Instituto Nacional de Estadística (Spain)
The National Statistics Institute is the official agency in Spain that collects statistics about demography and Spanish society. It is an autonomous organization in Spain responsible for overall coordination of statistical services of the General State Administration in monitoring and supervision of technical procedures; every 10 years, this organisation conducts a national census. The last census took place in 2011. Through the official website one can follow all the updates of different fields of study; the oldest statistics agency of Spain and the predecessor of the current agency was the General Statistics Commission of the Kingdom, created on November 3, 1856 during the reign of Isabella II. The so-then Prime Minister Narváez approved a decree creating this body and ordering that people with recognized ability in this matter were part of it. On May 1, 1861, the Commission change its name to General Statistics Board and their first work was to do a population census. By a decree of September 12, 1870, Prime Minister Serrano created the Geographic Institute and in 1873 this Institute change its name to Geographic and Statistic Institute assuming the competences of the General Statistics Board.
In 1890, the titularity of the agency was transferred from the Prime Minister's Office to the Ministry of Development. Between 1921 and 1939, change its name many times. In the same way, the agency was transferred from a ministry to another, passing through the Deputy Prime Minister's Office, the Ministry of the Presidency and the Ministry of Labour; the National Statistics Institute was created following the Law of December 31, 1945, published in the BOE of January 3, 1946, with a mission to develop and refine the demographic and social statistics existing, creating new statistics and coordination with the statistical offices of provincial and municipal areas. At the end of 1964 the first computer was installed at the INE, it was a first-generation IBM 1401, for which a team was formed consisting of four statistics faculty and ten technicians. In the four years following it was possible that said. INE Website
Alfauir is a municipality in the comarca of Safor in the Valencian Community, Spain. Monastery of Sant Jeroni de Cotalba, constructed between the 14th and 18th centuries. Church of the Mare de Déu del Roser, 20th century. Palma Castle, 11th century. Salvador Cardona, a professional road racing cyclist. In 1929 he became the first Spanish road bicycle racer to win a stage in Tour de France. Nicolás Borrás, a Spanish Renaissance painter and monk of the Monastery of Sant Jeroni de Cotalba. Antonio Sancho de Benevento, a silversmith artist of the Spanish Renaissance and monk of the Monastery of Sant Jeroni de Cotalba. Monastery of Sant Jeroni de Cotalba Route of the Monasteries of Valencia Route of the Borgias Route of the Valencian classics
Valencian Nationalist Bloc
The Valencian Nationalist Bloc is a Valencian nationalist party in the Valencian Country, Spain. It is the largest party in the Coalició Compromís; the Bloc was formed in 1998 as a result of the federation of several parties in a coalition formed for the 1995 regional elections. That group of parties was headed by Unitat del Poble Valencià, the main predecessor of the current Bloc, together with other smaller parties locally based, such as the Valencian Nationalist Party or Alcoi Nationalists; the Bloc has defined itself as a left-wing party. This position shifted to a centrist or center-left position in the late nineties, as part of a strategy to appeal to a broader audience known as tercera via; this strategy proved unsuccessful due to their failure to attract enough of the regionalist vote in the 2003 regional elections. For the 2007 Valencian regional elections to the Corts Valencianes, the Valencian regional parliament, the Bloc returned to a more left wing agenda as it ran in coalition with EUPV, the Valencian branch of Izquierda Unida, a coalition whose main member is the Communist Party.
This coalition operated under the name of Compromís pel País Valencià. Compromís' results did not achieve their goal of growing and forming a front alongside the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party to oust the Partido Popular from the regional government, but allowed Bloc to enter the autonomous Parliament and secured EUPV representation as well. However, a schism occurred soon after within the EUPV between the two more nationalist and social democratic MPs on the one side and the more communist and less nationalist remaining three members on the other; the former MPs were expelled from EUPV and went on to create a new party Iniciativa del Poble Valencià IdPV. In turn, they allied themselves with the Bloc, thus gaining a majority for the nationalists in the coalition, while creating a climate of frigid relations between EUPV and Bloc for the remainder of the term, making the renewal of the pact for future polls unlikely in the short term. For the 2008 General election the Bloc ran in coalition with other left wing and green parties, as Iniciativa del Poble Valencià.
However, despite the fact that the list was headed by a sitting deputy, Isaura Navarro, their vote fell relative to 2004. For the 2011 Valencian Regional elections, they stood in an electoral alliance with Iniciativa del Poble Valencià and other Green parties in a new coalition called Coalició Compromís; this coalition won a record of six seats in the Valencian parliament, won the first seat in history for a Valencian Nationalist force in the Spanish national parliament at the 2011 Spanish General Election. The Bloc only runs elections held in the Valencian Community. Including its Unitat del Poble Valencià former era, until 2011 it had polled at around 4% of the votes in elections for the Valencian regional parliament, with lower figures when running at Spanish general elections in Valencia. Since 2011, it has been represented by Coalició Compromís, became the third political force in the Land of Valencia, with 3 of 6 seats of Coalició Compromís in the Valencian parliament, about 385 seats in municipal councils and one seat in the Spanish parliament.
Bloc has been represented at the Valencian parliament three times, twice by means of a coalition with the Valencian branch of United Left. Their first participation in this coalition was in 1987, under Bloc's "Unitat del Poble Valencià" former name. According to the coalition pact, UPV was allotted two out of the six MPs. Internal tensions within the coalition and within the UPV, led to its disbanding; these events were the start of the process which led to the demise of UPV and its refoundation as BLOC. Still, both parties agreed to repeat their coalition for the 2007 regional elections, in order to secure if only joint representation, something, at stake if they participated by themselves; this renewed coalition, called Compromís pel País Valencià, indeed achieved representation with seven MPs, two of which corresponded to Bloc according to the coalition pact rules. Internal dissent plagued again the coalition, this time predating on its EUPV component, which has split since. In 2011, the BLOC created a coalition Coalició Compromís, running alongside Iniciativa del Poble Valencià and the Green, both partners in the previous coalition.
Coalició Compromís got 6 seats in the Valencian Parlement in the 2011 elections, consolidating itself as the third political force in the Land of Valencia. Support for the Bloc is higher at the local level, with about 20 mayors. Thus, it is the distant third major Valencian political party at the municipal level, far from the major parties, PP and PSPV-PSOE; the party is nearly absent in a number of areas in the Valencian Community while it is a major political agent in others, namely in its historic stronghold at the contiguous area formed by the northernmost part of Alicante province and the southernmost part of Valencia province. For the 1999 European Parliament election the Bloc allied with the Catalonia-based Convergence and Union and the Majorca Socialist Party with Bloc leader Enric Morera fifth on the list; the coalition won two seats, however Morera became a Euro MP in April 2004The Bloc joined the Galeusca coalition in the 2004 European Parliament electio
La Font d'En Carròs
La Font d'En Carròs is a municipality in the comarca of Safor in the Valencian Community, Spain
Daimús is a small municipality in the Safor comarca, in the Valencian Community close to the Mediterranean sea in Spain. It has a population of around 20,000 in summer; the municipality is divided into three parts: el Poble: the most ancient part. It is composed of one-floor houses and a church. Els Pedregals: a group of bungalows near a small church 1 km from the main village. La Platja: a group of buildings only used in summer holidays by tourists from Madrid, it is 1.5 kilometer from the village. Daimús is a small municipality near the town of Gandia, the most important in the area. Daimús was founded in the 13th century, after the Reconquista; the historical importance of Gandia during the Renaissance made the rest of the small towns around it live under its shadow. As a result, Daimús' history is not well known by its inhabitants; the beach was unpopulated until the 1960s, when the many French tourists took advantage of the exchange rate and bought apartments by the sea. Some examples are the La Torre and Costa Blanca apartment buildings.
In the late 1960s, the Spanish economy flourished and many Spaniards could afford a second house for the summer season. Thus, more apartment buildings appeared, such as Semiramis, Costa Blanca II, Finamar I, Finamar II and Pinocho. Once it was called a family beach because it had no hotels, because it was small, it used to have a summer cinema called Terraza Daison. In the 1970s, it had one of the earliest Pacha discothèques, since closed. In the late 1990s, Daimús doubled its size in about 6 years. For many centuries Daimús was a rural area with crops of oranges, it became a tourist area due to its proximity of the sea and the fields became new buildings. Most of the population now work in the nearby cities of Gandia. Webpage - Daimús Página Web de Daimús Daimús Community Manager
Alfonso XIII of Spain
Alfonso XIII was King of Spain from 1886 until the proclamation of the Second Republic in 1931. Alfonso was monarch from birth as Alfonso XII, had died the previous year. Alfonso's mother, Maria Christina of Austria, served as regent until he assumed full powers on his sixteenth birthday in 1902. During Alfonso's reign Spain experienced four major problems that contributed to the end of the liberal monarchy: the lack of real political representation of broad social groups; this political and social turbulence that began with the Spanish–American War prevented the turnaround parties from establishing a true liberal democracy, which led to the establishment of the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera. With the political failure of the dictatorship, Alfonso impelled a return to the democratic normality with the intention of regenerating the regime, it was abandoned by all political classes, as they felt betrayed by the king's support of the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera. He left Spain voluntarily after the municipal elections of April 1931, which were taken as a plebiscite between monarchy or republic.
Alfonso was born in Madrid on 17 May 1886. He was the posthumous son of Alfonso XII of Spain, who had died in November 1885, became King of Spain upon his birth. Just after he was born, he was carried naked to the Spanish prime minister on a silver tray. Five days he was carried in a solemn court procession with a golden fleece round his neck and was baptized with water specially brought from the River Jordan in Palestine; the French newspaper Le Figaro described the young king in 1889 as "the happiest and best-loved of all the rulers of the earth". His mother, Maria Christina of Austria, served as his regent until his 16th birthday. During the regency, in 1898, Spain lost its colonial rule over Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines to the United States as a result of the Spanish–American War; when he came of age in May 1902, the week of his majority was marked by festivities, bullfights and receptions throughout Spain. He took his oath to the constitution before members of the Cortes on 17 May.
By 1905, Alfonso was looking for a suitable consort. On a state visit to the United Kingdom, he stayed at Buckingham Palace with King Edward VII. There he met Princess Victoria Eugenie of Battenberg, the Scottish-born daughter of Edward's youngest sister Princess Beatrice, a granddaughter of Queen Victoria, he found her attractive, she returned his interest. There were obstacles to the marriage. Victoria was a Protestant, would have to become a Catholic. Victoria's brother Leopold was a haemophiliac, so there was a 50 percent chance that Victoria was a carrier of the trait. Alfonso's mother Maria Christina wanted him to marry a member of her family, the House of Habsburg-Lorraine or some other Catholic princess, as she considered the Battenbergs to be non-dynastic. Victoria was willing to change her religion, her being a haemophilia carrier was only a possibility. Maria Christina was persuaded to drop her opposition. In January 1906 she wrote an official letter to Princess Beatrice proposing the match.
Victoria met Maria Christina and Alfonso in Biarritz, France that month, converted to Catholicism in San Sebastián in March. In May, diplomats of both kingdoms executed the agreement of marriage. Alfonso and Victoria were married at the Royal Monastery of San Jerónimo in Madrid on 31 May 1906, with British royalty in attendance, including Victoria's cousins the Prince and Princess of Wales; the wedding was marked by an assassination attempt on Alfonso and Victoria by Catalan anarchist Mateu Morral. As the wedding procession returned to the palace, he threw a bomb from a window which killed or injured several bystanders and members of the procession. On 10 May 1907, the couple's first child, Prince of Asturias, was born. However, Victoria was in fact a haemophilia carrier, Alfonso inherited the condition. Neither of the two daughters born to the King and Queen were haemophilia carriers, but another of their sons, had the condition. Alfonso distanced himself from his Queen for transmitting the condition to their sons.
From 1914 on, he had several mistresses, fathered five illegitimate children. A sixth illegitimate child had been born before his marriage. During World War I, because of his family connections with both sides and the division of popular opinion, Spain remained neutral; the King established an office for assistance to prisoners of war on all sides. This office used the Spanish diplomatic and military network abroad to intercede for thousands of POWs – transmitting and receiving letters for them, other services; the office was located in the Royal Palace. Alfonso became gravely ill during the 1918 flu pandemic. Spain was neutral and thus under no wartime censorship restrictions, so his illness and subsequent recovery were reported to the world, while flu outbreaks in the belligerent countries were concealed; this gave the misleading impression that Spain was the most-affected area and led to the pandemic being dubbed "the Spanish Flu." Following World War I, Spain entered the lengthy yet victorious Rif War to preserve its colonial rule over northern Morocco.
Critics of the monarchy thought the war was an unforgivable loss of money and lives, nicknamed Alfonso el Africano. Alfonso had not acted as a strict constitutional monarch, supported the Africanists who wanted to conquer for Spain a new empire in Africa to compensate for the lost empire in the Americas and Asia; the Rif War had starkly polarized Spanish society between the A
Autonomous communities of Spain
In Spain, an autonomous community is a first-level political and administrative division, created in accordance with the Spanish constitution of 1978, with the aim of guaranteeing limited autonomy of the nationalities and regions that make up Spain. Spain is not a federation, but a decentralized unitary state. While sovereignty is vested in the nation as a whole, represented in the central institutions of government, the nation has, in variable degrees, devolved power to the communities, which, in turn, exercise their right to self-government within the limits set forth in the constitution and their autonomous statutes; each community has its own set of devolved powers. Some scholars have referred to the resulting system as a federal system in all but name, or a "federation without federalism". There are 17 autonomous communities and two autonomous cities that are collectively known as "autonomies"; the two autonomous cities have the right to become autonomous communities, but neither has yet exercised it.
This unique framework of territorial administration is known as the "State of Autonomies". The autonomous communities are governed according to the constitution and their own organic laws known as Statutes of Autonomy, which contain all the competences that they assume. Since devolution was intended to be asymmetrical in nature, the scope of competences vary for each community, but all have the same parliamentary structure. Spain is a diverse country made up of several different regions with varying economic and social structures, as well as different languages and historical and cultural traditions. While the entire Spanish territory was united under one crown in 1479 this was not a process of national homogenization or amalgamation; the constituent territories—be it crowns, principalities or dominions—retained much of their former institutional existence, including limited legislative, judicial or fiscal autonomy. These territories exhibited a variety of local customs, laws and currencies until the mid nineteenth century.
From the 18th century onwards, the Bourbon kings and the government tried to establish a more centralized regime. Leading figures of the Spanish Enlightenment advocated for the building of a Spanish nation beyond the internal territorial boundaries; this culminated in 1833, when Spain was divided into 49 provinces, which served as transmission belts for policies developed in Madrid. However, unlike in other European countries such as France, where regional languages were spoken in rural areas or less developed regions, two important regional languages of Spain were spoken in some of the most industrialized areas, moreover, enjoyed higher levels of prosperity, in addition to having their own cultures and historical consciousness; these were Catalonia. This gave rise to peripheral nationalisms along with Spanish nationalism; therefore and social changes that had produced a national cultural unification in France had the opposite effect in Spain. As such, Spanish history since the late 19th century has been shaped by a dialectical struggle between Spanish nationalism and peripheral nationalisms in Catalonia and the Basque Country, to a lesser degree in Galicia.
In a response to Catalan demands, limited autonomy was granted to Catalonia in 1914, only to be abolished in 1923. It was granted again in 1932 during the Second Spanish Republic, when the Generalitat, Catalonia's mediaeval institution of government, was restored; the constitution of 1931 envisaged a territorial division for all Spain in "autonomous regions", never attained—only Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia had approved "Statutes of Autonomy"—the process being thwarted by the Spanish Civil War that broke out in 1936, the victory of the rebel Nationalist forces under Francisco Franco. During General Franco's dictatorial regime, centralism was most forcefully enforced as a way of preserving the "unity of the Spanish nation". Peripheral nationalism, along with communism and atheism were regarded by his regime as the main threats, his attempts to fight separatism with heavy-handed but sporadic repression, his severe suppression of language and regional identities backfired: the demands for democracy became intertwined with demands for the recognition of a pluralistic vision of the Spanish nationhood.
When Franco died in 1975, Spain entered into a phase of transition towards democracy. The most difficult task of the newly democratically elected Cortes Generales in 1977 acting as a Constituent Assembly was to transition from a unitary centralized state into a decentralized state in a way that would satisfy the demands of the peripheral nationalists; the Prime Minister of Spain, Adolfo Suárez, met with Josep Tarradellas, president of the Generalitat of Catalonia in exile. An agreement was made so that the Generalitat would be restored and limited competencies would be transferred while the constitution was still being written. Shortly after, the government allowed the creation of "assemblies of members of parliament" integrated by deputies and senators of the different territories of Spain, so that they could constitute "pre-autonomic regimes" for their regions as well; the Fathers of the Constitution had to strike a balance between the opposing views of Spain—on the one hand, the centralist view inherited from Franco's regime, on the other hand federalism and a pluralistic view of Spain as a "nation of nations".