A semi-syllabary is a writing system that behaves as an alphabet and as a syllabary. The term has traditionally been extended to abugidas, but for the purposes of this article it will be restricted to scripts where some characters are alphabetic and others are syllabic; the Paleohispanic semi-syllabaries are a family of scripts developed in the Iberian Peninsula at least from the 5th century BCE – from the 7th century. Some researchers conclude that their origin lies with the Phoenician alphabet, while others believe the Greek alphabet had a role. Paleohispanic semi-syllabaries are typologically unusual because their syllabic and alphabetic components are equilibrated: they behave as a syllabary for the stop consonants and as an alphabet for other consonants and vowels. In the syllabic portions of the scripts, each stop-consonant sign stood for a different combination of consonant and vowel, so that the written form of ga displayed no resemblance to ge. In addition, the southern original format did not distinguish voicing in these stops, so that ga stood for both /ga/ and /ka/, but one variant of the northeastern Iberian script, the older one according to the archaeological contexts, distinguished voicing in the stop consonants by adding a stroke to the glyphs for the alveolar and velar syllables.
The Tartessian or Southwestern script had a special behaviour: although the letter used to write a stop consonant was determined by the following vowel, the following vowel was written. Some scholars treat Tartessian as a redundant semi-syllabary, others treat it as a redundant alphabet. Tartessian or Southwestern script – Tartessian or Southwestern language Southeastern Iberian script – Iberian language Northeastern Iberian script – Iberian language Celtiberian script – Celtiberian language Other scripts combine attributes of alphabet and syllabary. One of these is a phonetic script devised for transcribing certain varieties of Chinese. Zhuyin includes several systems, such as Mandarin Phonetic Symbols for Mandarin Chinese, Taiwanese Phonetic Symbols for Taiwanese Hokkien and Hakka, Suzhou Phonetic Symbols for Wu Chinese. Zhuyin is not into onsets and rimes. Initial consonants and "medials" are alphabetic, but the nucleus and coda are combined as in syllabaries; that is, a syllable like kan is written k-an, kwan is written k-u-an.
Pahawh Hmong is somewhat similar. Old Persian cuneiform was somewhat similar to the Tartessian script, in that some consonant letters were unique to a particular vowel, some were conflated, some simple consonants, but all vowels were written regardless of whether or not they were redundant; the practice of plene writing in Hittite cuneiform resembles the Old Persian situation somewhat and may be interpreted such that Hittite cuneiform was evolving towards a quasi-alphabetic direction as well. The modern Bamum script is CV-syllabic, but doesn't have enough glyphs for all the CV syllables of the language; the rest are written by combining CV and V glyphs, making these alphabetic. The Japanese kana syllabary acts as a semi-syllabary, for example when spelling syllables that do not exist in the standard set, like トゥ, tu, or ヴァ, va. In such cases, the first character functions as the second as the vowel. Correa, José Antonio: «Del alfabeto fenicio al semisilabario paleohispánico», Palaeohispanica 5, pp. 137–154.
Ferrer i Jané, Joan: «Novetats sobre el sistema dual de diferenciació gràfica de les oclusives sordes i sonores», Palaeohispanica 5, pp. 957–982. Rodríguez Ramos, Jesús: «La lectura de las inscripciones sudlusitano-tartesias», Faventia 22/1, pp. 21–48. Iberian Epigraphy – Jesús Rodríguez Ramos
Multilingualism is the use of more than one language, either by an individual speaker or by a community of speakers. It is believed. More than half of all Europeans claim to speak at least one language other than their mother tongue. Always useful to traders, multilingualism is advantageous for people wanting to participate in globalization and cultural openness. Owing to the ease of access to information facilitated by the Internet, individuals' exposure to multiple languages is becoming possible. People who speak several languages are called polyglots. Multilingual speakers have acquired and maintained at least one language during childhood, the so-called first language; the first language is acquired without formal education, by mechanisms about which scholars disagree. Children acquiring two languages from these early years are called simultaneous bilinguals. In the case of simultaneous bilinguals, one language is dominant. People who know more than one language have been reported to be more adept at language learning compared to monolinguals.
Multilingualism in computing can be considered part of a continuum between internationalization and localization. Due to the status of English in computing, software development nearly always uses it. All commercial software is available in an English version, multilingual versions, if any, may be produced as alternative options based on the English original; the definition of multilingualism is a subject of debate in the same way as that of language fluency. On one end of a sort of linguistic continuum, one may define multilingualism as complete competence and mastery in another language; the speaker would have complete knowledge and control over the language so as to sound native. On the opposite end of the spectrum would be people who know enough phrases to get around as a tourist using the alternate language. Since 1992, Vivian Cook has argued that most multilingual speakers fall somewhere between minimal and maximal definitions. Cook calls these people multi-competent. In addition, there is no consistent definition of.
For instance, scholars disagree whether Scots is a language in its own right or a dialect of English. Furthermore, what is considered a language can change for purely political purposes, such as when Serbo-Croatian was created as a standard language on the basis of the Eastern Herzegovinian dialect to function as umbrella for numerous South Slavic dialects, after the breakup of Yugoslavia was split into Serbian, Croatian and Montenegrin, or when Ukrainian was dismissed as a Russian dialect by the Russian tsars to discourage national feelings. Many small independent nations' schoolchildren are today compelled to learn multiple languages because of international interactions. For example, in Finland, all children are required to learn at least two foreign languages: the other national language and one alien language. Many Finnish schoolchildren select further languages, such as German or Russian. In some large nations with multiple languages, such as India, schoolchildren may learn multiple languages based on where they reside in the country.
In major metropolitan areas of Central and Eastern India, many children may be fluent in four languages. Thus, a child of Telugu parents living in Bangalore will end up speaking his or her mother tongue at home and the state language and English in school and life. In many countries, bilingualism occurs through international communications and English being the global lingua franca, which sometimes results in majority bilingualism when the countries have just one domestic official language; this is occurring in Germanic regions such as Scandinavia, the Benelux and among Germanophones, but it is expanding into some non-Germanic countries. Many myths and much prejudice has grown around the notions of bi- and multilingualism in some Western countries where monolingualism is the norm. Researchers from the UK and Poland have listed the most common misconceptions: that bi- or multilinguals are exceptions to the ‘default’ monolingual ‘norm’; that the children would be confused with having the ability to speak two languages and the “tip-of-the-tongue states” For instance, where one knows the meaning and the specific details of a word, but cannot retrieve a word.
Those bilingual individuals tend to have fewer vocabularies and weaker in “verbal fluency tasks” than the monolingual counterpartThese are all harmful convictions which have long been debunked, yet still persist among many parents. One view is that of the linguist Noam Chomsky in what he calls the human language acquisition device—a mechanism which enables an individual to recreate correctly
A writing system is any conventional method of visually representing verbal communication. While both writing and speech are useful in conveying messages, writing differs in being a reliable form of information storage and transfer; the processes of encoding and decoding writing systems involve shared understanding between writers and readers of the meaning behind the sets of characters that make up a script. Writing is recorded onto a durable medium, such as paper or electronic storage, although non-durable methods may be used, such as writing on a computer display, on a blackboard, in sand, or by skywriting; the general attributes of writing systems can be placed into broad categories such as alphabets, syllabaries, or logographies. Any particular system can have attributes of more than one category. In the alphabetic category, there is a standard set of letters of consonants and vowels that encode based on the general principle that the letters represent speech sounds. In a syllabary, each symbol correlates to a syllable or mora.
In a logography, each character represents morpheme, or other semantic units. Other categories include abjads, which differ from alphabets in that vowels are not indicated, abugidas or alphasyllabaries, with each character representing a consonant–vowel pairing. Alphabets use a set of 20-to-35 symbols to express a language, whereas syllabaries can have 80-to-100, logographies can have several hundreds of symbols. Most systems will have an ordering of its symbol elements so that groups of them can be coded into larger clusters like words or acronyms, giving rise to many more possibilities in meanings than the symbols can convey by themselves. Systems will enable the stringing together of these smaller groupings in order to enable a full expression of the language; the reading step expressed orally. A special set of symbols known as punctuation is used to aid in structure and organization of many writing systems and can be used to help capture nuances and variations in the message's meaning that are communicated verbally by cues in timing, accent, inflection or intonation.
A writing system will typically have a method for formatting recorded messages that follows the spoken version's rules like its grammar and syntax so that the reader will have the meaning of the intended message preserved. Writing systems were preceded by proto-writing, which used pictograms and other mnemonic symbols. Proto-writing lacked the ability to express a full range of thoughts and ideas; the invention of writing systems, which dates back to the beginning of the Bronze Age in the late Neolithic Era of the late 4th millennium BC, enabled the accurate durable recording of human history in a manner, not prone to the same types of error to which oral history is vulnerable. Soon after, writing provided a reliable form of long distance communication. With the advent of publishing, it provided the medium for an early form of mass communication; the creation of a new alphabetic writing system for a language with an existing logographic writing system is called alphabetization, as when the People's Republic of China studied the prospect of alphabetizing the Chinese languages with Latin script, Cyrillic script, Arabic script, numbers, although the most common instance of it, converting to Latin script, is called romanization.
Writing systems are distinguished from other possible symbolic communication systems in that a writing system is always associated with at least one spoken language. In contrast, visual representations such as drawings and non-verbal items on maps, such as contour lines, are not language-related; some symbols on information signs, such as the symbols for male and female, are not language related, but can grow to become part of language if they are used in conjunction with other language elements. Some other symbols, such as numerals and the ampersand, are not directly linked to any specific language, but are used in writing and thus must be considered part of writing systems; every human community possesses language, which many regard as an innate and defining condition of humanity. However, the development of writing systems, the process by which they have supplanted traditional oral systems of communication, have been sporadic and slow. Once established, writing systems change more than their spoken counterparts.
Thus they preserve features and expressions which are no longer current in the spoken language. One of the great benefits of writing systems is that they can preserve a permanent record of information expressed in a language. All writing systems require: at least one set of defined base elements or symbols, individually termed signs and collectively called a script. In the examination of individual scripts, the study of writing systems has developed along independent lines. Thus, the terminology employed differs somewhat from field to field; the generic term text refers to an instance of writte
In linguistics, a word is the smallest element that can be uttered in isolation with objective or practical meaning. This contrasts with a morpheme, the smallest unit of meaning but will not stand on its own. A word may consist of a single morpheme, or several, whereas a morpheme may not be able to stand on its own as a word. A complex word will include a root and one or more affixes, or more than one root in a compound. Words can be put together to build larger elements of language, such as phrases and sentences; the term word may refer to a spoken word or to a written word, or sometimes to the abstract concept behind either. Spoken words are made up of units of sound called phonemes, written words of symbols called graphemes, such as the letters of the English alphabet; the difficulty of deciphering a word depends on the language. Dictionaries categorize a language's lexicon into lemmas; these can be taken as an indication of what constitutes a "word" in the opinion of the writers of that language.
The most appropriate means of measuring the length of a word is by counting its syllables or morphemes. When a word has multiple definitions or multiple senses, it may result in confusion in a debate or discussion. Leonard Bloomfield introduced the concept of "Minimal Free Forms" in 1926. Words are thought of as the smallest meaningful unit of speech; this correlates phonemes to lexemes. However, some written words are not minimal free forms; some semanticists have put forward a theory of so-called semantic primitives or semantic primes, indefinable words representing fundamental concepts that are intuitively meaningful. According to this theory, semantic primes serve as the basis for describing the meaning, without circularity, of other words and their associated conceptual denotations. In the Minimalist school of theoretical syntax, words are construed as "bundles" of linguistic features that are united into a structure with form and meaning. For example, the word "koalas" has semantic features, category features, number features, phonological features, etc.
The task of defining what constitutes a "word" involves determining where one word ends and another word begins—in other words, identifying word boundaries. There are several ways to determine where the word boundaries of spoken language should be placed: Potential pause: A speaker is told to repeat a given sentence allowing for pauses; the speaker will tend to insert pauses at the word boundaries. However, this method is not foolproof: the speaker could break up polysyllabic words, or fail to separate two or more linked words. Indivisibility: A speaker is told to say a sentence out loud, is told to say the sentence again with extra words added to it. Thus, I have lived in this village for ten years might become My family and I have lived in this little village for about ten or so years; these extra words will tend to be added in the word boundaries of the original sentence. However, some languages have infixes; some have separable affixes. Phonetic boundaries: Some languages have particular rules of pronunciation that make it easy to spot where a word boundary should be.
For example, in a language that stresses the last syllable of a word, a word boundary is to fall after each stressed syllable. Another example can be seen in a language that has vowel harmony: the vowels within a given word share the same quality, so a word boundary is to occur whenever the vowel quality changes. Not all languages have such convenient phonetic rules, those that do present the occasional exceptions. Orthographic boundaries: See below. In languages with a literary tradition, there is interrelation between orthography and the question of what is considered a single word. Word separators are common in modern orthography of languages using alphabetic scripts, but these are a modern development. In English orthography, compound expressions may contain spaces. For example, ice cream, air raid shelter and get up each are considered to consist of more than one word. Not all languages delimit words expressly. Mandarin Chinese is a analytic language, making it unnecessary to delimit words orthographically.
However, there are many multiple-morpheme compounds in Mandarin, as well as a variety of bound morphemes that make it difficult to determine what constitutes a word. Sometimes, languages which are close grammatically will consider the same order of words in different ways. For example, reflexive verbs in the French infinitive are separate from their respective particle, e.g. se laver, whereas in Portuguese they are hyphenated, e.g. lavar-se, in Spanish they are joined, e.g. lavarse. Japanese uses orthographic cues to delim
Mycenaean Greek is the most ancient attested form of the Greek language, on the Greek mainland and Cyprus in Mycenaean Greece, before the hypothesised Dorian invasion cited as the terminus post quem for the coming of the Greek language to Greece. The language is preserved in inscriptions in Linear B, a script first attested on Crete before the 14th century. Most inscriptions are on clay tablets found in Knossos, in central Crete, as well as in Pylos, in the southwest of the Peloponnese. Other tablets have been found at Mycenae itself and Thebes and at Chania, in Western Crete; the language is named after one of the major centres of Mycenaean Greece. The tablets long remained undeciphered, many languages were suggested for them, until Michael Ventris deciphered the script in 1952; the texts on the tablets are lists and inventories. No prose narrative survives, much less poetry. Still, much may be glimpsed from these records about the people who produced them and about Mycenaean Greece, the period before the so-called Greek Dark Ages.
The Mycenaean language is preserved in Linear B writing, which consists of about 200 syllabic signs and logograms. Since Linear B was derived from Linear A, the script of an undeciphered Minoan language, the sounds of Mycenaean are not represented. In essence, a limited number of syllabic signs must represent a much greater number of produced syllables that would be better represented phonetically by the letters of an alphabet. Orthographic simplifications therefore had to be made: There is no disambiguation for the Greek categories of voice and aspiration except the dentals d, t:, e-ko may be either egō or ekhō. Any m or n, before a consonant, any syllable-final l, m, n, r, s are omitted. Pa-ta is panta. Consonant clusters must be dissolved orthographically, creating apparent vowels:, po-to-ri-ne is ptolin. R and l are not disambiguated:, qa-si-re-u is gʷasileus. Rough breathing is not indicated:, a-ni-ja is hāniai. Length of vowels is not marked; the consonant transcribed z represents *dy, initial *y, *ky, *gy. q- is a labio-velar kʷ or gʷ and in some names ghʷ:, qo-u-ko-ro is gʷoukoloi.
Initial s before a consonant is not written:, ta-to-mo is σταθμός stathmós "station, outpost"). Double consonants are not represented:, ko-no-so is Knōsos. In addition to the spelling rules, signs are not polyphonic, but sometimes are homophonic, which are not "true homophones" but are "overlapping values." Long words may omit final sign. Mycenaean preserves some archaic Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Greek features not present in Ancient Greek. One archaic feature is the set of labiovelar consonants, written ⟨q⟩, which split into /b, p, pʰ/, /d, t, tʰ/, or /g k kʰ/ in Ancient Greek, depending on the context and the dialect. Another set is the semivowels /j w/ and the glottal fricative /h/ between vowels. All were lost in standard Attic Greek, but /w/ was preserved in some Greek dialects and written as digamma ⟨ϝ⟩ or beta ⟨β⟩, it is unclear. It may have been a voiced or voiceless affricate /dz/ or /ts/, marked with asterisks in the table above, it derives from, some initial and was written as ζ in the Greek alphabet.
In Attic, it may have been pronounced in many cases. There were at least five vowels / a e i o u /, which could be both long; as noted above, the syllabic Linear B script used to record Mycenaean is defective and distinguishes only the semivowels ⟨j w⟩. Voiced and aspirate occlusives are all written with the same symbols except that ⟨d⟩ stands for /d/ and ⟨t⟩ for both /t/ and /tʰ/). Both /r/ and /l/ are written ⟨r⟩; the length of vowels and consonants is not notated. In most circumstances, the script is unable to notate a consonant not followed by a vowel. Either an extra vowel is inserted. Thus, determining the actual pronunciation of written words is difficult, using of a combination of the PIE etymology of a word, its form in Greek and variations in spelling is necessary. So, for some words the pronunciation is not known especially when the meaning is unclear from context, or the word has no descendants in the dialects. Nouns decline for 7 cases: nominative, accusative, vocative and locative.
The last two cases had merged with other cases by Classical Greek. In Modern Greek, only nominative, accusative and vocative remain as separate cases with their own morphological markings. Adjectives agree with nouns in case and number. Verbs conjugate for 3 tenses: past, future; the verbal augment is entirely absent from Mycenaean Greek with only one known exception, a-pe-do-ke, but that appears elsewhere without the augment, as, a-pu-do-ke. The augment is some
Cuneiform or Sumerian cuneiform, one of the earliest systems of writing, was invented by the Sumerians. It is distinguished by its wedge-shaped marks on clay tablets, made by means of a blunt reed for a stylus; the name cuneiform itself means "wedge shaped". Emerging in Sumer in the late fourth millennium BC to convey the Sumerian language, a language isolate, cuneiform writing began as a system of pictograms, stemming from an earlier system of shaped tokens used for accounting. In the third millennium, the pictorial representations became simplified and more abstract as the number of characters in use grew smaller; the system consists of a combination of consonantal alphabetic and syllabic signs. The original Sumerian script was adapted for the writing of the Semitic Akkadian and Amorite languages, the language isolates Elamite, Hattic and Urartian, as well as Indo-European languages Hittite and Luwian. Cuneiform writing was replaced by the Phoenician alphabet during the Neo-Assyrian Empire.
By the second century AD, the script had become extinct, its last traces being found in Assyria and Babylonia, all knowledge of how to read it was lost until it began to be deciphered in the 19th century. Geoffrey Sampson stated that Egyptian hieroglyphs "came into existence a little after Sumerian script, invented under the influence of the latter", that it is "probable that the general idea of expressing words of a language in writing was brought to Egypt from Sumerian Mesopotamia". There are many instances of Egypt-Mesopotamia relations at the time of the invention of writing, standard reconstructions of the development of writing place the development of the Summerian proto-cuneiform script before the development of Egyptian hierogplyphs, with the suggestion the former influenced the latter. Between half a million and two million cuneiform tablets are estimated to have been excavated in modern times, of which only 30,000–100,000 have been read or published; the British Museum holds the largest collection, followed by the Vorderasiatisches Museum Berlin, the Louvre, the Istanbul Archaeology Museums, the National Museum of Iraq, the Yale Babylonian Collection and Penn Museum.
Most of these have "lain in these collections for a century without being translated, studied or published", as there are only a few hundred qualified cuneiformists in the world. An ancient Mesopotamian poem gives the first known story of the invention of writing: Because the messager's mouth was heavy and he couldn't repeat, the Lord of Kulaba pattes some clay and put words on it, like a tablet; until there had been no putting words on clay. The cuneiform writing system was in use for more than three millennia, through several stages of development, from the 31st century BC down to the second century AD, it was replaced by alphabetic writing in the course of the Roman era, there are no cuneiform systems in current use. It had to be deciphered as a unknown writing system in 19th-century Assyriology. Successful completion of its deciphering is dated to 1857; the cuneiform script was developed from pictographic proto-writing in the late 4th millennium BC, stemming from the near eastern token system used for accounting.
These tokens were in use from the 9th millennium BC and remained in occasional use late in the 2nd millennium BC. It has been suggested that the token shapes were the original basis for some of the Sumerian pictographs. Mesopotamia's "proto-literate" period spans the 35th to 32nd centuries; the first documents unequivocally written in Sumerian date to the 31st century BC at Jemdet Nasr. Pictographs were either drawn on clay tablets in vertical columns with a sharpened reed stylus or incised in stone; this early style lacked the characteristic wedge shape of the strokes. Certain signs to indicate names of gods, cities, birds, etc. are known as determinatives and were the Sumerian signs of the terms in question, added as a guide for the reader. Proper names continued to be written in purely "logographic" fashion; the earliest known Sumerian king whose name appears on contemporary cuneiform tablets is Enmebaragesi of Kish. Surviving records only gradually become less fragmentary and more complete for the following reigns, but by the end of the pre-Sargonic period, it had become standard practice for each major city-state to date documents by year-names commemorating the exploits of its lugal.
From about 2900 BC, many pictographs began to lose their original function, a given sign could have various meanings depending on context. The sign inventory was reduced from some 1,500 signs to some 600 signs, writing became phonological. Determinative signs were re-introduced to avoid ambiguity. Cuneiform writing proper thus arises from the more primitive system of pictographs at about that time. In the mid-3rd millennium BC, the direction of writing was changed to left-to-right in horizontal rows and a new wedge-tipped stylus was introduced, pushed into the clay, producing wedge-shaped signs. By adjusting the relative position of the tablet to the stylus, the writer could use a single tool to make a variety of impressions. Cuneiform tablets could be fired in kilns to bake them hard, so provide a permanent record, or they could be left moist and recycled, if permanence was not needed. Man
The Cherokee syllabary is a syllabary invented by Sequoyah to write the Cherokee language in the late 1810s and early 1820s. His creation of the syllabary is noteworthy as he could not read any script, he first experimented with logograms, but his system developed into a syllabary. In his system, each symbol represents a syllable rather than a single phoneme. Although some symbols resemble Latin and Cyrillic letters, the relationship between symbols and sounds is different; each of the characters represents one syllable, as in the Japanese kana and the Bronze Age Greek Linear B writing systems. The first six characters represent isolated vowel syllables. Characters for combined consonant and vowel syllables follow; the charts below show the syllabary in recitation order, left to right, top to bottom as arranged by Samuel Worcester, along with his used transliterations. He played a key role in the development of Cherokee printing from 1828 until his death in 1859; the Latin letter'v' in the transcriptions, seen in the last column, represents a nasal vowel, /ə̃/.
The Cherokee character Ꮩ do has a different orientation in old documents, resembling a Greek Λ rather than a Latin V as in modern documents. Note that the 86th character is obsolete. There is a handwritten cursive form of the syllabary; the phonetic values of these characters do not equate directly to those represented by the letters of the Latin script. Some characters represent two distinct phonetic values, while others may represent multiple variations of the same syllable. Not all phonemic distinctions of the spoken language are represented. For example, while /d/ + vowel syllables are differentiated from /t/ + vowel by use of different graphs, syllables beginning with /ɡ/ are all conflated with those beginning with /k/, so that in most cases, /k/ is written with a glyph in the g row. Long vowels are not ordinarily distinguished from short vowels, tones are not marked, there is no regular rule for representing consonant clusters. However, in more recent technical literature, length of vowels can be indicated using a colon.
Six distinctive vowel qualities are represented in the Cherokee syllabary based on where they are pronounced in the mouth, including the high vowels i and u, mid vowels e, v, o, low vowel a. The syllabary does not distinguish among syllables that end in vowels, h, or glottal stop. For example, the single symbol, Ꮡ, is used to represent su in su: dali; this same symbol Ꮡ represents suh as in suhdi, meaning'fishhook'. Therefore, there is no differentiation among the symbols used for syllables ending in a single vowel versus that vowel plus "h." When consonants other than s, h, or glottal stop arise with other consonants in clusters, the appropriate consonant plus a "dummy vowel" is used. This dummy vowel is either chosen arbitrarily or for etymological reasons. For example, ᏧᎾᏍᏗ represents the word ju:nsdi, meaning'small.' Ns in this case is the consonant cluster that requires the following dummy vowel, a. Ns is written as ᎾᏍ /nas/; the vowel is included in the transliteration, but is not pronounced in the word..
Adult speakers can distinguish words by context. If a labial consonant such as p or b appears in a borrowed word or name, it is written using the qu row; this /kw/ ~ /p/ correspondence is a known linguistic phenomenon that exists elsewhere. Some Cherokee words pose a problem for transliteration software because they contain adjacent pairs of single letter symbols that would be combined when doing the back-conversion from Latin script to Cherokee. Here are a few examples: ᎢᏣᎵᏍᎠᏁᏗ = itsalisanedi = i-tsa-li-s-a-ne-di ᎤᎵᎩᏳᏍᎠᏅᏁ = uligiyusanvne = u-li-gi-yu-s-a-nv-ne ᎤᏂᏰᏍᎢᏱ = uniyesiyi = u-ni-ye-s-i-yi ᎾᏍᎢᏯ = nasiya = na-s-i-yaFor these examples, the back conversion is to join s-a as sa or s-i as si. One solution is to use an apostrophe to separate the two: itsalis ` anedi. Other Cherokee words contain character pairs. Examples: ᏀᎾ transliterates as nahna, yet so does ᎾᎿ; the former is nah-na, the latter is na-hna. If the Latin script is parsed from left to right, longest match first without special provisions, the back conversion would be wrong for the latter.
There are several similar examples involving these character combinations: naha nahe nahi naho nahu nahv. A further problem encountered in transliterating Cherokee is that there are some pairs of different Cherokee words that transliterate to the same word in the Latin script. Here are some examples: ᎠᏍᎡᏃ and ᎠᏎᏃ both transliterate to aseno ᎨᏍᎥᎢ and ᎨᏒᎢ both transliterate to gesviWithout special provision, a round trip conversion may change ᎠᏍᎡᏃ to ᎠᏎᏃ and change ᎨᏍᎥᎢ to ᎨᏒᎢ; the usual alphabetical order for Cherokee runs across the rows of the syllabary chart from left to right, top to bottom—this is the one used in the Unicode block: Ꭰ, Ꭱ, Ꭲ, Ꭳ, Ꭴ, Ꭵ, Ꭶ, Ꭷ, Ꭸ, Ꭹ, Ꭺ, Ꭻ, Ꭼ, Ꭽ, Ꭾ, Ꭿ, Ꮀ, Ꮁ, Ꮂ, Ꮃ, Ꮄ, Ꮅ, Ꮆ, Ꮇ, Ꮈ, Ꮉ, Ꮊ, Ꮋ, Ꮌ, Ꮍ, Ꮎ, Ꮏ, Ꮐ, Ꮑ, Ꮒ, Ꮓ, Ꮔ, Ꮕ, Ꮖ, Ꮗ, Ꮘ, Ꮙ, Ꮚ, Ꮛ, Ꮜ, Ꮝ, Ꮞ, Ꮟ, Ꮠ, Ꮡ, Ꮢ, Ꮣ, Ꮤ, Ꮥ, Ꮦ, Ꮧ, Ꮨ, Ꮩ, Ꮪ, Ꮫ, Ꮬ (dla