Greek military junta of 1967–1974
The Greek military junta of 1967–1974 known as the Regime of the Colonels, or in Greece The Junta, The Dictatorship and The Seven Years, was a series of far-right military juntas that ruled Greece following the 1967 Greek coup d'état led by a group of colonels on 21 April 1967. The dictatorship ended on 24 July 1974 under the pressure of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus; the fall of the junta was followed by the Metapolitefsi, the establishment of the current Third Hellenic Republic. The 1967 coup and the following seven years of military rule were the culmination of 30 years of national division between the forces of the Left and the Right, that can be traced to the time of the resistance against Axis occupation of Greece during World War II. After the liberation in 1944, Greece descended into a civil war, fought between the communist forces and the now-returned government-in-exile. In 1944 British Prime Minister Winston Churchill determined to halt the Soviet encroachment in the Balkans, ordered British forces to intervene in the Greek Civil War in the wake of the retreating German military.
This was to be a open ended commitment. The United States stepped in to help. In 1947, the United States formulated the Truman Doctrine, began to support a series of authoritarian governments in Greece and Iran in order to ensure that these states did not fall under Soviet influence. With American and British aid, the civil war ended with the military defeat of the communists in 1949; the Communist Party of Greece and its ancillary organizations were outlawed, many Communists either fled the country or faced persecution. The Central Intelligence Agency and the Greek military began to work especially after Greece joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in 1952; this included notable CIA officers Gust Avrakotos and Clair George. Avrakotos maintained a close relationship with the colonels who would figure in the coup. Greece was a vital link in the NATO defense arc which extended from the eastern border of Iran to the northernmost point in Norway. Greece in particular was seen as being at risk.
In particular, the newly founded Hellenic National Intelligence Service and the Mountain Raiding Companies maintained a close liaison with their American counterparts. In addition to preparing for a Soviet invasion, they agreed to guard against a left-wing coup; the LOK in particular were integrated into the European stay-behind network. Although there have been persistent rumors about an active support of the coup by the U. S. government, there is no evidence to support such claims. The timing of the coup caught the CIA by surprise. After many years of conservative rule, the election of the Center Union's Georgios Papandreou, Sr. as Prime Minister was a sign of change. In a bid to gain more control over the country's government than his limited constitutional powers allowed, the young and inexperienced King Constantine II clashed with liberal reformers, dismissing Papandreou in 1965 and causing a constitutional crisis known as the "Apostasia of 1965". After making several attempts to form governments, relying on dissident Centre Union and conservative MPs, Constantine II appointed an interim government under Ioannis Paraskevopoulos, new elections were called for 28 May 1967.
There were many indications that Papandreou's Centre Union would emerge as the largest party, but would not be able to form a single-party government and would be forced into an alliance with the United Democratic Left, suspected by conservatives of being a proxy for the banned KKE. This possibility was used as a pretext for the coup. Greek historiography and journalists have hypothesized about a "Generals' Coup", a coup that would have been deployed at Constantine's behest under the pretext of combating communist subversion. Before the elections that were scheduled for 28 May 1967, with expectations of a wide Center Union victory, a number of conservative National Radical Union politicians feared that the policies of left-wing Centrists, including Andreas Papandreou, would lead to a constitutional crisis. One such politician, George Rallis, proposed that, in case of such an "anomaly", the King should declare martial law as the monarchist constitution permitted him. According to Rallis, Constantine was receptive to the idea.
According to U. S. diplomat John Day, Washington worried that Andreas Papandreou would have a powerful role in the next government, because of his father's old age. According to Robert Keely and John Owens, American diplomats present in Athens at the time, Constantine asked U. S. Ambassador William Phillips Talbot what the American attitude would be to an extra-parliamentary solution to the problem. To this the embassy responded negatively in principle – adding, that, "U. S. reaction to such move cannot be determined in advance but would depend on circumstances at the time." Constantine denies this. According to Talbot, Constantine met the army generals, who promised him that they would not take any action before the coming elections. However, the proclamations of Andreas Papandreou made them nervous, they resolved to re-examine their decision after seeing the results of the elections. In 1966, Constantine sent his envoy, Demetrios Bitsios, to Paris on a mission to persuade former prime minister Constantine Karamanlis to return to Greece and resume his prior role in politics.
According to uncorroborated claims made by the former monarch, Karaman
Communist symbolism represents a variety of themes, including revolution, the proletariat, agriculture, or international solidarity. Communist states and movements use these symbols to advance and create solidarity within their cause; these symbols appear in yellow and red. The flag of the Soviet Union incorporated a yellow-outlined red star and a yellow hammer and sickle on red; the flags of Vietnam, North Korea and Mozambique would all incorporate similar symbolism under communist rule. The hammer and sickle have become the pan-communist symbol, appearing on the flags of most communist parties around the world. However, the flag of the Workers' Party of Korea includes a hammer representing industrial workers, a hoe representing agricultural workers and a brush representing the intelligentsia. In Hungary, Indonesia, Poland and Lithuania, communist symbols are banned and displays in public for non-educational use are considered a criminal offense. Although there isn't any direct attribution, a contemporaneous large empire within Europe was the Ottoman Empire, which fashioned a flag with a red background, a crescent with a five pointed star, as early as 1793 for Ottoman ships, 1844 for all Ottoman flags, predating Karl Marx Communist associated works publishing by 4 years.
The superficial resemblance of Ottoman flags to Communist state flags in color and symbolism are rather striking given the lack of relation of doctrine. The hammer stands for the industrial working class and the sickle represents the agricultural workers, therefore together they represent the unity of the two groups; the hammer and sickle were first used during the 1917 Russian Revolution, but it did not become the official symbol of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic until 1924. Since the Russian Revolution, the hammer and sickle have come to represent various communist parties and communist states; the five-pointed red star is a symbol of communism as well as broader socialism in general. The red star was a revolutionary symbol after the October Revolution and following civil war in Russia, it was used by anti-fascist resistance parties and underground organizations in Europe leading up to and during World War II. During the war, the red star was prominently used as a symbol of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army from the Soviet Union, which liberated its country from the invading forces of Nazi Germany and went on to rid the rest of Eastern Europe from the fascist occupation forces, achieving absolute victory and ending the war at the Battle of Berlin.
Most states in the Eastern Bloc incorporated the red star into state symbols to signify their socialist nature. While there is no known original allegory behind the red star beyond being a universal political symbol, in the Soviet Union the red star gained a more precise symbolism as representing the Communist Party and its position on the flag over the united hammer and sickle symbolised the party leading the Soviet working class in the building of communism. Today, the red star is used by many socialist and communist parties and organizations across the world; the red flag is seen in combination with other communist symbols and party names. The flag is used at various socialist rallies like May Day; the flag, being a symbol of socialism itself, is commonly associated with non-communist variants of socialism. The red flag has had multiple meanings in history; the red flag gained its modern association with communism in the 1871 French Revolution. After the October Revolution, the Soviet government adopted the red flag with a superimposed hammer and sickle as its national flag.
Since the October Revolution, various socialist states and movements have used the red flag. The red and black flag has been a symbol of general communist movements anarchist; the flag was used as the symbol of the anarcho-syndicalists during the Spanish Civil War. The black represents anarchism and the red represents socialist ideals. Over time, the flag spilled into statist leftist movements, these movements include the Sandinistas and the 26th of July Movement, where the flags colors are not divided diagonally, but horizontally; as in the case of the Sandinistas, they adopted the flag due to the movement's anarchist roots. The Internationale is an anthem of the Communist movement, it is one of the most universally recognized songs in the world and has been translated into nearly every spoken language. Its original French refrain is C'est la lutte finale/Groupons-nous et demain/L'Internationale/Sera le genre humain, it is sung with a raised fist salute. The song has been used by communists all over the world since it was composed in the 19th century and adopted as the official anthem of the Second International.
It became the anthem of Soviet Russia in 1918 and of the Soviet Union in 1922. It was superseded as the Soviet Union anthem in 1944 with the adoption of the State Anthem of the Soviet Union, which placed more emphasis on patriotism; the song was sung in defiance to Communist governments, such as in the German Democratic Republic in 1989 prior to reunification as well as in the People's Republic of China during the Tienanmen Square protests of the same year. Although not an communist symbol, the Plough, or Starry Plough, is a symbol of Irish socialism, it may have the same roots as the original hammer and Plough, replaced by the hammer and sickle in Soviet Russia. The significance of the banner was that a free Workers Republic of Ireland would control its own destiny from the plough to the stars and the sword forge
Murray Bookchin was an American social theorist, orator and political philosopher. A pioneer in the ecology movement, Bookchin formulated and developed the theory of social ecology and urban planning, within anarchist, libertarian socialist, ecological thought, he was the author of two dozen books covering topics in politics, history, urban affairs, ecology. Among the most important were Our Synthetic Environment, Post-Scarcity Anarchism, The Ecology of Freedom and Urbanization Without Cities. In the late-1990s he became disenchanted with the apolitical lifestylism of the contemporary anarchist movement, stopped referring to himself as an anarchist, founded his own libertarian socialist ideology called Communalism, which seeks to reconcile Marxist and anarchist thought. Bookchin was a prominent anti-capitalist and advocate of society's decentralisation along ecological and democratic lines, his ideas have influenced social movements since the 1960s, including the New Left, the anti-nuclear movement, the anti-globalization movement, Occupy Wall Street, more the democratic confederalism of Rojava.
He was a central figure in the Burlington Greens. Bookchin was born in New York City to Russian Jewish immigrants Nathan Rose Bookchin, he grew up in the Bronx, where his grandmother, Zeitel, a Socialist Revolutionary, imbued him with Russian populist ideas. After her death in 1930, he joined the Young Pioneers, the Communist youth organization and the Young Communist League in 1935, he attended the Workers School near Union Square. In the late 1930s he broke with Stalinism and gravitated toward Trotskyism, joining the Socialist Workers Party. In the early 1940s he worked in a foundry in Bayonne, New Jersey where he was an organizer and shop steward for the United Electrical Workers as well as a recruiter for the SWP. Within the SWP he adhered to the Goldman-Morrow faction, he was an auto worker and UAW member at the time of the great General Motors strike of 1945-46. In 1949, while speaking to a Zionist youth organization at City College, Bookchin met a mathematics student, Beatrice Appelstein, whom he married in 1951.
They were married for 12 years and lived together for 35, remaining close friends and political allies for the rest of his life. They had two children and Joseph. From 1947, he collaborated with a fellow lapsed Trotskyist, the German expatriate Josef Weber, in New York in the Movement for a Democracy of Content, a group of 20 or so post-Trotskyists who collectively edited the periodical Contemporary Issues – A Magazine for a Democracy of Content. Contemporary Issues embraced utopianism; the periodical provided a forum for the belief that previous attempts to create utopia had foundered on the necessity of toil and drudgery. To achieve this "post-scarcity" society, Bookchin developed a theory of ecological decentralism; the magazine published Bookchin's first articles, including the pathbreaking "The Problem of Chemicals in Food". In 1958, Bookchin defined himself as an anarchist, seeing parallels between ecology, his first book, Our Synthetic Environment, was published under the pseudonym Lewis Herber in 1962, a few months before Rachel Carson's Silent Spring.
The book described a broad range of environmental ills but received little attention because of its political radicalism. In 1964, Bookchin joined the Congress of Racial Equality, protested racism at the 1964 World's Fair. During 1964-67, while living on Manhattan's Lower East Side, he cofounded and was the principal figure in the New York Federation of Anarchists, his groundbreaking essay "Ecology and Revolutionary Thought" introduced ecology as a concept in radical politics. In 1968, he founded another group that published the influential Anarchos magazine, which published that and other innovative essays on post-scarcity and on ecological technologies such as solar and wind energy, on decentralization and miniaturization. Lecturing throughout the United States, he helped popularize the concept of ecology to the counterculture, his republished 1969 essay "Listen, Marxist!" Warned Students for a Democratic Society against an impending takeover by a Marxist group. "Once again the dead are walking in our midst," he wrote, "ironically, draped in the name of Marx, the man who tried to bury the dead of the nineteenth century.
So the revolution of our own day can do nothing better than parody, in turn, the October Revolution of 1917 and the civil war of 1918-1920, with its'class line,' its Bolshevik Party, its'proletarian dictatorship,' its puritanical morality, its slogan,'Soviet power'". These and other influential 1960s essays are anthologized in Post-Scarcity Anarchism. In 1969-1970, he taught at Alternate U, a counter-cultural radical school based on 14th Street in Manhattan. In 1971, he moved to Burlington, Vermont with a group of friends, to put into practice his ideas of decentralization. In the fall of 1973, he was hired by Goddard College to lecture on technology. In 1974, he was hired by Ramapo College in Mahwah, New Jersey, where he became a full professor; the ISE was a hub for study of appropriate technology in the 1970s. In 1977-78 he was a member of the Spruce Mountain Affinity Group of the Clamshell Alliance. In 1977, he publ
A social movement is a type of group action. There is no single consensus definition of a social movement, they are large, sometimes informal, groupings of individuals or organizations which focus on specific political or social issues. In other words, they resist, or undo a social change, they provide a way of social change from the bottom within nations. Social movements can be defined as "organizational structures and strategies that may empower oppressed populations to mount effective challenges and resist the more powerful and advantaged elites". Political science and sociology have developed a variety of theories and empirical research on social movements. For example, some research in political science highlights the relation between popular movements and the formation of new political parties as well as discussing the function of social movements in relation to agenda setting and influence on politics. Sociologists distinguish between several types of social movement examining things such as scope, type of change, method of work, type of change and timeframe.
Modern Western social movements became possible through education and increased mobility of labor due to the industrialization and urbanization of 19th-century societies. It is sometimes argued that the freedom of expression and relative economic independence prevalent in the modern Western culture are responsible for the unprecedented number and scope of various contemporary social movements. Many of the social movements of the last hundred years grew up, like the Mau Mau in Kenya, to oppose Western colonialism. Social movements have been and continue to be connected with democratic political systems. Social movements have been involved in democratizing nations, but more they have flourished after democratization. Over the past 200 years, they have become part of a global expression of dissent. Modern movements utilize technology and the internet to mobilize people globally. Adapting to communication trends is a common theme among successful movements. Research is beginning to explore how advocacy organizations linked to social movements in the U.
S. and Canada use social media to facilitate collective action. The systematic literature review of Buettner & Buettner analyzed the role of Twitter during a wide range of social movements. Mario Diani argues that nearly all definitions share three criteria: "a network of informal interactions between a plurality of individuals, groups and/or organizations, engaged in a political or cultural conflict, on the basis of a shared collective identity" Sociologist Charles Tilly defines social movements as a series of contentious performances and campaigns by which ordinary people make collective claims on others. For Tilly, social movements are a major vehicle for ordinary people's participation in public politics, he argues that there are three major elements to a social movement: Campaigns: a sustained, organized public effort making collective claims of target authorities. Sidney Tarrow defines a social movement as "collective challenges by people with common purposes and solidarity in sustained interactions with elites and authorities."
He distinguishes social movements from political parties and advocacy groups. The sociologists John McCarthy and Mayer Zald define as a social movement as "a set of opinions and beliefs in a population which represents preferences for changing some elements of the social structure and/or reward distribution of a society." According to Paul van Seeters and Paul James defining a social movement entails a few minimal conditions of ‘coming together’: the formation of some kind of collective identity. Thus we define a social movement as a form of political association between persons who have at least a minimal sense of themselves as connected to others in common purpose and who come together across an extended period of time to effect social change in the name of that purpose; the early growth of social movements was connected to broad economic and political changes in England in the mid-18th century, including political representation, market capitalization, proletarianization. The first mass social movement catalyzed around the controversial political figure John Wilkes.
As editor of the paper The North Briton, Wilkes vigorously attacked the new administration of Lord Bute and the peace terms that the new government accepted at the 1763 Treaty of Paris at the end of the Seven Years' War. Charged with seditious libel, Wilkes was arrested after the issue of a general warrant, a move that Wilkes denounced as unlawful - the L
Eleftherotypia was a daily national newspaper published in Athens, Greece. Published since 21 July 1975, it was the first newspaper to appear after the fall of the Regime of the Colonels, for most of its time it has been one of the two most circulated newspapers in the country. Taking a center-left, socialist stance, it was respected for its independence and impartiality. Following the economic downturn in Greece, the newspaper had to file for bankruptcy in 2011. Taken over by a new publisher, it was shut down in November 2014. From the beginning, Eleftherotypia had been an opposition voice against the governments of conservative Nea Demokratia party. Editors adopted a social-democratic stance on a number of issues, but more radical viewpoints are frequently represented in the paper, to a notably greater extent than in centre-left daily To Vima; when in 1981, the socialist PASOK party came into government, it adopted a more pro-government stance, but remained critical and at times harsh. Founded as a cooperative owned by its journalists, it was nicknamed "the newspaper with 80 editors-in-chief".
It was however soon taken over by the Tegopoulos brothers, was published by businessman Christos Tegopoulos, retaining its traditional socialist domestic and international stance. In the era of Serafim Fintanidis, editor-in-chief from 1976 until 2006, Eleftherotypia sold up to 160,448 copies and had more than 800 employees. Inmidst the Greek financial crisis, Eleftherotypia was hit hard by dwindling revenues; because of financial problems, Tegopoulos Publishing was unable to pay its employees from August 2011. A loan settlement with Alpha Bank was reached, causing the staff to be cut and the headquarters to be sold. In October, Alpha Bank however withdrew the settlement, requiring the publisher to file for bankruptcy; the remaining 135 journalists however kept running what remained to be the second-largest newspaper of the country. On 10 January 2013, Eleftherotypia and its internet site Enet were relaunched after new publisher Harris Ikonomopoulos had acquired 67% of Eleftherotypia’s shares from the Tegopoulos family.
Under the new publisher, the newspaper however didn't recover. For nine months, the editors kept publishing the daily newspaper, they proposed turning the newspaper back into a cooperative. In November 2014 the newspaper's operations were halted and the editors were locked out from the newspaper's website and social media accounts. BBC News described the closure of Eleftherotypia, which it called "a rare voice of independence and impartiality", as the most shocking closure of the Greek media landscape; the newspaper's Sunday edition Kyriakatiki Eleftherotypia hosted select articles from Le Monde Diplomatique. Since 2009, it contained The New York Times International Weekly supplement, featuring a selection of articles from The New York Times translated into Greek; the Saturday and Sunday editions of Eleftherotypia featured articles by a group of journalists, who collectively use the name the "Ios". The Ios were known for targeting and criticizing the Greek far right, the church, the army, the police and United States foreign policy.
Every Wednesday, the newspaper features the "9" comics magazine, named after the classification of comics as the "ninth art". 9 enjoys high readership of 200,000 readers weekly. The magazine organizes comics exhibitions and every year holds a competition for new talents and new creators, through which many young Greek comic artists have emerged, such as Helias Kyriazes, Tasos Papaioannou, Argyris Mavreas, Katerina Vamvasaki and Vasilis Lolos; each issue features an ongoing "central story" which takes up four or five consecutive issues, a science-fiction short story and various comics and caricatures. Since the beginning of the magazine's publication, in June 2000, no issue has been published without a woman on its front page. Daily political cartoons were provided by Vaggeli Papavasiliou. In April 1977, Revolutionary Organization 17 November sent a manifesto to Eleftherotypia, titled "Reply to the parties and groups"; the preface of the manifesto stated that Eleftherotypia was chosen because "a) it reported with respect to the facts of the attacks and b) gave voice to the full spectrum of the Left when not accepting its causes".
This was the beginning of a trend that continued for every such action 17 November undertook, up until the organization's capture in 2002. Other Greek left wing radical and terrorist organizations, such as ELA, as well as small militant anarchist groups send their communiques to Eleftherotypia, under the assumption that the newspaper, while unlikely to be directly supportive, would be more to publicise their views; the newspaper became known for its policy of publishing the proclamations of such groups without criticism. Until 2002 it abstained including assassinations. In the past, some Eleftherotypia editors have criticised counter terrorism laws, with some perceiving this as evidence that the publication was supportive of terrorism. In November 2005, the Court of Appeals in Athens found the publisher Tegopoulos Publishing, as well as editor-in-chief Serafim Fintanidis and another 2 persons guilty of slandering the Public Prosecutor of the trial of the 17N terrorist group, District Attorney Christos Lambrou.
They were fined Euro 60,000 each to be paid to Mr. Lambrou. Politics of Greece List of newspapers in Greece
London School of Economics
The London School of Economics is a public research university located in London, a constituent college of the federal University of London. Founded in 1895 by Fabian Society members Sidney Webb, Beatrice Webb, Graham Wallas, George Bernard Shaw for the betterment of society, LSE joined the University of London in 1900 and established its first degree courses under the auspices of the University in 1901; the LSE started awarding its own degrees in 2008, prior to which it awarded degrees of the University of London. LSE is located near the boundary between Covent Garden and Holborn; the area is known as Clare Market. The LSE has more than 11,000 students and 3,300 staff, just under half of whom come from outside the UK, it had an income of £ 354.3 million in 2017/18. One hundred and fifty-five nationalities are represented amongst LSE's student body and the school has the second highest percentage of international students of all world universities. Despite its name, the school is organised into 25 academic departments and institutes which conduct teaching and research across a range of legal studies and social sciences.
LSE is a member of the Russell Group, Association of Commonwealth Universities, European University Association and is sometimes considered a part of the "Golden Triangle" of universities in south-east England. For the subject area of social science, LSE places second in the world in the QS Rankings, tenth in THE Rankings, eighth in the Academic Ranking of World Universities. LSE is ranked among the top fifteen universities nationally by all three UK tables, while internationally LSE is ranked in the top 50 by two of the three major global rankings. In the 2014 Research Excellence Framework, the School had the highest proportion of world-leading research among research submitted of any British non-specialist university. LSE has produced many notable alumni in the fields of law, economics, psychology, literature and politics. Alumni and staff include 53 past or present heads of state or government, 20 members of the current British House of Commons and 18 Nobel laureates; as of 2017, 26% of all the Nobel Prizes in Economics have been awarded or jointly awarded to LSE alumni, current staff or former staff, making up 16% of all laureates.
LSE alumni and staff have won 3 Nobel Peace Prizes and 2 Nobel Prizes in Literature. Out of all European universities, LSE has educated the most billionaires according to a 2014 global census of U. S dollar billionaires; the London School of Economics was founded in 1895 by Beatrice and Sidney Webb funded by a bequest of £20,000 from the estate of Henry Hunt Hutchinson. Hutchinson, a lawyer and member of the Fabian Society, left the money in trust, to be put "towards advancing its objects in any way they deem advisable"; the five trustees were Sidney Webb, Edward Pease, Constance Hutchinson, William de Mattos and William Clark. LSE records that the proposal to establish the school was conceived during a breakfast meeting on 4 August 1894, between the Webbs, Louis Flood and George Bernard Shaw; the proposal was accepted by the trustees in February 1895 and LSE held its first classes in October of that year, in rooms at 9 John Street, Adelphi, in the City of Westminster. The School joined the federal University of London in 1900, was recognised as a Faculty of Economics of the university.
The University of London degrees of BSc and DSc were established in 1901, the first university degrees dedicated to the social sciences. Expanding over the following years, the school moved to the nearby 10 Adelphi Terrace to Clare Market and Houghton Street; the foundation stone of the Old Building, on Houghton Street, was laid by King George V in 1920. The 1930s economic debate between LSE and Cambridge is well known in academic circles. Rivalry between academic opinion at LSE and Cambridge goes back to the school's roots when LSE's Edwin Cannan, Professor of Economics, Cambridge's Professor of Political Economy, Alfred Marshall, the leading economist of the day, argued about the bedrock matter of economics and whether the subject should be considered as an organic whole.. The dispute concerned the question of the economist's role, whether this should be as a detached expert or a practical adviser. Despite the traditional view that the LSE and Cambridge were fierce rivals through the 1920s and 30s, they worked together in the 1920s on the London and Cambridge Economic Service.
However, the 1930s brought a return to disputes as economists at the two universities argued over how best to address the economic problems caused by the Great Depression. The main figures in this debate were John Maynard Keynes from Cambridge and the LSE's Friedrich Hayek; the LSE Economist Lionel Robbins was heavily involved. Starting off as a disagreement over whether demand management or deflation was the better solution to the economic problems of the time, it embraced much wider concepts of economics and macroeconomics. Keynes put forward the theories now known as Keynesian economics, involving the active participation of the state and public sector, while Hayek and Robbins followed the Austrian School, which emphasised free trade and opposed state involvement. During World War II, the School decamped from London to the University of Cambridge, occupying buildings belonging to Peterhouse; the School's arms, including its mo
Cornelius Castoriadis was a Greek-French philosopher, social critic, psychoanalyst, author of The Imaginary Institution of Society, co-founder of the Socialisme ou Barbarie group. His writings on autonomy and social institutions have been influential in both academic and activist circles. Cornelius Castoriadis was born on 11 March 1922 in Constantinople, the son of Kaisar and Sophia Kastoriadis, his family had to move in July 1922 to Athens due to the Greek–Turkish population exchange. He developed an interest in politics after he came into contact with Marxist thought and philosophy at the age of 13. At the same time he began studying traditional philosophy after purchasing a copy of the book History of Philosophy by the historian of ideas Nikolaos Louvaris. Sometime between 1932 and 1935, Maximiani Portas was the French tutor of Castoriadis. During the same period, he attended the 8th Gymnasium of Athens in Kato Patisia, from which he graduated in 1937, his first active involvement in politics occurred during the Metaxas Regime, when he joined the Athenian Communist Youth, a section of the Young Communist League of Greece.
In 1941 he joined the Communist Party of Greece, only to leave one year in order to become an active Trotskyist. The latter action resulted in his persecution by the Communist Party. In 1944 he wrote his first essays on social science and Max Weber, which he published in a magazine named Archive of Sociology and Ethics. During the December 1944 violent clashes between the communist-led ELAS and the Papandreou government, guided by British troops, Castoriadis criticized the actions of the KKE. In December 1945, three years after earning a bachelor's degree in law and political science from the School of Law and Political Sciences of the University of Athens, he got aboard the RMS Mataroa, a New Zealand ocean liner, to go to Paris to continue his studies under a scholarship offered by the French Institute of Athens; the same voyage—organized by Octave Merlier—also brought from Greece to France a number of other Greek writers and intellectuals, including Constantine Andreou, Kostas Axelos, Georges Candilis, Costa Coulentianos, Emmanuel Kriaras, Adonis A. Kyrou, Kostas Papaïoannou, Virgile Solomonidis.
Once in Paris, Castoriadis joined the Trotskyist Parti Communiste Internationaliste. He and Claude Lefort constituted a Chaulieu–Montal Tendency in the French PCI in 1946. In 1948, they experienced their "final disenchantment with Trotskyism", leading them to break away to found the libertarian socialist and councilist group and journal Socialisme ou Barbarie, which included Jean-François Lyotard and Guy Debord as members for a while, profoundly influenced the French intellectual left. Castoriadis had links with the group known as the Johnson–Forest Tendency until 1958. Influenced by Castoriadis and Socialisme ou Barbarie were the British group and journal Solidarity and Maurice Brinton. In the late 1940s, he started attending philosophical and sociological courses at the Faculty of Letters at the University of Paris, where among his teachers were Gaston Bachelard, the epistemologist René Poirier, the historian of philosophy Henri Bréhier, Henri Gouhier, Jean Wahl, Gustave Guillaume, Albert Bayet, Georges Davy.
He submitted a proposal for a doctoral dissertation on mathematical logic to Poirier, but he abandoned the project. The working title of his thesis was Introduction à la logique axiomatique. At the same time, he worked as an economist at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development until 1970, the year when he obtained French citizenship, his writings prior to that date were published pseudonymously, as "Pierre Chaulieu," "Paul Cardan," "Jean-Marc Coudray" etc. In his 1949 essay "The Relations of Production in Russia", Castoriadis developed a critique of the supposed socialist character of the government of the Soviet Union. According to Castoriadis, the central claim of the Stalinist regime at the time was that the mode of production in Russia was socialist, but the mode of distribution was not yet a socialist one since the socialist edification in the country had not yet been completed. However, according to Castoriadis' analysis, since the mode of distribution of the social product is inseparable from the mode of production, the claim that one can have control over distribution while not having control over production is meaningless.
Castoriadis was influential in the turn of the intellectual left during the 1950s against the Soviet Union, because he argued that the Soviet Union was not a communist but rather a bureaucratic capitalist state, which contrasted with Western powers by virtue of its centralized power apparatus. His work in the OECD helped his analyses. In the latter years of Socialisme ou Barbarie, Castoriadis came to reject the Marxist theories of economics and of history in an essay on "Modern Capitalism and Revolution", first published in Socialisme ou Barbarie in 1960–61. Castoriadis' final Socialisme ou Barbarie essay was "Marxi