Wahhabism is an Islamic doctrine and religious movement founded by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab. It has been variously described as "ultraconservative", "austere", "fundamentalist", or "puritan"; the term Wahhabi is used polemically and adherents reject its use, preferring to be called Salafi or muwahhid. Claiming to emphasize the principle of tawhid, for exclusivity on monotheism, dismissing other Muslims as practising shirk, it follows the theology of Ibn Taymiyyah and the Hanbali school of jurisprudence, although Hanbali leaders renounced Abd al-Wahhab's views. Wahhabism is named after Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, he started a reform movement in the remote, sparsely populated region of Najd, advocating a purging of such widespread Sunni practices as the veneration of saints and the visiting of their tombs and shrines, that were practiced all over the Islamic world, but which he considered idolatrous impurities and innovations in Islam. He formed a pact with a local leader, Muhammad bin Saud, offering political obedience and promising that protection and propagation of the Wahhabi movement meant "power and glory" and rule of "lands and men".
The alliance between followers of ibn Abd al-Wahhab and Muhammad bin Saud's successors proved to be a durable one. The House of Saud continued to maintain its politico-religious alliance with the Wahhabi sect through the waxing and waning of its own political fortunes over the next 150 years, through to its eventual proclamation of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1932, afterwards, on into modern times. Today Ibn Abd Al-Wahhab's teachings are the official, state-sponsored form of Sunni Islam in Saudi Arabia. With the help of funding from Saudi petroleum exports, the movement underwent "explosive growth" beginning in the 1970s and now has worldwide influence; the US State Department has estimated that over the past four decades concerns in Riyadh have directed at least $10bn to select charitable foundations toward the subversion of mainstream Sunni Islam by the harsh intolerance of Wahhabism. The "boundaries" of Wahhabism have been called "difficult to pinpoint", but in contemporary usage, the terms Wahhabi and Salafi are used interchangeably, they are considered to be movements with different roots that have merged since the 1960s.
However, Wahhabism has been called "a particular orientation within Salafism", or an ultra-conservative, Saudi brand of Salafism. Estimates of the number of adherents to Wahhabism vary, with one source giving a figure of fewer than 5 million Wahhabis in the Persian Gulf region; the majority of Sunni and Shia Muslims worldwide disagree with the interpretation of Wahhabism, many Muslims denounce them as a faction or a "vile sect". Islamic scholars, including those from the Al-Azhar University denounce Wahhabism with terms such as "Satanic faith". Wahhabism has been accused of being "a source of global terrorism", inspiring the ideology of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, for causing disunity in Muslim communities by labelling Muslims who disagreed with the Wahhabi definition of monotheism as apostates and justifying their killing, it has been criticized for the destruction of historic shrines of saints and other Muslim and non-Muslim buildings and artifacts. Some definitions or uses of the term Wahhabi Islam include: "a corpus of doctrines", "a set of attitudes and behavior, derived from the teachings of a severe religious reformist who lived in central Arabia in the mid-eighteenth century" "pure Islam", that does not deviate from Sharia law in any way and should be called Islam and not Wahhabism.
"a misguided creed that fosters intolerance, promotes simplistic theology, restricts Islam's capacity for adaption to diverse and shifting circumstances" "a conservative reform movement... the creed upon which the kingdom of Saudi Arabia was founded, has influenced Islamic movements worldwide" "a sect dominant in Saudi Arabia and Qatar" with footholds in "India and elsewhere", with a "steadfastly fundamentalist interpretation of Islam in the tradition of Ibn Hanbal" an "eighteenth-century reformist/revivalist movement for sociomoral reconstruction of society", "founded by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab". Originally a "literal revivification" of Islamic principles that ignored the spiritual side of Islam, that "rose on the wings of enthusiasm and longing and sank down into the lowlands of pharisaic self-righteousness" after gaining power and losing its "longing and humility" "a political trend" within Islam that "has been adopted for power-sharing purposes", but cannot be called a sect because "It has no special practices, nor special rites, no special interpretation of religion that differ from the main body of Sunni Islam" (Abdallah Al Obeid, the former dean of the Islamic University of Medina and member of the Saudi Con
The Vilayet of the Hejaz refers to the Hejaz region of Arabia when it was administered as a first-level province of the Ottoman Empire. At the beginning of the 20th century, it had an area of 96,500 square miles; the Hejaz included all land from the southern border of the Vilayet of Syria, south of the city of Ma‛an, to the northern border of the Vilayet of Yemen, north of the city of Al Lith. Despite its lack of natural resources, the region had great political importance as the cradle of Islam and was a source of legitimacy for the Ottomans' rule. Subsidies provided by the state and zakat were the main source of income for the population of the two holy cities, but trade generated by the hajj was an important source of revenue; the Ottoman regular force in Hejaz was constituted as a fırka, attached to the Seventh Army in Yemen. Outside of cities and towns, Ottoman authority was weak. Only Medina and Jeddah had permanent garrisons. Sultan Selim I took over Egypt; the Hejaz was at the time, a Mamluk suzerainty and had relied on Egypt for grain imports, it was under threat from an aggressive Portuguese navy in the Red Sea.
As a result, the emir of Mecca at the time, Berekat ibn Muhammed Haseni, sent his 12-year-old son, Muhammad, to Egypt and pledged their allegiance to the Ottoman Sultan, along with the key to Mecca. The Sultan allowed the emir of Mecca to remain in power in exchange for loyalty to the Sultan. To strengthen the Sultan's legitimacy in Hejaz and in the Muslim world, the Sultan adopted the title Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques; the Ottomans administered the Hejaz under the Eyalet of Egypt. The Sharif of Mecca represented imperial authority in the region. Administration fell to the Governors of Jeddah, the Eyalet of Jeddah was transformed into the Hejaz Vilayet, with a governor in Mecca. Since the 1750s, Wahabi Muslims, a puritanical sect from the Najd region backed by the influential Al Saud family, began to pose a threat to the stability of the Hejaz. In 1801, while the Ottoman Porte's attention was diverted to the French invasion of Egypt, the Wahhabis overpowered local Hejazi defences and captured the holy cities.
Şerif Pasha, the governor of Jeddah, temporarily wrestled Mecca back from the Wahhabis but was defeated in 1806. The Wahhabis imposed their strict religious doctrines in the holy cities. In early 1807, the leader of the Wahhabi army Ibn Saud ordered the expulsion of all pilgrims and troops loyal to the Emir of Mecca, looting of the city followed, it was alleged that Ibn Saud banned pilgrim caravans that were accompanied with trumpets and drums, which were contrary to Wahhabi doctrines. The Ottoman government found itself unable to confront the Wahhabis, gave the task of defeating them to the powerful Muhammad Ali Pasha of Egypt in 1809-1810. Muhammad Ali Pasha dispatched an army commanded by his son Tusun Pasha in 1811, retook Medina and Mecca in 1812 and 1813 respectively. Tusun Pasha died of disease during the campaign and was replaced by his younger brother, Ibrahim Pasha, who continued the campaign into the Najd, with the war ending only in September 1818, with the defeat and dissolution of what was known as the First Saudi State.
From 1818 to 1845, the region would be administered by Egypt, until Muhammad Ali was forced to restore Hejaz to the Sultan as a result of the Second Turko-Egyptian War. Osman Pasha was appointed to the Governorship of the Hejaz; the borders of the province were redefined better, the Emirate of Mecca was restored. In the late 1860s, a commission was sent to the Hejaz to reorganize the province, the following decades saw the introduction of administrative reforms. Hejaz was reorganized as a vilayet in 1872 according to the Vilayet Law of 1864; the province was divided into sanjaks and nahiyes. Mecca became the center of the vilayet, with Jeddah as sanjaks; the administrative structure of the Hejaz was reformed, but some changes enacted in the rest of the Empire were not implemented here. The towns of Mecca and Medina were exempted from paying taxes and in fact, were given subsidies, called surre, from the Ottoman treasury, to be distributed to the poor in Mecca and Medina; the Hejaz region first received subvention in the reign of the Abbasid caliph Al-Muqtadir in the tenth century, afterwards it became customary for other caliphs and sultans to send these subsidies.
However, aside from residents of Mecca and Medina, the inhabitants of other towns and villages did not benefit as much. Subsidies were paid to notable nomadic shaikhs, who had the potential to disrupt the passage of pilgrims in the region; the entire province was exempted from military service. The Ottomans maintained a garrison force of 7,000 soldiers under the command of officers, in addition to the Sharif's own personal guard of 500. Proper garrisons were stationed at the towns of Mecca and Medina whereas pocket garrisons were kept in Jeddah, Yanbu and Ta'if- all of which were alongside the strategic Hejaz Railway. Besides these settlements and other infrastructure were not under Ottoman control - the roads to Yanbu from Medina required strong escorts and the Mecca-Medina railway route was closed by tribesmen who demanded payment for passage - highway robbery and murder were common on these roads; the Ottomans completed the Hejaz Railway, linking Damascus to Medina, in 1908, but the railway was s
In Sunni Islam, the ulama, are the guardians and interpreters of religious knowledge, of Islamic doctrine and law. By longstanding tradition, ulama are educated in religious institutions; the Quran and Sunnah, are the sources of traditional Islamic law. Students did not associate themselves with a specific educational institution, but rather sought to join renowned teachers. By tradition, a scholar who had completed his studies was approved by his teacher. At the teacher's individual discretion, the student was given the permission for teaching and for the issuing of legal opinions; the official approval was known as the ijazat at-tadris wa'l-ifta. Through time, this practice established a chain of teachers and pupils who became teachers in their own time; the traditional place of higher education was the madrasa. The institution came up in Khurasan during the 10th century AD, spread to other parts of the Islamic world from the late 11th century onwards; the most famous early madrasas are the Sunni Niẓāmiyya, founded by the Seljuk vizir Nizam al-Mulk in Iran and Iraq in the 11th century.
The Mustansiriya, established by the Abbasid caliph Al-Mustansir in Baghdad in 1234 AD, was the first to be founded by a caliph, the first known to host teachers of all four major madhhab known at that time. From the time of the Persian Ilkhanate and the Timurid dynasty onwards, madrasas became part of an architectural complex which included a mosque, a Sufi ṭarīqa, other buildings of socio-cultural function, like baths or a hospital. Madrasas were places of learning, they provided boarding and salaries to a limited number of teachers, boarding for a number of students out of the revenue from religious endowments, allocated to a specific institution by the donor. In times, the deeds of endowment were issued in elaborate Islamic calligraphy, as is the case for Ottoman endowment books; the donor could specify the subjects to be taught, the qualification of the teachers, or which madhhab the teaching should follow. However, the donor was free to specify in detail the curriculum, as was shown by Ahmed and Filipovic for the Ottoman imperial madrasas founded by Suleiman the Magnificent.
As Berkey has described in detail for the education in medieval Cairo, unlike medieval Western universities, in general madrasas had no distinct curriculum, did not issue diplomas. The educational activities of the madrasas focused on the law, but included what Zaman called "Sharia sciences" as well as the rational sciences like philosophy, mathematics or medicine; the inclusion of these sciences sometimes reflect the personal interests of their donors, but indicate that scholars studied various different sciences. Early on in Islamic history, a line of thought developed around the idea of mysticism, striving for the perfection of worship. Originating out of Syria and Iraq rather than the Hijaz, the idea of Sufism was related to devotional practices of eastern Christian monasticism, although monastic life in Islam is discouraged by the Quran. During the first Islamic century, Ḥasan al-Baṣrī was one of the first Muslim scholars to describe, according to Albert Hourani "the sense of the distance and nearness of God... in the language of love".
During the 7th century, the ritual of Dhikr evolved as a "way of freeing the soul from the distractions of the world". Important early scholars who further elaborated on mysticism were Harith al-Muhasibi and Junayd al-Baghdadi; the early Muslim conquests brought about Arab Muslim rule over large parts of the Hellenistic world. During the time of the Umayyad Caliphate, at latest, the scholars of the emerging Islamic society had become familiar with the classical philosophical and scientific traditions of the world they had conquered; the collection of classical works and their translation into the Arabian language initiated a period, known today as the Islamic Golden Age. According to Hourani, the works of the classical scholars of antiquity were met with considerable intellectual curiosity by Islamic scholars. Hourani quotes al-Kindi, "the father of Islamic philosophy", as follows: "We should not be ashamed to acknowledge truth from whatever source it comes to us if it is brought to us by former generations and foreign peoples.
For him who seeks the truth there is nothing of higher value than truth itself." The works of Aristotle, in particular his Nicomachean Ethics, had a profound influence on the Islamic scholars of the Golden Age like Al-Farabi, Abu al-Hassan al-Amiri and Ibn Sīnā. In general, the Islamic philosophers saw no contradiction between philosophy and the religion of Islam. However, according to Hourani, al-Farabi wrote that philosophy in its pure form was reserved for an intellectual elite, that ordinary people should rely for guidance on the sharia; the distinction between a scholarly elite and the less educated masses "was to become a commonplace of Islamic thought". As exemplified by the works of al-Razi, during times, philosophy "was carried on as a private activity by medical men, pursued with discretion, met with suspicion"; the founder of Islamic philosophical ethics is Ibn Miskawayh He combined Aristotelian and Islamic ethics, explicitly mentioning the Nicomachean Ethics and its interpretati
Islamic Modernism is a movement, described as "the first Muslim ideological response" attempting to reconcile Islamic faith with modern values such as nationalism, civil rights, rationality and progress. It featured a "critical reexamination of the classical conceptions and methods of jurisprudence" and a new approach to Islamic theology and Quranic exegesis, it was the first of several Islamic movements – including secularism and Salafism – that emerged in the middle of the 19th century in reaction to the rapid changes of the time the perceived onslaught of Western Civilization and colonialism on the Muslim world. Founders include Muhammad Abduh, a Sheikh of Al-Azhar University for a brief period before his death in 1905, Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani, Muhammad Rashid Rida; the early Islamic Modernists used the term "salafiyya" to refer to their attempt at renovation of Islamic thought, this "salafiyya movement" is known in the West as "Islamic modernism," although it is different from what is called the Salafi movement, which signifies "ideologies such as wahhabism".
Since its inception, Modernism has suffered from co-option of its original reformism by both secularist rulers and by "the official ulama" whose "task it is to legitimise" rulers' actions in religious terms. Modernism differs from secularism in that it insists on the importance of religious faith in public life, from Salafism or Islamism in that it embraces contemporary European institutions, social processes, values. One expression of Islamic Modernism is that "only when Islam is interpreted so as to be relevant in a world, different from what it was 1400 years ago can Islam be regarded as a religion for all ages." The origins of Salafism in the modernist "Salafi Movement" of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh are noted by many authors, although others say Islamic Modernism only influenced contemporary Salafism. According to Quintan Wiktorowicz: There has been some confusion in recent years because both the Islamic modernists and the contemporary Salafis refer to themselves as al-salafiyya, leading some observers to erroneously conclude a common ideological lineage.
The earlier salafiyya, were predominantly rationalist Asharis. Some trends in modern Islamic thought include: The acknowledgement "with varying degrees of criticism or emulation", of the technological and legal achievements of the West, while at the same time objecting "to Western colonial exploitation of Muslim countries and the imposition of Western secular values" and aiming to develop a modern and dynamic understanding of science among Muslims that would strengthen the Muslim world and prevent further exploitation. Invocation of maqasid al-sharia or objectives of the sharia in support of maslahah, "invoked and expanded" by Islamic reformists in "many parts of the globe to justify initiatives not addressed in classical commentaries but regarded as of urgent political and ethical concern." Reinterpreting traditional Islamic law using the four traditional sources of Islamic jurisprudence – the Quran, the reported deed and saying of Muhammad, consensus of the theologians and juristic reasoning by analogy, ijtihad Taking and reinterpreting the first two sources "to transform the last two in order to formulate a reformist project in light of the prevailing standards of scientific rationality and modern social theory."
Restricting traditional Islamic law by limiting its basis to the Quran and authentic Sunnah, limiting the Sunna with radical Hadith criticism. Employing ijtihad not to only in the traditional, narrow way to arrive at legal rulings in unprecedented cases, but for critical independent reasoning in all domains of thought, even approving of its use by non-jurists. A more or less radical interpretation of the authoritative sources; this is the case with the Quranic texts on polygyny, the hadd punishments and treatment of unbelievers, banning of interest on loans, which conflict with "modern" views. On the issue of jihad, modernists such as Muhammad Abduh and Rashid Rida, took a different line than "traditionalist-classicist" scholars, emphasizing that jihad was allowed only as defensive warfare to respond to aggression or "perfidy" against the Muslim community, that the "normal and desired state" between Islamic and non-Islamic territories was one of "peaceful coexistence." According to Mahmud Shaltut and other modernists, unbelief was not sufficient cause for declaring jihad.
The conversion to Islam by unbelievers in fear of death at the hands of jihadists was unlikely to prove sincere or lasting. Much preferable means of conversion was education, they pointed to the verse "No compulsion is there in religion" On the issue of riba, Syed Ahmad Khan, Fazlur Rahman Malik, Muhammad Abduh, Rashid Rida, Abd El-Razzak El-Sanhuri, Muhammad Asad, Mahmoud Shaltout all took issue with the jurist orthodoxy that any and all interest was riba and forbidden, believing that there was a difference between interest and usury. An apologetic which links aspects of the Islamic tradition with Western ideas and practices, claims Western practices in question were derived from Islam. Islamic apologetics has however been criticized by many scholars as superficial and psychologically destructive, so much so that the term "apologetics" has become a term of abuse in the literature on m
Shaykh al-Islām was used in the classical era as an honorific title for outstanding scholars of the Islamic sciences. It first emerged in Khurasan towards the end of the 4th Islamic century. In the central and western lands of Islam, it was an informal title given to jurists whose fatwas were influential, while in the east it came to be conferred by rulers to ulama who played various official roles but were not muftis. Sometimes, as in the case of Ibn Taymiyya, the use of the title was subject to controversy. In the Ottoman Empire, starting from the early modern era, the title came to designate the chief mufti, who oversaw a hierarchy of state-appointed ulama; the Ottoman Shaykh al-Islam performed a number of functions, including advising the sultan on religious matters, legitimizing government policies, appointing judges. Modern times have seen the role of chief mufti carried out by Grand Muftis appointed or elected in a variety of ways. Like other honorific titles starting with the word sheikh, the term shaykh al-islam was reserved in the classifical era for ulama and mystics.
It first appeared in Khurasan in the 4th/10th century. In major cities of Khurasan it seems to have had more specific connotations, since only one person held the title at a given time and place. Holders of the title in Khurasan were among the most influential ulama, but there is no evidence that they delivered fatwas. Under the Ilkhans, the Delhi Sultanate and the Timurids the title was conferred by the ruler, to high-ranking ulama who performed various functions but were not muftis. In Syria and Egypt the title was given to influential jurists and had an honorific rather than official role. By 700/1300 in central and western lands of Islam the term became associated with giving of fatwas. Ibn Taymiyya was given the title by his supporters but his adversaries contested this use. For example, the Hanafi scholar'Ala' al-Din al-Bukhari issued a fatwa stating that anyone who called Ibn Taymiyya "Shaykh al-islam" had committed disbelief. There is disagreement on whether the title was honorific or designated a local mufti in Seljuq and early Ottoman Anatolia.
The following Islamic scholars were given the title "shaykh al-islam": Ahmad Ibn Hanbal Ibn Surayj Al-Daraqutni Ibrahim Niasse Abu Hamid al-Isfarayini Al-Bayhaqi Abu Ishaq al-Shirazi Abu Talib al-Makki Khwaja Abdullah Ansari Al-Juwayni Fakhr al-Din al-Razi Ibn al-Jawzi Al-'Izz ibn'Abd al-Salam Ibn Daqiq al-'Id Al-Nawawi Ibn Taymiyyah Taqi al-Din al-Subki Taj al-Din al-Subki Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani Zakariyya al-Ansari Ibn Hajar al-Haytami Siraj al-Din al-Bulqini In the Ottoman empire, which controlled much of the Sunni Islamic world from the 14th to the 20th centuries, the Grand Mufti was given the title Sheikh ul-islam. The Ottomans had a strict hierarchy of ulama, with the Sheikh ul-Islam holding the highest rank. A Sheikh ul-Islam was chosen by a royal warrant amongst the qadis of important cities; the Sheikh ul-Islam had the power to confirm new sultans, but once the sultan was affirmed, it was the sultan who retained a higher authority than the Sheik ul-Islam. The Sheikh ul-Islam issued fatwas, which were written interpretations of the Quran that had authority over the community.
The Sheikh ul-Islam represented the law of shariah and in the 16th century its importance rose which led to increased power. Sultan Murad appointed a Sufi, Yayha, as his Sheikh ul-Islam during this time which led to violent disapproval; the objection to this appointment made obvious the amount of power the Sheikh ul-Islam had, since people were afraid he would alter the traditions and norms they were living under by issuing new fatwas. The office of Sheikh ul-islam was abolished at the same time as the Ottoman Caliphate. After the National Assembly of Turkey was established in 1920, this office was in the Shar’iyya wa Awqaf Ministry until 1924, when the Ministry was abolished due to separation of religion from state, the office was replaced by the Presidency of Religious Affairs; as the successor entity to the office of the Sheikh al-Islam, the Presidency of Religious Affairs is the most authoritative entity in Turkey in relation to Sunni Islam. Allamah Mufti Sheikh Sheikh Mawlānā Hadrat Grand Mufti Hujjat al-Islam Presidency of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Turkey
Aligarh Muslim University
Aligarh Muslim University is an Indian public central university. It was established by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan as Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College in 1875; the College became Aligarh Muslim University in 1920. The main campus of AMU is located in the city of Aligarh, it has its three off-campus centres at Malappuram and Kishanganj. The university is an Institute of National Importance provided under the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution at its commencement, it was established as Madrasatul Uloom Musalmanan-e-Hind in 1875. The college started on 24 May 1875; the Anglo–Indian statesman Syed Ahmad Khan founded the predecessor of AMU, the Muhammadan Anglo Oriental College, in 1875 having established two schools. The movement of Muslim awakening associated with Syed Ahmad Khan and M. A. O. College came to be known as Aligarh Movement, he considered competence in English and "Western sciences" necessary skills for maintaining Muslims' political influence in Northern India. Khan's image for the college was based on his visit to Oxford and Cambridge and he wanted to establish an education system similar to the British model.
The 7th Nizam of Hyderabad, Mir Osman Ali Khan made a donation of Rupees 5 Lakh to the institution in 1918. The Viceroy and Governor General of India Lord Northbrook gave a donation of Rs 10000 and the Lt. Governor of the North-Western Provinces contributed Rs 1000. By March 1874 the fund for the college stood at Rs 153492 and 8 anas. Sri Maharao Raja Mahamdar Singh Mahamder Bahadur, the Maharaja of Patiala contributed Rs.58,000. His Highness the Maharaja of Vizianagaram, K. C. S. I made donations. Shambhu Narayan, Raja of Benaras donated Rs 60. In the beginning, the college was affiliated with the University of Calcutta for the matriculate examination but became an affiliate of Allahabad University in 1885. In 1877, the school was raised to the college level and Lord Lytton laid the foundation stone of the college building. Around 1900, efforts began to make the college its own university; the Aligarh Muslim University Act of 1920 made it a central university. Mohammad Ali Mohammad Khan and the Aga Khan III collected funds for building the Aligarh Muslim UniversityIn 1927, a school for the blind was established by Sahibzada Aftab Ahmad Khan and, the following year, a medical school was attached to the university.
By the end of the 1930s, the university had developed an Engineering faculty. Syed Zafarul Hasan, joined the Aligarh Muslim University in early 1900s as head of Philosophy Department, dean Faculty of Arts. Women's education started at the university with the establishment of the Girls School on 19 October 1906; the All India Muhammadan Educational Conference had started a movement to establish girls education from 1896. The school became intermediate college in 1929 and on 1930 it was made a constituent college of the university and the name was changed to Women's College. In late 2014 the university's vice-chancellor Zameer Uddin Shah turned down a demand by female students of the college to be allowed to use the Maulana Azad Library, male-only. Shah stated that the issue was not one of discipline, but of space as if girls were allowed in the library there would be "four times more boys," putting a strain on the library's capacity. Although there was a separate library for the university's Women's College, it was not as well-stocked as the Maulana Azad Library.
National human resource and development minister Smriti Irani decried Shah's defense as "an insult to daughters."Responding to a petition filed by a Human Rights Law Network intern, the Allahabad High Court ruled in November 2014 that the university's ban on female students from using the main library was unconstitutional, that accommodations must be made to facilitate student use regardless of gender. The High Court gave the university until 24 November 2014 to comply. Aligarh Muslim University claims itself as a minority institute guaranteed under Article 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India. However, Allahabad High Court has struck down provisions of Aligarh Muslim University Act stating that AMU is not a minority institution. In April 2016, the Indian government advised the court; the university's formal head is the Chancellor, though this is a titular figure, not involved with the day-to-day running of the university. The Chancellor is elected by the members of University Court, a body with members drawn from all walks of life.
The university's chief executive is the Vice-Chancellor, appointed by the President of India on the recommendation of the Court. The Court is the supreme governing body of the University and exercises all the powers of the University, not otherwise provided for by the Aligarh Muslim University Act, the Statutes, the Ordinances and the Regulations of the University. On 11 April 2015, Mufaddal Saifuddin was elected Chancellor and Ibne Saeed Khan, the former Nawab of Chhatari state, Pro-Chancellor. Habibur Rahman, former vice chancellor of Agra University, was elected Honorary Treasurer. On May 17, 2017, Tariq Mansoor assumed office as 39th Vice-Chancellor of the university. Aligarh Muslim University is a residential university with 13 faculties, 7 constituent colleges, 15 centres, 3 institutes, 10 schools; the university opened faculty of International Studies. AMU was ranked 801-1000 in the QS World University Rankings of 2018; the same rankings ranked it 238 in 161-170 among BRICS nations. It was ranked 601-800 in the world by the Times Higher Education World University Rankings of 2018, 158 in Asia and 157 among BRICS & Emerging Economies in 2017.
It was ranked 17 in India overall by the National Institutional Ranking Framework in 2018, 10th among universities and 49 in the management ranking. Amon