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Teletoon is a Canadian English-language specialty channel owned by Teletoon Canada, Inc. a subsidiary of Corus Entertainment. Its name is a portmanteau of "television" and "cartoon"; the channel broadcasts various animated series, including both original and imported content, aimed at children and younger teenagers. Until 2019, the channel had carried programming aimed at older teens and adults. Teletoon operates two timeshift feeds running on Pacific schedules. Along with its French-language counterpart Télétoon, it is available in over 7.3 million Canadian households as of November 2013. In 1996, Teletoon was licensed by the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission after a related application for a channel to be called "Fun TV" had been denied; the channel was launched on October 1997, with the first episode of Caillou. At the time, it was known as The Animation Station with It's Unreal! as its secondary slogan, It's Time To Twist! as its short lived slogan from 1999 to 2000, similar to how The Comedy Network did the slogan Time Well Wasted from 1997 to 2011.

The latter slogan has been used during the channel's pre-launch but it would not been used again until 1998. In 2000, it would become the channel's only slogan; when Teletoon was launched on October 17, 1997, it showed more mature fare as the day progressed, with a strong commitment to air diverse and international programming, the ability to air most of the material uncut. A typical weekday broadcast day aired "preschool" content from 4:00 a.m. EST to 3:00 p.m. EST, "Kids" content from 3:00 p.m. to 7:00 p.m. EST, "Family" content from 7:00 p.m. to 9:30 p.m. EST, "Adult" content from 9:30 p.m. to 4:00 a.m. EST. More adult cartoons such as Duckman and various anime programs were aired after midnight. In 1999, Teletoon started airing bumpers with its first mascot, "Teletina"; these bumpers were made by Spin Productions in Toronto. Several more bumpers using CGI animation made by Guru Studio subsequently premiered on the channel. An updated look for the channel featuring the original logo, was created for a partial rebranding in 2005.

The older bumpers were removed in 2007 as part of an on-air rebranding. The rebrand took place on February 5, 2007. Four years on September 5, 2011, Teletoon's on-air branding changed again to reflect the 50th anniversary of one of its owners, Astral Media, to reflect the transition to digital television. Since Teletoon has begun airing a number of live action programs in the daytime, including original series such as My Babysitter's a Vampire and Mudpit, as well as acquired programming and movies; this wasn't the first time. After Astral Media's stake in TELETOON Canada Inc. was purchased by Corus Entertainment, several of Teletoon's original and acquired shows live action series, began airing on YTV. In turn, Teletoon began airing anime series that aired on YTV, including Yu-Gi-Oh!, beginning with Yu-Gi-Oh! Zexal II, Pokémon, beginning with XY and reruns of Pokémon: Advanced; the debut of Zexal, in particular, marks the first time an acquired anime series aired on the channel since the debut of MegaMan NT Warrior back in 2003.

Since its inception, Teletoon aired numerous television series from Cartoon Network. From September 1, 2015 to Fall 2016, original programming from the American channel was moved over to its Canadian counterpart. Around the same time, several programs airing on Teletoon Retro, which closed down on the same date, began airing on Teletoon. Teletoon would premiere new original programming from Cartoon Network's sister channel, Boomerang. On April 1, 2019, following the relaunch of Action as Adult Swim, Teletoon's adult-oriented programs were moved to Adult Swim. However, some adult-oriented programming may air on the channel during the nighttime hours; the channel was owned by a consortium made up of various other Canadian specialty services and producers: Family Channel acting as managing partner at 53.3%, YTV at 26.7%, Nelvana with 10% each. Corus Entertainment was spun off from Shaw Communications in 1999. In 2000, Corus began to buy out its partners in the service. Western International Communications sold its stake in the service, along with Family, to Corus in 2000, but it had to sell WIC's stakes in Teletoon and Family to Astral Media the next year.

Corus inherited its stake. Cinar was sold in 2004 to an investment consortium composed of Michael Hirsh, Toper Taylor, Birch Hill Capital Partners, who renamed the company Cookie Jar. On March 4, 2013, Corus Entertainment announced that they would buy Astral's stake in Teletoon and take full ownership of the channel; the purchase was in relation to Bell Media's takeover of Astral. Corus's purchase was cleared by the Competition Bureau two weeks on March 18.

3rd Division (Australia)

The 3rd Division was an infantry division of the Australian Army. Existing during various periods between 1916 and 1991, it is considered the "longest serving Australian Army division", it was first formed during World War I, as an infantry division of the Australian Imperial Force and saw service on the Western Front in France and Belgium. During this time it fought major battles at Messines, Broodseinde Ridge, Passchendaele and the St Quentin Canal. After the war the division was demobilised in 1919 before being re-raised in 1921 as part of the Citizen Forces, based in central Victoria. Throughout the 1920s and 1930s, the division's establishment fluctuated due to the effects of the Great Depression and a general apathy towards military matters. During World War II, the division was mobilised for war in December 1941 and undertook defensive duties in Australia before being deployed to New Guinea in 1943 where they took part in the Salamaua–Lae campaign against the Japanese in 1943–1944, before returning to Australia for rest and reorganisation.

In late 1944 they were sent to Bougainville to take part in their final campaign of the war. There they undertook a series of advances across the island before the war came to an end in August 1945. Following the end of hostilities the division was disbanded in December 1945 as part of the demobilisation process, but was it re-raised in 1948 as part of the Citizens Military Force, it subsequently served through the Cold War as a reserve formation until 1991 when the division was disbanded for a final time as the Australian Army was restructured and the focus of Australian field force operations shifted from the divisional-level to brigades. In early 1916, following the unsuccessful Gallipoli campaign, the decision was made to expand the size of the Australian Imperial Force. At the time there were two divisions in Egypt—the 1st and 2nd—and of these, one of them was split up to provide a cadre upon which to raise the 4th and 5th Divisions. Around this time the decision to raise a fifth division from fresh volunteers in Australia was made and as a result the 3rd Division was raised on 2 February 1916.

Upon formation, the division drew its personnel from all Australian states and consisted of three four-battalion infantry brigades—the 9th, 10th and the 11th—and a number of supporting elements including engineers and medical personnel. Only rudimentary initial training was undertaken before elements of the division began the embarkation process in May and June 1916 as they were moved to the United Kingdom, where the individual sub units concentrated for the first time, received arms and other equipment and began the task of undertaking further training at Lark Hill, on Salisbury Plain. In July the division's artillery component was formed, consisting of three batteries of 18-pounders and one 4.5 inch howitzer battery. The process of raising and training took some time and the division was not transferred to France until mid November 1916. Prior to this, the division endured proposals to break it up to provide reinforcements to the other four Australian divisions that were in France. Although these threats passed, in early September 1916, following losses around Pozières 3,000 men from the 3rd Division were transferred.

Throughout October it seemed that further drafts would be siphoned away from the division, this did not occur and in early November two divisional exercises were undertaken. On 21 November 1916, the 3rd Division crossed the English Channel and arrived in France. Under the command of Major General John Monash, the division was assigned to II ANZAC Corps. For the next two years they would take part in most of the major battles that the Australians fought on the Western Front, they were deployed around Armentières in a "quiet" sector of the line, where they gained their first experiences of trench warfare, conducting patrols into No Man's Land and minor raids on the German trenches opposite them during the winter months. By January 1917 the 3rd Division's artillery had been reorganised so that it consisted of two field artillery brigades, each of which consisted of three six-gun 18-pounder batteries and twelve 4.5 inch howitzers. These brigades were the 8th. In April 1917 the division was moved to the Messines–Wytschaete Ridge section of the line in Belgium, taking up a position on the extreme right of II ANZAC Corps, with the New Zealand Division to its left.

It was here, in early June 1917, that the division undertook its first major engagement of the war when it was committed to the fighting during the Battle of Messines. Monash tasked the 9th and 10th Brigades to provide the assault force for the 3rd Division's part of the operation, while the 11th Brigade was to act as the divisional reserve; as the division's assault units began their approach march towards the Line of Departure late on the evening of 6 June, the German artillery opened up with a gas bombardment that hindered the march, breaking up the assaulting units as men became lost. Suffering over 2,000 casualties before the battle began, many of the division's assault units reached their assembly points with less than 200 men they arrived on time and at the appointed hour, after a number of mines were exploded in front of their positions, the assault began; the exploding mines had destroyed a large part of the German line and as a result initial resistance was overcome by the division's lead battalions—the 33rd, 34th, 38th and 39th—and by 5 am, the division had gained the crest of the Messines ridge and began digging in to defend against a possible counter-attack.

In the engagements that followed t

Delisle (crater)

Delisle is a small lunar impact crater in the western part of the Mare Imbrium. It was named after French astronomer Joseph-Nicolas Delisle, it lies to the north of the crater Diophantus, just to the northwest of the ridge designated Mons Delisle. Between Delisle and Diophantus is a sinuous rille named Rima Diophantus, with a diameter of 150 km. To the northeast is another rille designated Rima Delisle, named after this crater; the rim of Delisle is somewhat polygonal in form and it has a low central rise on the floor. There is some slight slumping along the inner wall, but overall the rim is still fresh with little appearance of significant wear; the outer rim is surrounded by a small rampart of hummocky terrain. This formation has been designated "De l'Isle" in some sources; this is a sinuous rille centered on selenographic coordinates 31.0° N, 32.0° W. It occupies a maximum diameter of 60 km. Three tiny craters in the vicinity of this feature have been assigned names by the IAU; these are listed in the table below.

By convention these features are identified on lunar maps by placing the letter on the side of the crater midpoint, closest to Delisle. LTO39B2 Delisle — L&PI topographic map

Dowell Myers

Dowell Myers is a professor of urban planning and demography in the School of Policy and Development, at the University of Southern California. He directs the school’s Population Dynamics Research Group, whose recent projects have been funded by the National Institute of Health, the Haynes Foundation, Fannie Mae Foundation, the Ford Foundation, he leads the ongoing California Demographic Futures research project at USC. Recent applications have focused on the upward mobility of immigrants to the US and Southern California, trajectories into homeownership in the United States, changing transportation behavior and labor force trends, projections for the future of the California population. In 2000 he was a member of the Census Advisory Committee of Professional Associations for the United States Census Bureau and is the author of Analysis with Local Census Data: Portraits of Change. In March 2007, the Russell Sage Foundation published his newest book and Boomers: Forging a New Social Contract for the Future of America.

In that book Myers calls for a new social contract between the older and younger generations, based on their mutual interests and the moral responsibility of each generation to provide for children and the elderly. Immigrants and Boomers attempts to create a new framework for understanding the demographic challenges facing America and forging a national consensus to address them. Many Americans regard the massive influx of immigrants over the past 30 years with great anxiety, fearing new burdens and unwanted changes to the nation’s ethnic and economic identity. Unnoticed in the contentious national debate over immigration is the more significant demographic change about to occur as the first wave of the Baby Boom generation retires draining the workforce and straining the federal budget to the breaking point. Myers in this book argues that each of these two powerful demographic shifts may hold the keys to resolving the problems presented by the other. In fall 2006, Dowell Myers was recipient of the Haynes Award for Research Impact, issued on the occasion of the Haynes Foundation’s 80th anniversary.

His undergraduate degree in anthropology from Columbia University was followed by a Master of Planning degree from the University of California, Berkeley. His Ph. D. is in urban planning from MIT and he studied demography and sociology at Harvard University. Dowell Myers has testified before the House Committee on the Judiciary about the reform of U. S. immigration policy. Immigrants and Boomers: Forging a New Social Contract for the Future of America, New York: Russell Sage Foundation. February 2007. Analysis with Local Census Data: Portraits of Change, New York: Academic Press, 1992. Housing Demography: Linking Demographic Structure and Housing Markets, Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990. Dowell Myers's at the University of Southern California] The School of Policy and Development at the University of Southern California Population Dynamics Research Group of the School of Policy and Development at the University of Southern California California Housing Futures Project Where Millions Entered U.

S. a Debate on Letting in More, March 31, 2007 New York TimesReviews and news media coverageMiriam Jordan, “Boomers’ Good Life Tied to Better Life for Immigrants,” Wall Street Journal, May 7, 2007 Jeffrey Rabin, A Q&A column with Dowell Myers, Los Angeles Times, February 27, 2007 D’Vera Cohn, “The Divergent Paths of Baby Boomers and Immigrants,” Population Reference Bureau, March 2007 Peter Schrag, “Guess Who Will have to Help with Your Retirement?” Sacramento Bee, Feb. 21, 2007

Sociolinguistics of sign languages

The sociolinguistics of sign languages is the application of sociolinguistic principles to the study of sign languages. The study of sociolinguistics in the American Deaf community did not start until the 1960s; until the study of sign language and sociolinguistics has existed in two separate domains. Nonetheless, now it is clear that many sociolinguistic aspects do not depend on modality and that the combined examination of sociolinguistics and sign language offers countless opportunities to test and understand sociolinguistic theories; the sociolinguistics of sign languages focuses on the study of the relationship between social variables and linguistic variables and their effect on sign languages. The social variables external from language include age, social class and sex. External factors are social by nature and may correlate with the behavior of the linguistic variable; the choices made of internal linguistic variant forms are systematically constrained by a range of factors at both the linguistic and the social levels.

The internal variables are linguistic in nature: a sound, a handshape, a syntactic structure. What makes the sociolinguistics of sign language different from the sociolinguistics of spoken languages is that sign languages have several variables both internal and external to the language that are unique to the Deaf community; such variables include the audiological status of a signer's parents, age of acquisition, educational background. There exist perceptions of socioeconomic status and variation of "grassroots" deaf people and middle-class deaf professionals, but this has not been studied in a systematic way. "The sociolinguistic reality of these perceptions has yet to be explored". Many variations in dialects correspond or reflect the values of particular identities of a community. In the Irish deaf community, there are several basic lexical items that are unintelligible between men and women; the vocabularies used by men and women are so different. The reason for variation was the creation of two sex-segregated schools for the deaf.

In this case sociolinguistic variation has been caused by isolation and segregation as implemented by the educational institution. These sex differences have had an effect on behavior in that they perpetuate gender images and relations; the means in which institutionalized language socialization is occurring in Ireland is and has been changing drastically over the past 50 years. This in turn is changing the way Irish sign language is being developed. In Black American Sign Language, there is linguistic variation which helps define individuals as members of both the Black community and Deaf community. However, issues arise from the existent double immersion in the two communities. Speakers, dependent on their language background, will identify themselves more with either the ethnic or Deaf identity; the primary identity of the Black Deaf community is the Black community, but those born deaf in deaf families identify with the Deaf community. It is important to note that the Black Deaf community is distinct from both the black and deaf communities.

Black ASL as a sociolinguistic variant of ASL is distinctly Black. Speakers of Black ASL do code-switch to ASL; this sociolinguistic variation is. Children who go to hearing schools are faced with the need to learn to read and write the spoken language. Just like situations involving spoken languages having greater dominance over other languages, deaf people live in societies that are dominated in every aspect by hearing people and their values. Most deaf people are bilingual to some extent in a spoken language, while hearing people are not bilingual in sign languages. However, in Martha's Vineyard there was a greater degree of deafness than compared to the national average; this encouraged hearing people to learn sign language in order to communicate with more people in the community. In Martha's Vineyard, much of the community hearing people, was using a sign language known as Martha's Vineyard Sign Language due to the high ratio of deaf people; the large population of deaf people in this community is an instance where deaf people are individuals within the entire community and not distinctly part of a Deaf ethnic group.

The extent of bilingualism in ASL and spoken English allowed for code switching from spoken to sign when in a group where most people were deaf. The advent of videophones has made it easier for members of the Deaf community to communicate with each other throughout the nation. Videophones allow members of the Deaf community to more interact with each other and to interact with people outside the Deaf community with the help of interpreters; the interpreters have to go through training programs and thus learn a standardized form of ASL. This is in contrast to the vernaculars of members of the Deaf community that did not attend these residential schools. Residential schools for the deaf were a huge proponent of the standardization of ASL as children would attend schools for the deaf and learn classes in ASL; however there has been a shift to send deaf children to hearing schools where they learn standard American English and have no formal instruction in ASL. Thus, interpreters are exposed to more standardized variants of ASL, whereas members of the Deaf community are more to learn home signs and nonstandard version of ASL.

The interpreters therefore try to incorporate the Deaf consumers' signs into their interpretation, but this is not always possible to do so. Statistically, it seems interpreters have a strong resistance to incorporating signs into the

Willard Uphaus

Willard Uphaus was an American theologian and pacifist. Uphaus was born on a farm in rural Delaware County and attended nearby Earlham College, a liberal arts college founded by the Religious Society of Friends, in Richmond, graduating in 1913. Uphaus went on to earn his PhD in the psychology of religion at Yale University, subsequently taught at Vanderbilt University Divinity School in Nashville and Hastings College in Hastings, Nebraska. In 1930, Uphaus was dismissed from Hastings for theological interpretations and his leftist viewpoints. Subsequently, six department heads resigned from Hastings in protest. Between 1934 and 1953, Uphaus ran an organization called the National Religion and Labor Foundation, which supported labor unions and advocated civil rights and racial equality He remained committed to pacifist causes during World War Two, in 1950 served as a delegate to the World Peace Conference in Warsaw. In 1953, Uphaus and his wife Ola became the directors of the World Fellowship Center, a summer conference and retreat center in Albany, New Hampshire.

It was there in 1954, amidst the height of McCarthyism, that he was pressured by New Hampshire Attorney General Louis Wyman to surrender a list of all attendees of World Fellowship Center. Uphaus voluntarily met with Wyman several times in 1954 in a futile attempt to clarify that he had never been a member of any explicitly Communist party, but the attorney remained firm in his demand that Uphaus produce a list that included the addresses and contact information of all attendees and employees at World Fellowship. To this Uphaus steadfastly refused. After several appeals, Uphaus was sentenced to a year in jail on December 14, 1959, for contempt of court. In 1961, Uphaus resumed his directorship position at World Fellowship, authored an autobiography entitled Commitment in 1963 and retired in 1969. During the 1970s he divided his time between New Haven, St. Petersburg, Florida, he died at age 92 on October 1983, in New Haven. Works by or about Willard Uphaus at Internet Archive