Anangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara
Aṉangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara is a large Aboriginal local government area located in the remote north west of South Australia. It consists of the Pitjantjatjara and Ngaanyatjarra aṉangu, and has a population of around 2500 people, the Pitjantjatjara and Yankunytjatjara people had lived in this area for many thousands of years. In 1921, with white settlement now beginning to encroach on the traditional land. This Reserve consisted of most is what is now known as the APY Lands, with the exception of the part of the APY Lands. In 1937, the Presbyterian Church established the Ernabella Mission on the Lands at the place that is now known as the community of Pukatja. By the 1950s, many aṉangu were living at the Ernabella Mission, while others lived at camps on pastoral leases on what are now the Lands, or nearby. Those pastoral leases included Granite Downs, Everard Park, Victory Downs, De Rose Hill, Kenmore Park, in 1961, to prevent overcrowding at Ernabella Mission, the Church established what became the community of Amata, but which was originally known as Musgrave Park.
At the same time the Church established what is now the community of Kaltjiti, at that time, the surrounding area was excised from pastoral leases and declared the Indulkana Aboriginal Reserve. Ara Irititja is a project of the APY, commenced in 1994 to identify and its purpose is to prevent the loss of the history, and to allow the teaching of it to others in the community. The peoples of the region have not had any major development, apart from tourism. The Mintabie opal fields are located in the area but separate, the Musgrave Block in the Pitjantjatjara Lands, in South Australias far north-west, has been viewed as having billions of dollars in potential mineral deposits and petroleum. But the Yankunytjatjara Pitjantjatjara people have been wary of opening up the area to mining, concerned about the impact on sacred sites, mining companies are conducting discussion to try to allay these worries. For decades two major issues throughout the APY Lands have been the low standard of care and drug abuse, namely alcohol, petrol sniffing, cannabis.
Part of the difficulty in reducing alcohol and illicit drug use has been the straddling of the area by three jurisdictions, South Australia, Western Australia and the Northern Territory. The jurisdictional crossover has made police enforcement of drug trafficking laws difficult, $25m will be spent on improving housing and most of the remaining $8m on law enforcement in Amata and Pukatja. I have heard that sexual abuse of children on the Lands has been throughout the communities for many years. In December 2009 the South Australian Parliament belatedly passed the Aṉangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara Land Rights Amendment Bill, the 2006 ABS identified that the APY Lands had 2,230 residents,50. 6% of whom were female and 84. 5% of whom were Indigenous Australians. 98% of the residents were Australian-born,58. 6% of residents listed Pitjantjatjara as the language spoken at home, whilst 14. 3% listed Yankunytjatjara as their spoken language
The name Kukabrak refers to the tribes of the Lower Lakes, however the name Ngarrindjeri was popularised in the 19th century by missionary George Taplin. They are the traditional Aboriginal people of the lower Murray River, western Fleurieu Peninsula, much of the early literature on this south-eastern region refers to the Aborigines collectively as the Ngarrindjeri confederacy or nation, but in the Berndts view this is misleading. For instance, Donald Pate states, Taplin estimates that there were eighteen territorial clans or Lakalinyeri that constituted the Ngarrindjeri ‘confederacy’ or ‘nation’, each territorial clan was administered by a group of ten to twelve men or elders, referred to as the Tendi. The Tendi from each clan collectively elected the Rupulli or the head of the entire Ngarrindjeri confederacy, the Ngarrindjeri were landowners who had a centralised and hierarchical government to administer the laws of the confederacy and its eighteen independent territories. Ngarrindjeri was originally the name of the group, Europeans subsequently used it as a collective name for the lakinyeri following colonisation.
Variations in spelling are common due to their use as family names and include Narinyerrie, Narrin’yerree. In Ngarrindjeri grammar the –nyeri -ndjeri suffix means belonging to a place or area. Whalers and sealers had been visiting the South Australian coast since 1802 and by 1819 there was a permanent camp on Karta, Kangaroo Island. Many of these men were escaped convicts, whalers who had brought Tasmanian Aboriginal women with them but they raided the mainland for women. Originally the most heavily populated area in Australia, an epidemic had travelled down the River Murray before colonisation. Funeral rites and cultural practices were disrupted, family groups merged, songs from the time tell of the smallpox that came out of the Southern Cross in the east with a loud noise like a bright flash. In 1830 the first exploratory expedition reached the Ngarrindjeri lands and Charles Sturt noted that the people were familiar with firearms. Pomberuk, on the banks of the River Murray in Murray Bridge was the most significant Ngarrindjeri site, all 18 lakinyeri would meet there for corroborees.
Around 22 km further down the river was Tagalang, a trading camp where lakinyeri would gather to trade ochre, weapons. In the 1900s, Tailem Bend was assigned as a government ration depot supplying the Ngarrindjeri, the Ngarrindjeri were the first South Australian Aborigines to work with Europeans in large-scale economic operations, working as farmers and labourers. Shortly after the Berndts left to return to Sydney, Karloan was given an eviction order effective immediately, adamant that only death would separate him from his land, Karloan travelled to Adelaide to seek help but returned to his former home in Pomberuk on February 2,1943. They have presented a development and management plan to preserve and develop the site as a memorial, the Royal Commission found that claims of secret womens business on the island had been fabricated. Upon the evidence before this Court I am not satisfied that the restricted womens knowledge was fabricated or that it was not part of genuine Aboriginal tradition
Nukunu once widely spoke Nukunu language. The Ngaiawang of the Murray River used the term Nokunno as the name of a mythical being who went about by night killing people, the Kaurna tribe term has a meaning of an imaginary being, like a man, who prowls at night and kills, an assassin. The Nukunu were the southeastern-most tribe to practise subincision, in addition to circumcision, barngarla men used the pronunciation Nukuna for the name. The few Nukunu survivors of the British invasion of South Australia were settled at Baroota inland from Port Germein where they are known as Barutadura,1988, Solid Town, The history of Port Augusta, R. J. 1847, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand, vols 1 &2, Smith Elder & Co, London. Barwick, D.1984, ‘Mapping the Past, an Atlas of Victorian Clans 1835 – 1904’, Aboriginal History, Department of Pacific and Southeast Asian History, Australian National University, vol. Basedow, H.1929, The Australian Aboriginal, F. W. Preece & Sons, beddome, H. L.1886, ‘Marachowie’, in E. M.
Curr ed. The Australian Race, its Origin, Customs, Place of Landing in Australia,1993, A World That Was, The Yaraldi of the Murray Lakes, South Australia, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Black, J. M.1917, Vocabularies of Three South Australian Native Languages – Wirrung, capell, A.1963, Linguistic Survey of Australia, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Sydney. 1955, Aboriginal Bird Names – South Australia, The South Australian Ornithologist, Curr, E. M. ed.1886, The Australian Race, its Origin, Customs, Place of Landing in Australia, and the Routes by Which It Spread Itself, vol. Davidson, D. S.1938, A Preliminary Register of Australian Tribes and Hordes, The American Philosophical Society, davis, S.1993, Australias Extant and Imputed Traditional Aboriginal Territories, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Ed.1976, Grammatical Categories in Australian Languages, Linguistic Series no,22, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies & Humanities Press, Canberra. Donahue, M.1991, ‘AIATSIS Library Language Names and Community/Established Language Names’, Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies,1889, ‘The Aborigines of South and Central Australia’ Royal Society of South Australian Field Naturalists Section Proceedings, pp. 1–11.
Elkin, A. P.1931, ‘The Social Organisation of South Australian Tribes’, elkin, A. P.1938, ‘Kinship in South Australia’, vol. Ellis, C. J. & Hercus, L.1966, ‘Recordings made during 1963-65 field work’,1845, Journals of Expeditions Into Central Australia and Overland…, vol. 1, T. & W. Boone, Libraries Board of South Australia, gray, J.1930, ‘Notes On Native Tribe Formerly Resident at Orroroo, South Australia’, The South Australian Naturalist, vol. 1879, ‘The Mount Remarkable Tribe’, in G. Taplin ed. 64–66,1998, Aboriginal Australia, Centre for Historical Aboriginal and International Research, Queensland. Hercus, L.1965, ‘Report on Work on Aboriginal Languages’, April–June 1965, Hercus, L.1971, ‘Summary Of Recent Work Carried Out…And Plans For Further Work’, AIATSIS PMS2223
The Maralinga Tjarutja is the corporation representing the traditional Anangu owners of the remote western areas of South Australia known as the Maralinga Tjarutja lands. It is one of the four local government areas of South Australia classified an Aboriginal Council. This indigenous Australian people whose historic rights over the area have been officially recognized belong to the branch of the Pitjantjatjara people. The term maralinga is not of local origin, the land was covered in spinifex grasses and good red soil furnishing fine camping. Waterholes have a prominent function in their mythology, they are inhabited by children and thought of as birth places. Ooldea or Yuldi/Yutulynga/Yooldool sits on a permanent underground aquifer, the area is thought to have been originally part of Wirangu land, lying on its northern border, though it fell within the boundaries of a Kokatha emu totem group. It served several indigenous tribes, furnishing aborigines with a site, trade node. Among the tribes that congregated there were tribes from the Kokatha and Ngalea language speaking north groups and Wirangu of south east, by the time Daisy Bates took up residence there it was thought that earlier groups had disappeared, replaced by an influx of spinifex people from the north.
By her time, the Trans-Australian Railway route had just been completed, Traditional life still continued since Ooldea lay on the fringe of the desert, and incoming aborigines could return to their old hunting style. Road blocks, and soldiers barred any return, between 1956 and 1957,7 atomic bombs were exploded on Maralinga land. In further minor trials from 1957 to 1962, plutonium was dispersed widely over much of the area, compensation in 1993 of $13.5 million was determined after 3 elders flew to London and presented samples of the contaminated soil in London in October 1991. In 1962, the long-serving Premier of South Australia, Sir Thomas Playford made a promise that their lands would be restored to the people displaced at Yalata sometime in the future. Under the administration of his successor Frank Walsh, short two-week long bush trips were permitted, as negotiations got underway in the 1980s, the native peoples started setting up outstations near their original lands. They completed a move back into Oak Valley in March 1985, in 2003 South Australian Premier Mike Rann opened a new school, costing $2,000,000 at Oak Valley.
The land,1000 km Northwest of Adelaide and abutting the Western Australia border is now known as Mamungari Conservation Park and it includes the Serpentine Lakes and was the largest land return since Premier John Bannons hand over of Maralinga lands in 1984. The head office is at,43 McKenzie Street, the Maralinga Tjarutja and the Pila Nguru jointly own and administer the 21,357.85 km² Mamungari Conservation Park, which area is contained in the area total for the council area. Emu Field is now part of the area, too. The land surveyed and known as Section 400,120 square kilometres within the Taranaki Plumes, was returned to Traditional Ownership in 2007
The Ngadjuri people are a group of Indigenous Australians whose traditional lands lie in the mid north of South Australia with a territory extending from Gawler in the south to Orroroo in the north. Although the lands of the Ngadjuri were extensive, their camping and burial grounds are believed to have been at Clare, Macaw Creek. In contrast to the rest of Australia, terra nullius did not apply to the new province, under the act the native inhabitants were assumed to have become British subjects. Although the patent guaranteed land rights under force of law for the inhabitants it was ignored by the South Australian Company authorities. In the 1840s and 1850s, one Ngadjuri community was noted to wander in a circuit around Burra, Munjibbie. By the 1870s few of the Ngadjuri remained on their traditional lands, although there were some late attempts to arrest their decline, by the end of the nineteenth century the language group, as it had been, had ceased to exist. Elements of the vocabulary were recorded by Samuel Le Brun, stepson of one of the Canowie Station proprietors R.
Boucher James. Their word for water, cowie or kowi, appears frequently as a suffix within Ngadjuri-based nomenclature of the region, such as Yarcowie, Caltowie, Warcowie. The Ngadjuri used petroglyphs, body art, and other art forms to express their culture, parallel striations are a very familiar theme, but the usual panoply of Australian indigenous art emblems were used. The Ngadjuri practiced formalised burial practices with bodies sometimes smoked or dried before burial, large groups of up to a hundred men would hold mass possum hunts through the timbered hills. Although ceremonies were usually male-only private events, by the 1860s they had begun to commercialise them with the dominant capitalist culture spectators accepted and donations solicited
The Pitjantjatjara are an Aboriginal people of the Central Australian desert. They are closely related to the Yankunytjatjara and Ngaanyatjarra and their languages are, to a large extent and they refer to themselves as Anangu. The land is an inseparable and important part of their identity, the name Pitjantjatjara derives from the word pitjantja, a form of the verb go which, combined with the comitative suffix -tjara means something like pitjantja-having. This distinguishes it from its near neighbour Yankunytjatjara which has yankunytja for the same meaning and this naming strategy is the source of the names of Ngaanyatjarra and Ngaatjatjarra but in that case the names contrast the two languages based on their words for this. The two languages Pitjantjatjara and Yankunytjatjara may be grouped together under the name Nyangatjatjara which contrasts them with Ngaanyatjarra and Ngaatjatjarra, the name Pitjantjatjara is usually pronounced with elision of one of the repeated syllables -tja-, pitjantjara.
In more careful speech all syllables will be pronounced, from 1950 onwards, many Anangu were forced to leave their homelands due to British nuclear tests at Maralinga. Some Anangu were subsequently contaminated by the fallout from the atomic tests. Their experience of issues of rights and native title in South Australia has been unique. The Maralinga Tjarutja Land Rights Act,1984 granted freehold title of an area of 80,764 square kilometres to Maralinga Tjarutja, the subsequently named Mamungari Conservation Park) with 21,357.8 km² was transferred to the Maralinga Tjarutja in 2004. Ayers Rock and The Olgas are separated from the Pitjantjatjara Lands by the border between the Northern Territory and South Australia and have become a major tourist attraction and a National Park. The Central Land Council laid claim to the Ayers-Rock-Mount Olga National Park and some adjoining vacant Crown land in 1979, but this claim was challenged by the Northern Territory government. After years of lobbying by the Land Council, on 11 November 1983.
This was implemented in 1985, after further negotiations extended the period from 50 to 99 years. The Arrernte land is land in central Australia. It is controlled by Arrernte Council which in turn is controlled by Central Land Council from Alice Springs, wiltja, a shelter made by the Pitjantjatjara people and other indigenous Australian groups Duguid, Charles. New Revised edition of Pitjantjatjara texts, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. The People in Between, The Pitjantjatjara People of Ernabella, minyma Tjuta Tjunguringkula Kunpuringanyi, Women Growing Strong Together. Ngaanyatjarra, Yankunytjatjara Womens Council 1980-1990, Growing Up the Country, The Pitjantjatjara struggle for their land
The Narungga are a group of Indigenous Australians whose traditional lands are located on Yorke Peninsula, South Australia. The boundary of their traditional lands runs roughly between the towns of Port Broughton and Port Wakefield and they were a nomadic people who practiced fire-stick farming to flush out wildlife and control vegetation. Their diet included seafood, their expertise at fishing was much admired by early European settlers, soon after the establishment of Adelaide in 1836, settlers began moving into Yorke Peninsula. The British concepts of property ownership were incompatible with the Narrungas nomadic lifestyle, in 1868, the Point Pearce Aboriginal Mission was established by the Moravian missionary Julius Khun. After ten years, the mission was largely self-sufficient, many of the buildings remain today
It is most likely that they were devastated or wiped out as a result of introduced diseases, but it is possible that survivors integrated with the Kaurna or Ngarrindjeri tribes. In recent decades, there have been attempts to identify Peramangk descendants through genealogy, Peramangk family group names included Poonawatta, Karrawatta, Yira-Ruka, Mutingengal, Jolori, Paldarinalwar, Merelda. Although Peramangk culture was wiped out soon after settlement, many families survive with a Peramangk genealogy, the Karrawatta and Mutingengal, occupied lands to the north of Mount Barker, but somewhat south of the River Torrens. The Rungang and the Merelda, occupied the lands to the south of Mount Barker, the Peramangk appear to have belonged to the Yura-Thura group of languages as described by Luis Hercuse, Bowern classifies it as Lower Murray. Tindale when interviewing Robert Tarby Mason, learned that the language of the Peramangk was related not only to that of the groups east of the river and this put them in close contact with the Nganguruku, Ngaiwang and Maraura peoples.
On his journey he named the places of his country, Nganno moved around the earth that was flat without rivers and streams. As he moved around he made the rivers and filled them with yabbies, when Nganno had found the murderers and killed them, he went back home, but his people on seeing him panicked for he was much changed. They ran into the sea in fear where they were transformed into sea creatures, he told them not to enter the water, one answered “I am a shark”, another “I am a whale and so on. Seeing him transformed into a giant, in the end Nganno himself was killed by his own people who did not recognise him, when he fell down his body became the Mount Lofty ranges. Yurre-idla his two ears, Picca-idla his eyebrow, his neck, his elbow, the eastern boundary followed the eastern escarpment north to Mount Karinya, with the northern boundary following the south bank of the Gawler River. Access points to the River Murray could be found along Salt Creek to Mypolonga and Wall and this is consistent with Tindales findings that Peramangk people shared both a language and culture with these peoples.
Place names within the mark a clear boundary of Peramangk territory. This is consistent with Tindales findings and is reflected in the locations of art sites along the eastern escarpment and the boundaries defines in the Tjilbruke and Nurrunderi song-lines. The extension of Nanguruku lands into the Adelaide Hills further reflects the relocation of some Peramangk people to their relations along the River Murray, the landscape records the time of this change and the subsequent locations of the surviving populations. Peramangk women like the men passed through various stages of life as they aged and joined the life of the clan. Takanna, Prior to the onset of puberty the young girls lived with their family and were raised by their uncles wives, in this time they accompanied the women on their daily routines and were subject to few restrictions. In early infancy they were betrothed to much older men and these arrangements were generally adhered to, unless circumstances necessitated a change, e. g. the death of the promised man.
With the onset of puberty the young girls underwent their first stage of initiation, all the time reciting the ritual words that announced their passing into womanhood
The Kaurna people are a group of Indigenous Australians whose traditional lands include the area around the Adelaide Plains of South Australia. Pronunciation of the word Kaurna varies slightly by the background and origin of the speaker, Kaurna culture and language were almost completely destroyed within a few decades of the European settlement of South Australia in 1836. However, extensive documentation by early missionaries and other researchers has enabled a modern revival of both language and culture, the name Kaurna was not widely used for the language group until popularised by Norman B. It most likely derives from the Ramindjeri or Ngarrindjeri word kornar meaning men or people, uncle Lewis OBrien, a Kaurna Elder during the 1990s, suggested that a more appropriate name for his people might be Meyunna, from the local word for people, meyu. However, Kaurna has been almost universally adopted by Kaurna and non-indigenous people alike to refer to the tribe of the Adelaide plains. Kaurna territory extended from Cape Jervis at the bottom of the Fleurieu Peninsula to Port Wakefield on the shore of Gulf St Vincent.
Tindale claimed clans were found living in the vicinity of Snowtown, Hoyleton, Hamley Bridge, Gawler, the stringy bark forests over the back of the Mount Lofty Ranges have been claimed as a traditional boundary between Kaurna and Peramangk people. Tunkalilla Beach,20 kilometres east of Cape Jervis, is the boundary with the Ramindjeri. This is the most widely cited alignment of Kaurna territorial boundaries and this overlaps a significant portion of the territory claimed by both the Kaurna and the neighboring Ngarrindjeri to the east. However, linguistic evidence suggests that the aborigines encountered by Colonel Light at Rapid Bay in 1836 were Kaurna speakers. Ronald and Catherine Berndts ethnographic study, which was conducted in the 1930s, berndt posits that the clans may have expanded along trade routes as the Kaurna were dispossessed by colonists. A main Kaurna presence was in Tarndanyangga near the River Torrens and the creeks that flowed into it, often as many as 500 to 600 would be camped in various places.
Some behind the Botanic Gardens on the banks of the river, some toward the Ranges, the Kaurna people were a hunter-gatherer society. Among their customs was the practice of farming in the Adelaide Hills. These fires were part of a scrub clearing process to encourage grass growth for Emu and this tradition led to conflict with the colonists as the fires tended to cause considerable damage to farmland. Due to this regular burning by the time the first Europeans arrived, items of Kaurna material culture, such as traditional objects, spears and nets etc. are extremely rare. Many hundreds of objects were sent to the Paris exhibition and these were never returned to Australia, the Kaurna collection held by the South Australian Museum contains only 48 items. As the first colonists had arrived in summer when the Kaurna traditionally moved from the plains to the foothills, an outbreak of typhoid, due to pollution by Europeans of the River Torrens, lead to many deaths and a rapid population decline, though accurate figures were not recorded