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Stevedore

A stevedore, docker, or dockworker is a waterfront manual laborer, involved in loading and unloading ships, trains or airplanes. After the shipping container revolution of the 1960s, the number of dockworkers required declined by over 90%, the term "stevedore" has come to mean a stevedoring firm that contracts with a port, shipowner, or charterer to load and unload a vessel; the word stevedore originated in Portugal or Spain, entered the English language through its use by sailors. It started as a phonetic spelling of estivador or estibador, meaning a man who loads ships and stows cargo, the original meaning of stevedore. In the United Kingdom, people who load and unload ships are called dockers, in Australia dockers or wharfies, while in the United States and Canada the term longshoreman, derived from man-along-the-shore, is used. Before extensive use of container ships and shore-based handling machinery in the United States, longshoremen referred to the dockworkers, while stevedores, in a separate trade union, worked on the ships, operating ship's cranes and moving cargo.

In Canada, the term stevedore has been used, for example, in the name of the Western Stevedoring Company, Ltd. based in Vancouver, B. C. in the 1950s. Loading and unloading ships requires knowledge of the operation of loading equipment, the proper techniques for lifting and stowing cargo, correct handling of hazardous materials. In addition, workers must be physically able to follow orders attentively. In order to unload a ship many longshoremen are needed. There is only a limited amount of time that a ship can be at a port, so they need to get their jobs done quickly. In earlier days before the introduction of containerization, men who loaded and unloaded ships had to tie down cargoes with rope. A type of stopper knot is called the stevedore knot; the methods of securely tying up parcels of goods is called stevedore stevedore knotting. While loading a general cargo vessel, they use dunnage, which are pieces of wood set down to keep the cargo out of any water that might be lying in the hold or are placed as shims between cargo crates for load securing.

Today, the vast majority of non-bulk cargo is transported in intermodal containers. The containers arrive at a port by truck, rail, or another ship and are stacked in the port's storage area; when the ship that will be transporting them arrives, the containers that it is offloading are unloaded by a crane. The containers either leave the port by truck or rail or are put in the storage area until they are put on another ship. Once the ship is offloaded, the containers it is leaving with are brought to the dock by truck. A crane lifts the containers from the trucks into the ship; as the containers pile up in the ship, the workers connect them to each other. The jobs involved include the crane operators, the workers who connect the containers to the ship and each other, the truck drivers that transport the containers from the dock and storage area, the workers who track the containers in the storage area as they are loaded and unloaded, as well as various supervisors; those workers at the port who handle and move the containers are to be considered stevedores or longshoremen.

Before containerization, freight was handled with a longshoreman’s hook, a tool which became emblematic of the profession. Traditionally, stevedores had no fixed job, but would arrive at the docks in the morning seeking employment for the day. London dockers called this practice standing on the stones, while in the United States it was referred to as shaping up or assembling for the shape-up, or catching the breaks. In Britain, due to changes in employment laws, such jobs have either become permanent or have been converted to temporary jobs. Dock workers have been a prominent part of the modern labor movement. Container handling in Hong Kong - 2005 In Australia, the informal term "wharfie" and the formal "waterside worker", include the variety of occupations covered in other countries by words like stevedore; the term "stevedore" is sometimes used, as in the company name Patrick Stevedores. The term "docker" is sometimes used, however in Australia this refers to a harbor pilot; the Maritime Union of Australia has coverage of these workers, fought a substantial industrial battle in the 1998 Australian waterfront dispute to prevent the contracting out of work to non-union workers.

In 1943 stevedores in Melbourne and Sydney were deliberately exposed to mustard gas while unloading the ship Idomeneus. The result was permanent disability -- all as a result of military secrecy. New Zealand usage is similar to the Australian version; the 1951 New Zealand waterfront dispute, involving New Zealand stevedores, was the largest and most bitter industrial dispute in the country's history. In the United Kingdom, the definition of a stevedore varies from port to port. In some ports, only the skilled master of a loading gang is referred to as a "stevedore". "Docker" is the usual general term used in the UK for a worker who loads or unloads ships and performs various other jobs required at a sea port. In some ports a Stevedore is a person who decides where cargo is stowed on a ship, in order for safe stowage and balance of a ship, it is not a hands-on role. It was once known to refer those working on a ship—loading or unloading the cargo—as stevedores, while those working on the q

The Art of Donald McGill

"The Art of Donald McGill" is a critical essay first published in 1941 by the English author George Orwell. It discusses the genre of English saucy seaside postcards that were sold in small shops in British coastal towns, the work of its prime exponent, Donald McGill. Orwell notes the role of this type of humour as a rebellion against convention in society and states that, despite the vulgarity, he would be sorry to see the postcards vanish. Seaside postcards represent the low humour and wordplay, characteristic of the Victorian music hall, they were sold at booths along the front at British seaside holiday resorts. McGill created an estimated 12,000 of the colour washed drawings which were reproduced as postcards and an estimated 200 million were printed and sold, his career began in 1904 when he was encouraged by a relation who saw an illustrated get-well card McGill had made for a sick nephew. Within a year it was his full-time occupation. McGill married the daughter of the owner of Crowder's Music Hall in Greenwich.

Such postcards were associated with embarrassment and McGill noted that his two daughters "ran like stags whenever they passed a comic postcard shop". Orwell's interest in such postcards began in his schooldays in Eastbourne. Jacintha Buddicom recalls him around the age of twelve at Shiplake and Henley when he kept a collection in an album, she recalls that some were kept in a manilla envelope because they were "too vulgar" to be put on display. In "Such, Such Were the Joys" Orwell reports his alarm at being stared at with suspicion by a man as he came out a newsagent's shop in Eastbourne, although he says in the essay that he was buying sweets. "The Art of Donald McGill" was first published in Horizon in September 1941. The article has appeared in many anthologies including Critical Essays, Collected Essays, Decline of the English Murder and Other Essays and The Collected Essays and Letters of George Orwell, republished by the Donald McGill Museum & Archive Ryde with for the first time examples of the cards discussed accompanying the text.

Orwell identifies the overpowering vulgarity, the crude drawing and unbearable colours of the seaside postcard which specialises in very'low' humour. He selects McGill because he sees his work as the most representative and perfect in the tradition, although he is ignorant of whether McGill is a real individual or just a corporate name. Orwell picks out the main subjects of the postcards as sex, home life, drunkenness, WC jokes, snobbery within the working-class, stereotypical figures and topical politico-social fads, they feature illegitimacy, the mother-in-law, the hen-pecked husband, the middle-aged drunk, chamber pots, the nervous clergyman who says the wrong thing, malapropisms and "an endless succession of fat women in tight bathing-dresses." He concludes that this reflects, on a comic level, the working-class outlook that youth and adventure, individual life, end with marriage. Orwell considers that in England under censorship laws there is a wide gap between what can be said and what can be printed.

He sees comic post cards as the only medium in which "low" humour is printable although similar jokes are part and parcel of the revue and music-hall, can be heard on the radio. Orwell presents a thesis of duality in human nature which he calls the Don Quixote–Sancho Panza combination—the conflict between high-minded respectability and vulgar buffoonery. "Society has always to demand a little more from human beings than it will get in practice—that they should work hard, pay their taxes, be faithful to their wives, men should think it glorious to die on the battlefield and women should want wear themselves out with child-bearing. The postcards represent the worm's-eye view of life where "marriage is a dirty joke or a comic disaster... where the lawyer is always a crook and the Scotsman always a miser, where the newly-weds make fools of themselves on the hideous beds of seaside lodging-houses and the drunken, red-nosed husbands roll home at four in the morning to meet the linen-nightgowned wives who wait for them behind the front door, poker in hand".

Orwell brings in a quotation from Ecclesiastes. Such postcards are therefore symptomatically important as a sort of saturnalia, a harmless rebellion against virtue. Orwell notes that the mood of the comic post card could appear between the murders in Shakespeare's tragedies but that this type of humour in literature had been repressed from the beginning of the 19th century and has dwindled to these "ill-drawn post cards, leading a legal existence in cheap stationers' windows". In 1954, under a government crackdown on declining morals, McGill was prosecuted and fined under the Obscene Publications Act 1857; this wiped out the industry. In 1957 he gave evidence to a House of Commons Select Committee, revising the legislation. In the light of an exhibition of the work of McGill in 2004, various critics have challenged Orwell's dismissive view of the quality of the art. George Orwell bibliography Text of The Art of Donald McGill

Vic Lee Racing

Vic Lee Racing Vic Lee Motorsport was a UK auto racing team, most famous for running BMWs and Peugeots in the British Touring Car Championship, most infamous for the drug-related convictions of its owner Victor "Vic" Lee. As Vic Lee Motorsport the team had considerable success in the early 1990s: in 1990 Jeff Allam won his class in a VLM prepared BMW M3, 1991 saw Will Hoy take the BTCC title in a similar car, Tim Harvey won the championship for the team in a BMW 318is. However, the company was liquidated when Lee and others were convicted of importing drugs hidden in their race transporters worth £6 million, suspicions having been raised due to the number of times the team found it necessary to test at the Zandvoort circuit in the Netherlands. Lee received a sentence of twelve years' imprisonment in 1993; the team was liquidated, some of the assets sold went to the team's driver Ray Bellm and Steve Neal, who together formed Team Dynamics. VLR were contracted by Peugeot Sport to design and develop cars for the Peugeot 206 Cup.

After being released from parole in 1998 to work for Team Dynamics, Vic shortly took over the Bowman Motorsport team, restarted the team as'VLR' by running a programme in the National Saloon Car Championship. The team was given its own space at Peugeot's Stoke Heath factory. For the 2000 BTCC season they ran a joint campaign in the NSC and BTCC Class B last season, winning both with Peugeot 306s driven by Toni Ruokonen and Alan Morrison respectively. On the strength of these results Peugeot enlisted VLR to run their works entry in the new-look BTCC for 2001. VLR signed Dan Eaves, former VLM driver Steve Soper and Matt Neal to drive the bright yellow Peugeot 406 coupés, but sponsorship difficulties meant Neal was released from his contract after only two rounds. In addition, former Superbike racer Aaron Slight drove an extra car for one race weekend mid-season; the dominance of Vauxhall in 2001 meant that the team were not as successful as Peugeot hoped, resulting in the withdrawal of works backing.

However, despite rumours linking the team to running Lexus cars for 2002, they continued with the 406s under the guise of "Team Halfords" having landed substantial backing from the company. Eaves remained with the team, was joined by 1992 champion Tim Harvey, Soper having retired after a career-ending crash at the final round of the 2001 season. Midway through the season they were joined by single-seater refugee Carl Breeze, by the year's end Eaves had claimed 1st in the Independent's championship, with the team a creditable 5th overall. For 2003 VLR switched to a Peugeot 307 with Eaves and Breeze, however the car was not as competitive and Breeze jumped ship to GA Motorsports with Clio ace Danny Buxton taking his place. Despite lodging an entry for the 2004 season, nothing materialised, leading to Eaves taking Halfords sponsorship to Team Dynamics at the last minute. In 2005 Lee was again charged with two others and convicted of drug trafficking offences, when £1.7 million worth of class A drugs was discovered in the boot of his car, in which he received again, twelve years imprisonment.

Lee was released in 2010 and is a managing director of Corbeau

Lake Apopka

Lake Apopka is the fourth largest lake in the U. S. state of Florida. It is located 15 miles northwest of Orlando within the bounds of Orange County, although the western part is in Lake County. Fed by a natural spring and stormwater runoff, water from Lake Apopka flows through the Apopka-Beauclair Canal and into Lakes Beauclair and Dora. From Lake Dora, water flows into Lake Eustis into Lake Griffin and northward into the Ocklawaha River, which flows into the St. Johns River. Through the 1940s, Lake Apopka was one of Central Florida's main attractions. Anglers traveled from throughout the United States to fish for trophy-sized bass in Lake Apopka, 21 fish camps lined the lake's shoreline. Lake Apopka has a history of more than 100 years of human alteration, beginning with construction of the Apopka-Beauclair Canal in 1888. In 1941, a levee was built along the north shore to drain 20,000 acres of shallow marsh for farming; the discharge of water, rich in nutrients from agricultural and other sources, produced conditions that created a chronic algal bloom and resulted in loss of the lake's recreational value and game fish populations.

In July 1980, Tower Chemical Company, a local pesticide manufacturer, improperly disposed of significant amounts of DDE, a known endocrine disruptor, along with other toxic chemicals. As a result, these chemicals spilled into Lake Apopka, the US Environmental Protection Agency was alerted. TCC shut down their operations in December 1980. In 1981, an EPA investigation began and the site was decommissioned and designated as a Superfund clean-up site. Despite their efforts, some of the chemicals seeped into the Florida aquifer and have proliferated into some of Central Florida's interconnected lakes and waterways; this chemical has caused health problems in much of the lake's wildlife population, has caused infertility and other sexual disorders in several species, including alligators. In 1991, a coalition of real estate interests from the West Orange Community organized the Friends of Lake Apopka with the goal of reclaiming the lake from the agricultural interests who were discharging phosphorus laden water into the lake basin.

Water from the lake was used to flood the farm fields during the hot summer months to restrict erosion and discharged back to the lake before the growing season. A series of canals and high capacity pumps allowed the water to be introduced for irrigation and flooding or to discharge it when necessary; the phosphate laden water created a hypereutrophic condition resulting in algal blooms, robbing the lake water of oxygen and sunlight necessary to sustain plant life on the lake bottom. Over the decades, this condition caused the sandy bottom lake to be covered by a deep layer of muck. In 1996, Governor Lawton Chiles signed the Lake Apopka Restoration Act that provided funding to purchase the farmland responsible for the discharges; the shuttering of the farms allowed for the St. Johns River Water Management District to begin plans to convert the fields back to the marsh area it had once been. A survey was taken of the site that identified the hot spots that contained chemical contamination, cleanup was initiated.

More than 85 percent of the phosphorus going into Lake Apopka was from farms on the lake's north shore. To combat this problem, the District and the U. S. Department of Agriculture purchased all of the farms for restoration between 1988 and 2001; this contributed to reducing discharges of excessive nutrients from farms to the lake. The 1996 Lake Apopka Improvement and Management Act authorized the District to set a phosphorus concentration target. Subsequently, the District established a restoration phosphorus-loading target for Lake Apopka of 15.9 metric tons of phosphorus per year. This represents a 75 percent reduction from 1989–1994 farming discharges; the target was adopted as a total maximum daily load for the lake, which has a goal of attaining an in-lake total phosphorus concentration of 55 parts per billion. Restoration of wetlands on the NSEA can reduce storm water discharges to Lake Apopka and related nutrient loading, accelerating the enhancement of the lake; the innovative restoration and remediation plan for the NSEA focuses on infrastructure requirements, soil inversion and soil amendment work needed to prepare the system for wetland restoration.

The soil inversion process was developed as a remediation method to address the high levels of organochlorine pesticides found in organic surface soils. The pesticides remain in the organic soils from years of farm pesticide applications; the inversion process used modified farm equipment to plow up to one meter deep and flip the soil, bringing up uncontaminated soil to the surface and covering the contaminated surface layer of soil. The work was completed in May 2009 and it helped ensure that OCPs were unable to enter the food chain; the inversion process reduced contaminants in the biologically active soil layer to safe levels on about 1,600 hectares in the NSEA. Soils in the NSEA contained excess nutrients such as phosphorus due to many years of agricultural production. Applying a “soil amendment,”, a drinking water treatment residual, helps to trap excess phosphorus in soils; this helps mitigate the release of phosphorus from the soil to overlying water when the area is reflooded. The soil amendment was applied to about 2,800 hectares in the NSRA and was complete in 2009.

As infrastructure construction is completed for each phase, a biological assessment is prepared for review and submitted to the U. S. Fish and Wildlife Service. With USFWS concurrence and restoration flooding begins; the infrastructure is de

Sea Level (band)

Sea Level was an American jazz fusion band from Macon, Georgia that mixed jazz and rock and existed between 1976 and 1981. It was an offshoot of The Allman Brothers Band, but as tensions grew between the loss of two of its founding members and personal grievances between Gregg Allman and other bandmates and associates, Sea Level took on a life of its own as an independent band. After the initial breakup of the Allman Brothers Band when Gregg Allman and Dicky Betts left, most of the remaining members who evolved into Sea Level were the trio "We Three" comprising bassist Lamar Williams, drummer Jaimoe and Chuck Leavell; the trio would open shows for the group in 1975 and 1976. With the Allmans disbanding in 1976, the trio added guitarist Jimmy Nalls and named the band based on a phonetic pun of their new bandleader Chuck Leavell's name: "C. Leavell." They toured relentlessly and refining their sound signing with Capricorn Records and recording their self-titled debut album in 1977. After the release of their first album, the group expanded to a septet with the additions of Davis Causey, George Weaver and Randall Bramblett.

That configuration recorded the group's second album, Cats on the Coast, in 1978. By the time of the third album, On the Edge and Weaver had both left, replaced by Joe English; the sextet of Bramblett, English, Leavell and Williams recorded the fourth album, Long Walk on a Short Pier, unreleased in the United States for nearly twenty years, adding percussionist Matt Greeley for their fifth and final album, Ball Room, issued on Arista in 1980. Their greatest hits album wrapped up their body of work, minus a handful of appearances on various compilation albums, they were featured on a 1978 live Southern Rock album which included a live version of "Grand Larceny." Leavell emerged as a much sought-after session musician and producer, touring with Eric Clapton and becoming a "permanent" session player touring with the Rolling Stones. In 1998, he issued his debut solo LP, a Christmas album called What's in That Bag? and more Forever Blue that includes solo versions of two classic Sea Level compositions: "Whole Lotta Colada" and "Song for Amy."

He released Southscape, an album of Southern anthems that hearkens back to his Southern roots. Lamar Williams died from lung cancer in 1983. Jimmy Nalls, who suffered from Parkinson's disease, died on June 22, 2017. Sea Level Cats on the Coast On the Edge Long Walk on a Short Pier Ball Room Best of Sea Level Best of Sea Level Chuck Leavell: – piano, Moog synthesizer, clavinet, percussion, vocals Lamar Williams – bass, vocals Jimmy Nalls – guitars, vocals Jaimoe – drums, percussion Davis Causey – guitars Randall Bramblett – saxophones, keyboards, vocals George Weaver – drums Joe English – drums, vocals Matt Greeley – percussion, vocals

Memorial Gates (University of Saskatchewan)

Memorial Gates are a military memorial which are part of the University of Saskatchewan, City of Saskatoon, Saskatchewan. These Gates were the entrance gates to the university campus and flanked University Drive. In the 1980s, due to increased traffic to the southwest portion of the campus Royal University Hospital, a new road entrance was built to the west; the gates remain, with the remnant of University Drive passing through them renamed Memorial Crescent. The gates are now used by pedestrians, though the roadway is open to vehicles. University of Saskatchewan These are they who went forth from this University to the Great War 1914-1918 and gave their lives that we might live in freedom Ypres Somme Vimy Paschendale Memorial Gates erected 1927 a.d. The ashes of Frederick W. A. G. Haultain were scattered at the gates. College Building Rugby Chapel Victoria One Room School house St. Andrew's College Royal University Hospital University of Saskatchewan This article uses the primary source images as documentation for this article.

The memorial gates etch the University of Saskatchewan alumni who have fallen in the great war into the stone work. Click on an image for more detail; the Encyclopedia of Saskatchewan |196th Battalion On Campus News - Memorial Gates commemorate 67 students and.. Memorial Gates