free trade agreements to some countries and tariffs on others can lead to economic inefficiency through the process of trade diversion, it is economically efficient for a good to be produced by the country, the lowest cost producer, but this does not always take place if a high cost producer has a free trade agreement while the low cost producer faces a high tariff. Applying free trade to the high cost producer and not the low cost producer as well can lead to trade diversion and a net economic loss.
This is why many economists place such high importance on negotiations for global tar
Roger Eugene Ailes was an American television executive and media consultant. He was the Chairman and CEO of Fox News and Fox Television Stations, from which he resigned in July 2016. Ailes was a media consultant for Republican presidents Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, for Rudy Giuliani's first mayoral campaign. In 2016, after he resigned from Fox News amid allegations of sexual misconduct, he became an adviser to the Donald Trump campaign, where he assisted with debate preparation. Ailes suffered from hemophilia, a medical condition in which the body is impaired in its ability to produce blood clots, which are required to reduce bleeding, he died on May 18, 2017, at the age of 77, after suffering a subdural hematoma, aggravated by his hemophilia. Ailes was born and grew up in the factory town of Warren, the son of Donna Marie and Robert Eugene Ailes, a factory maintenance foreman. Ailes suffered from hemophilia and was hospitalized as a youth, he attended the Warren city schools, was inducted into Warren G. Harding High School's Distinguished Alumni Hall of Fame.
His father was abusive, his parents divorced in 1960. In 1962, Ailes graduated from Ohio University in Athens, where he majored in radio and television and served as the student station manager for WOUB for two years. Ailes' career in television began in Cleveland and Philadelphia, where he started as Production Assistant and Executive Producer for KYW-TV, for a then-locally produced talk-variety show, The Mike Douglas Show, he continued as Executive Producer for the show when it was syndicated nationally, in 1967 and 1968 he won Emmy Awards for it. In 1967, Ailes had a spirited discussion about television in politics with one of the show's guests, Richard Nixon, who took the view that television was a gimmick. Nixon called on Ailes to serve as his Executive Producer for television. Nixon's successful presidential campaign was Ailes's first venture into the political spotlight, his pioneering work in framing national campaign issues, capitalizing on the race-based Southern Strategy and making the stiff Nixon more likable and accessible to voters was chronicled in The Selling of the President 1968 by Joe McGinniss.
In 1984, Ailes worked on the campaign to reelect Ronald Reagan. In 1987 and 1988, Ailes was credited with guiding George H. W. Bush to victory in the Republican primaries and the come-from-behind victory over Michael Dukakis. Ailes was credited with the "Orchestra Pit Theory" regarding sensationalist political coverage in the news media, which originated with his quip:If you have two guys on a stage and one guy says, "I have a solution to the Middle East problem," and the other guy falls in the orchestra pit, who do you think is going to be on the evening news? Ailes's last campaign was the unsuccessful effort of Richard Thornburgh for U. S. Senate in Pennsylvania in November 1991, he announced his withdrawal from political consulting in 1991. Days after the 9/11 attacks, Ailes advised President George W. Bush that the American public would be patient as long as they were convinced that Bush was using the harshest measures possible; the correspondence was revealed in Bob Woodward's book Bush at War.
Ailes lashed out against Woodward, saying "Woodward got it all screwed up, as usual", "The reason he's not as rich as Tom Clancy is that while he and Clancy both make stuff up, Clancy does his research first." Ailes refused to release a copy of the memo. In 1988, Ailes wrote a book with long-time aide Jon Kraushar, called You Are the Message: Secrets of the Master Communicators. Ailes made his way back to television, this time focusing on cable news. In 1993, he became president of CNBC and created the "America's Talking" channel, which would become MSNBC, he hosted an interview program on America's Talking. Ailes was tapped by Rupert Murdoch in 1996 to become the CEO of Fox News, effective on October 7. After the departure of Lachlan Murdoch from News Corporation, Ailes was named Chairman of the Fox Television Stations Group on August 15, 2005. Following his newest assignment, one of his first acts was canceling A Current Affair in September 2005 and replacing it with a new Geraldo Rivera show, Geraldo at Large, which debuted on Halloween, 2005.
Rivera's show drew about the same ratings as A Current Affair in January 2007. Ailes hired former CBS executive Dennis Swanson in October 2005 to be president of the Fox Television Stations Group. Additionally, there were changes in affiliates' news programs with the standardization of Fox News Channel-like graphics, redesigned studios, news-format changes, the announcement of a new morning television show called The Morning Show with Mike and Juliet to be produced by Fox News Channel. In October 2012, his contract with the network was renewed for four years, through 2016. If completed, he would have served as head of Fox News Channel for 20 years. Salary terms were not made public, although his earnings for the 2012 fiscal year were a reported $21 million inclusive of bonuses. In addition to heading Fox News and chairing Fox Television Stations, Ailes chaired 20th Television, MyNetworkTV and Fox Business Network. In 2016, after he left Fox News, he became an adviser to the Donald Trump campaign, where he assisted with debate preparation.
In 1995, NBC hired a law firm to conduct an internal investigation after Roger Ailes called David Zaslav a "little fucking Jew prick."In January 2011, 400 rabbis, including leaders from various branches of Judaism in the United States, published an open letter in The Wall Street Journal on the UN-designated Holocaust Remembrance Day. They called on Rupert Murdoch, the chairman of News Corp
William F. Buckley Jr.
William Frank Buckley Jr. was an American public intellectual and conservative author and commentator. In 1955, Buckley founded National Review, a magazine that stimulated the conservative movement in the late-20th century United States. Buckley hosted 1,429 episodes of the public affairs television show Firing Line, the longest-running public affairs show in television history with a single host, where he became known for his transatlantic accent and wide vocabulary. Buckley wrote God and Man at Yale and more than fifty other books on diverse topics, including writing, history and sailing. Buckley's works include a series of novels featuring fictitious CIA agent Blackford Oakes, he penned a nationally syndicated newspaper column. Buckley referred to himself as either conservative. George H. Nash, a historian of the modern American conservative movement, said Buckley was "arguably the most important public intellectual in the United States in the past half century. For an entire generation, he was the preeminent voice of American conservatism and its first great ecumenical figure."
Buckley's primary contribution to politics was a fusion of traditionalist conservatism and classical liberalism. Buckley was born November 24, 1925, in New York City, the son of Aloise Josephine Antonia and William Frank Buckley Sr. a Texas-born lawyer and oil developer. His mother, from New Orleans, was of Swiss-German and Irish descent, while his paternal grandparents, from Hamilton, Canada, were of Irish ancestry; the sixth of ten children, Buckley moved as a boy with his family to Mexico, to Sharon, before beginning his formal schooling in Paris, where he attended first grade. By age seven, he received his first formal training in English at a day school in London; as a boy, Buckley developed a love for music, horses and skiing. All of these interests would be reflected in his writings. Buckley was homeschooled through the eighth grade using the Calvert School of Baltimore's Homeschool Curriculum. Just before World War II, at age 12–13, he attended the Jesuit preparatory school St John's Beaumont in England.
During the war, Buckley's family took in the future British historian Alistair Horne as a child war evacuee. He and Horne remained lifelong friends. Buckley and Horne both attended the Millbrook School in Millbrook, New York, graduating as members of the class of 1943. Buckley was a member of the American Boys' Club for the Defense of Errol Flynn during Flynn's trial for statutory rape in 1943. At Millbrook, Buckley edited the school's yearbook, The Tamarack; when Buckley was a young man, his father was an acquaintance of libertarian author Albert Jay Nock. William F. Buckley Sr. encouraged his son to read Nock's works. As a youth, Buckley developed many musical talents, he played the harpsichord well calling it "the instrument I love beyond all others". He was an accomplished pianist and appeared once on Marian McPartland's National Public Radio show Piano Jazz. A great admirer of Johann Sebastian Bach, Buckley said that he wanted Bach's music played at his funeral. Buckley attended the National Autonomous University of Mexico in 1943.
The following year, upon his graduation from the US Army Officer Candidate School, he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the United States Army. In his book, Miles Gone By, he recounts being a member of Franklin Roosevelt's honor guard upon the President's death, he served stateside throughout the war at Georgia. At the end of World War II in 1945, Buckley enrolled in Yale University, where he became a member of the secret Skull and Bones society and was a masterful debater, he was an active member of the Conservative Party of the Yale Political Union, served as Chairman of the Yale Daily News and as an informer for the FBI. Buckley studied political science and economics at Yale, graduating with honors in 1950. Buckley excelled on the Yale Debate Team. In 1951, along with many other Ivy League alumni, Buckley was recruited into the Central Intelligence Agency; the two officers remained lifelong friends. In a November 1, 2005, column for National Review, Buckley recounted that while he worked for the CIA, the only employee of the organization that he knew was Hunt, his immediate boss.
While in Mexico, Buckley edited The Road to a book by Peruvian author Eudocio Ravines. William F. Buckley Jr. had nine siblings, including sister Maureen Buckley-O'Reilly who married Gerald A. O'Reilly, the CEO of Richardson-Vicks Drugs. S. Senator from New York and was a judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the D. C. Circuit. Buckley co-authored a book, McCarthy and His Enemies, with his brother-in-law, attorney L. Brent Bozell Jr. (Patric