The Northwest Ordinance was an act of the Congress of the Confederation of the United States, passed July 13,1787. The upper Mississippi River formed the Territorys western boundary and it was based upon but more conservative than Thomas Jeffersons proposed ordinance of 1784. The 1787 law relied on a central government, which was assured under the new Constitution that took effect in 1789. In August 1789, it was replaced by the Northwest Ordinance of 1789 and it was precedent setting legislation with regard to American public domain lands. This division helped set the stage for competition over admitting free and slave states. The territory was acquired by Great Britain from France following victory in the Seven Years War, Great Britain took over the Ohio Country, as its eastern portion was known, but a few months closed it to new European settlement by the Royal Proclamation of 1763. The Crown tried to restrict settlement of the thirteen colonies between the Appalachians and the Atlantic, which raised tensions among those who wanted to move west.
With the colonials victory in the American Revolutionary War and signing of the 1783 Treaty of Paris, the territories were subject to overlapping and conflicting claims of the states of Massachusetts, New York, and Virginia dating from their colonial past. The British were active in some of the area until after the Louisiana Purchase. The region had long been desired for expansion by colonists, the states were encouraged to settle their claims by the US governments de facto opening of the area to settlement following the defeat of Great Britain. Jeffersons proposal to create a domain through state cessions of western lands was derived from earlier proposals dating back to 1776. The Congress of the Confederation modified the proposal, passing it as the Land Ordinance of 1784 and this ordinance established the example that would become the basis for the Northwest Ordinance three years later. The 1784 ordinance was criticized by George Washington in 1785 and James Monroe in 1786, Monroe convinced Congress to reconsider the proposed state boundaries, a review committee recommended repealing that part of the ordinance.
Other events such as the reluctance of states south of the Ohio River to cede their western claims resulted in a narrowed geographic focus, when passed in New York in 1787, the Northwest Ordinance showed the influence of Jefferson. It called for dividing the territory into gridded townships, so once the lands were surveyed, they could be sold to individuals. This would provide both a new source of government revenue and an orderly pattern for future settlement. The Northwest Ordinance of 1787 established the concept of fee simple ownership and this was called the first guarantee of freedom of contract in the United States. These territories were to be administered directly by Congress, with the intent of their admission as newly created states
In the 19th century, manifest destiny was a widely held belief in the United States that its settlers were destined to expand across North America. Generated by the potentialities of a new earth for building a new heaven, historians have emphasized that manifest destiny was a contested concept—pre-civil war Democrats endorsed the idea but many prominent Americans rejected it. Historian Daniel Walker Howe writes, American imperialism did not represent an American consensus, Whigs saw Americas moral mission as one of democratic example rather than one of conquest. The term was used by Democrats in the 1840s to justify the war with Mexico, but manifest destiny always limped along because of its internal limitations and the issue of slavery, says Merk. It never became a national priority, Merk concluded, From the outset Manifest Destiny—vast in program, in its sense of continentalism—was slight in support. It lacked national, sectional, or party following commensurate with its magnitude, the reason was it did not reflect the national spirit.
The thesis that it embodied nationalism, found in historical writing, is backed by little real supporting evidence. There was never a set of principles defining manifest destiny, therefore it was always a general rather than a specific policy made with a motto. Andrew Jackson, who spoke of extending the area of freedom, typified the conflation of Americas potential greatness, the nations budding sense of Romantic self-identity, yet Jackson would not be the only president to elaborate on the principles underlying manifest destiny. Owing in part to the lack of a definitive narrative outlining its rationale, while many writers focused primarily upon American expansionism, be it into Mexico or across the Pacific, others saw the term as a call to example. Without an agreed upon interpretation, much less a political philosophy. This variety of possible meanings was summed up by Ernest Lee Tuveson, A vast complex of ideas and they are not, as we should expect, all compatible, nor do they come from any one source.
This destiny was not explicitly territorial, but OSullivan predicted that the United States would be one of a Union of many Republics sharing those values. Six years later, in 1845, OSullivan wrote another essay titled Annexation in the Democratic Review, in this article he urged the U. S. Overcoming Whig opposition, Democrats annexed Texas in 1845, OSullivans first usage of the phrase manifest destiny attracted little attention. OSullivans second use of the phrase became extremely influential, on December 27,1845, in his newspaper the New York Morning News, OSullivan addressed the ongoing boundary dispute with Britain. That is, OSullivan believed that Providence had given the United States a mission to spread republican democracy, because Britain would not spread democracy, thought OSullivan, British claims to the territory should be overruled. OSullivan believed that manifest destiny was an ideal that superseded other considerations
The compromise, drafted by Whig Senator Henry Clay of Kentucky and brokered by Clay and Democratic Senator Stephen Douglas of Illinois, reduced sectional conflict. Controversy arose over the Fugitive Slave provision, the Compromise was greeted with relief, although each side disliked specific provisions. Texas surrendered its claim to New Mexico, as well as its claims north of the Missouri Compromise Line and it retained the Texas Panhandle and the federal government took over the states public debt. California was admitted as a state with its current boundaries. In practice, these lands were generally unsuited to plantation agriculture, the slave trade was banned in the District of Columbia. A more stringent Fugitive Slave Law was enacted, the Compromise became possible after the sudden death of President Zachary Taylor, although a slave owner, had favored excluding slavery from the Southwest. Whig leader Henry Clay designed a compromise, which failed to pass in early 1850, upon Clays instruction, Douglas divided Clays bill into several smaller pieces and narrowly won their passage over the opposition of those with stronger views on both sides.
A state the size of Texas attracted interest from both residents and pro and anti-slavery camps on a national scale. Texas claimed land north of the 36°30 demarcation line for slavery set by the 1820 Missouri Compromise, the Texas Annexation resolution had required that if any new states were formed out of Texas lands, those north of the Missouri Compromise line would become free states. The eventual Compromise of 1850 preserved the Union, but only for another decade, passed by the House in August 1846 and February 1847 but not the Senate. Later an effort failed to attach the proviso to the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the line was again proposed by the Nashville Convention of June 1850. Popular sovereignty, developed by Lewis Cass and Douglas as the eventual Democratic Party position, none of the area would be left as an unorganized or organized territory, avoiding the question of slavery in the territories. Changing Texass borders, Senator Thomas Hart Benton in December 1849 or January 1850, Texass western and northern boundaries would be the 102nd meridian west and 34th parallel north.
First draft of the compromise of 1850, Texass northwestern boundary would be a diagonal line from the Rio Grande 20 miles north of El Paso to the Red River at the 100th meridian west. On January 29,1850, Whig Senator Henry Clay gave a speech called for compromise on the issues dividing the Union. However, Clays specific proposals for achieving a compromise, including his idea for Texas boundary, were not adopted in a single bill, upon Clays urging, Senator Stephen A. Douglas, Democrat of Illinois, divided Clays bill into several smaller bills, and passed each separately. When he instructed Douglas, Clay was nearly dead and unable to guide the congressional debate any further, the Compromise of 1850 was formally proposed by Clay and guided to passage by Douglas over Northern Whig and Southern Democrat opposition. Texass boundaries were set at their present form, El Paso, where Texas had established county government, was left in Texas, Slave trade was abolished in Washington, D. C
The term is applied to the abolitionists, both black and white and enslaved, who aided the fugitives. Various other routes led to Mexico or overseas, an earlier escape route running south toward Florida, a Spanish possession, existed from the late 17th century until shortly after the American Revolution. However, the now generally known as the Underground Railroad was formed in the late 1700s. One estimate suggests that by 1850,100,000 slaves had escaped via the Railroad, British North America, where slavery was prohibited, was a popular destination, as its long border gave many points of access. Most former slaves settled in Ontario, more than 30,000 people were said to have escaped there via the network during its 20-year peak period, although U. S. Census figures account for only 6,000. Numerous fugitives stories are documented in the 1872 book The Underground Railroad Records by William Still, the resulting economic impact was minuscule, but the psychological influence on slaveholders was immense.
With heavy lobbying by Southern politicians, the Compromise of 1850 was passed by Congress after the Mexican–American War, because the law required sparse documentation to claim a person was a fugitive, slave catchers kidnapped free blacks, especially children, and sold them into slavery. Southern politicians often exaggerated the number of escaped slaves and often blamed escapes on Northerners interfering with Southern property rights. The law deprived suspected slaves of the right to themselves in court. In a de facto bribe, judges were paid a fee for a decision that confirmed a suspect as a slave than for one ruling that the suspect was free. Many Northerners who might have ignored slave issues in the South were confronted by local challenges that bound them to support slavery. This was a primary grievance cited by the Union during the American Civil War, the escape network was not literally underground nor a railroad. It was figuratively underground in the sense of being an underground resistance and it was known as a railroad by way of the use of rail terminology in the code.
The Underground Railroad consisted of meeting points, secret routes and safe houses, escaped slaves would move north along the route from one way station to the next. Conductors on the railroad came from various backgrounds and included blacks, white abolitionists, former slaves. Without the presence and support of black residents, there would have been almost no chance for fugitive slaves to pass into freedom unmolested. To reduce the risk of infiltration, many associated with the Underground Railroad knew only their part of the operation. Conductors led or transported the fugitives from station to station, a conductor sometimes pretended to be a slave in order to enter a plantation
The Act was one of the most controversial elements of the 1850 compromise and heightened Northern fears of a slave power conspiracy. It required that all escaped slaves were, upon capture, to be returned to their masters, abolitionists nicknamed it the Bloodhound Law for the dogs that were used to track down runaway slaves. By 1843, several hundred slaves a year were escaping to the North. It sought to force the authorities in free states to return slaves to their masters. Many Northern states wanted to circumvent the Fugitive Slave Act, in some cases, juries refused to convict individuals who had been indicted under the Federal law. The Fugitive Slave Law dealt with slaves who escaped to free states without their masters consent. The U. S. Supreme Court ruled, in Prigg v. Pennsylvania and runaway blacks found Cass County a haven. Their good fortune attracted the attention of southern slaveholders, in 1847 and 1849, planters from Bourbon and Boone counties in northern Kentucky led raids into Cass County to recapture runaway slaves.
The raids failed but the situation contributed to Southern demands in 1850 for passage of the strengthened Fugitive Slave Act, Southern politicians often exaggerated the number of escaped slaves and often blamed escapes on Northerners interfering with Southern property rights. Since there was no way to confirm the number of runaway slaves, law-enforcement officials everywhere were required to arrest people suspected of being a runaway slave on as little as a claimants sworn testimony of ownership. The suspected slave could not ask for a trial or testify on his or her own behalf. In addition, any person aiding a slave by providing food or shelter was subject to six months imprisonment. Officers who captured a fugitive slave were entitled to a bonus or promotion for their work, Slave owners needed only to supply an affidavit to a Federal marshal to capture an escaped slave. The Act adversely affected the prospects of slave escape, particularly in close to the North. In 1859 in Ableman v. Booth, the U. S.
Supreme Court overruled the state court, in November 1850, the Vermont legislature passed the Habeas Corpus Law, requiring Vermont judicial and law enforcement officials to assist captured fugitive slaves. It established a judicial process, parallel to the federal process. This law rendered the federal Fugitive Slave Act effectively unenforceable in Vermont and it was considered a nullification of federal law, a concept popular in the South among states that wanted to nullify other aspects of federal law, and was part of highly charged debates over slavery. Noted poet and abolitionist John Greenleaf Whittier had called for laws
Nat Turners Rebellion was a slave rebellion that took place in Southampton County, during August 1831. Led by Nat Turner, rebel slaves killed from 55 to 65 people, the rebellion was put down within a few days, but Turner survived in hiding for more than two months afterwards. The rebellion was suppressed at Belmont Plantation on the morning of August 23,1831. There was widespread fear in the aftermath of the rebellion, the state executed 56 slaves accused of being part of the rebellion. In the frenzy, many non-participant slaves were punished, approximately 120 slaves and free African Americans were murdered by militias and mobs in the area. Nat Turner was an African-American slave who had lived his life in Southampton County, Virginia. Turner was highly intelligent and learned how to read and write at a young age and he grew up deeply religious and was often seen fasting, praying or immersed in reading the stories of the Bible. He frequently had visions, which he interpreted as messages from God and these visions greatly influenced his life.
Turner often conducted Baptist services, and preached the Bible to his fellow slaves, Turner had an influence over white people. In the case of Ethelred T. Brantley, Turner said that he was able to convince Brantley to cease from his wickedness, by the spring of 1828, Turner was convinced that he was ordained for some great purpose in the hands of the Almighty. In 1830, Joseph Travis purchased Turner and became his master, Turner recalled that Travis was a kind master who had placed the greatest confidence in him. Turner eagerly anticipated Gods signal to start his task of slay my enemies with their own weapons, Turner witnessed a solar eclipse on February 11,1831, and was convinced that this was the sign for which he was waiting. Following in the steps of the late Denmark Vesey of South Carolina, Turner communicated the great work laid out to do, to four in whom I had the greatest confidence – his fellow slaves Henry, Hark and Sam. Turner had originally planned for the rebellion to begin on July 4,1831, Turner started with several trusted fellow slaves, and ultimately gathered more than 70 enslaved and free blacks, some of whom were mounted on horseback.
On August 13,1831, an atmospheric disturbance made the sun appear bluish-green, Turner took this as the final signal, and began the rebellion a week on August 22. The rebels traveled from house to house, freeing slaves and killing all the people they encountered. As muskets and firearms were to difficult to collect and would gather unwanted attention, the rebels used knives, axes, oates states that Turner called on his group to kill all the white people. The group spared a few homes because Turner believed the white inhabitants thought no better of themselves than they did of negroes
United States v. Schooner Amistad,40 U. S.518, was a United States Supreme Court case resulting from the rebellion of Africans on board the Spanish schooner La Amistad in 1839. It was a freedom suit that involved international issues and parties. The historian Samuel Eliot Morison in 1965 described it as the most important court case involving slavery before being eclipsed by that of Dred Scott, the schooner was traveling along the coast of Cuba on its way to a port for re-sale of the slaves. The African captives, who had kidnapped in Sierra Leone and illegally sold into slavery and shipped to Cuba, escaped their shackles. They killed the captain and the cook, two crew members escaped in a lifeboat. The Africans directed the survivors to return them to Africa, the crew tricked them, sailing north at night. The Amistad was apprehended near Long Island, New York, by the United States Revenue Cutter Service, the widely publicized court cases in the United States federal district and Supreme Court, which addressed international issues, helped the abolitionist movement.
The captives were ruled to have acted as men when they fought to escape their illegal confinement. The Court ruled the Africans were entitled to take whatever measures necessary to secure their freedom. Under international and sectional pressure, U. S. President Martin Van Buren ordered the case appealed to the Supreme Court. It affirmed the court ruling on March 9,1841, and authorized the release of the Africans. Supporters arranged for housing of the Africans in Farmington, Connecticut as well as funds for travel. In 1842 they transported by ship those who wanted to return to Africa, on June 27,1839, La Amistad, a Spanish vessel, departed from the port of Havana, for the Province of Puerto Principe, in Cuba. The masters of La Amistad were the ships captain Ramón Ferrer, José Ruiz, with Ferrer was his personal slave Antonio. Ruiz was transporting 49 Africans, entrusted to him by the governor-general of Cuba, Montez held four additional Africans, entrusted to him by the governor-general. As the voyage took only four days, the crew had brought four days’ worth of rations.
On July 2,1839, one of the Africans, Cinqué, freed himself, the Mende Africans killed the ships cook, who had told them that they were to be killed and eaten by their captors. The slaves killed Captain Ferrer, the struggle resulted as well in the deaths of two Africans, two sailors escaped in a lifeboat
The Tariff of Abominations was a protective tariff passed by the Congress of the United States on May 19,1828, designed to protect industry in the northern United States. Enacted during the presidency of John Quincy Adams, it was labeled the Tariff of Abominations by its southern detractors because of the effects it had on the antebellum Southern economy and it set a 62% tax on 92% of all imported goods. Industries in the northern United States were being driven out of business by low-priced imported goods, the reaction in the South, particularly in South Carolina, would lead to the Nullification Crisis that began in late 1832. The tariff marked the point of U. S. tariffs. The first protective tariff was passed by Congress in 1816, its rates were increased in 1824. Those in Western states and manufacturers in the Mid-Atlantic States argued that the strengthening of the nation was in the interest of the entire country and this same reasoning swayed two-fifths of U. S. The 1828 tariff was signed by President Adams, although he realized it could weaken him politically.
In the Presidential election of 1828, Andrew Jackson defeated Adams with a tally of 642,553 votes. Faced with a market for goods and pressured by British abolitionists, the British reduced their imports of cotton from the United States. The tariff forced the South to buy manufactured goods from U. S. manufacturers, mainly in the North, at a higher price, while southern states faced a reduced income from sales of raw materials. The South Carolina legislature, although it printed and distributed 5,000 copies of the pamphlet, the expectation of the tariff’s opponents was that with the election of Jackson in 1828, the tariff would be significantly reduced. In Washington, a split on the issue occurred between Jackson and Vice-President Calhoun. On July 14,1832, Jackson signed into law the Tariff of 1832 which made some reductions in tariff rates, Calhoun resigned on December 28 of the same year. The reductions were too little for South Carolina, in November 1832 the state called for a convention. By a vote of 136 to 26, the convention adopted an ordinance of nullification drawn by Chancellor William Harper.
It declared that the tariffs of both 1828 and 1832 were unconstitutional and unenforceable in South Carolina
Ostend Circular, was a document written in 1854 that described the rationale for the United States to purchase Cuba from Spain while implying that the U. S. should declare war if Spain refused. Cubas annexation had long been a goal of U. S. slaveholding expansionists, at the national level, American leaders had been satisfied to have the island remain in weak Spanish hands so long as it did not pass to a stronger power such as Britain or France. The Ostend Manifesto proposed a shift in policy, justifying the use of force to seize Cuba in the name of national security. It resulted from debates over slavery in the United States, Manifest Destiny, and they met secretly at Ostend and drafted a dispatch at Aix-la-Chapelle. To Marcys chagrin, Soulé made no secret of the meetings, the administration was finally forced to publish the contents of the dispatch, which caused it irreparable damage. The dispatch was published as demanded by the House of Representatives, dubbed the Ostend Manifesto, it was immediately denounced in both the Northern states and Europe.
The Pierce administration suffered a significant setback, and the became a rallying cry for anti-slavery Northerners. The question of Cubas annexation was effectively set aside until the late 19th century, located 90 miles off the coast of Florida, Cuba had been discussed as a subject for annexation in several presidential administrations. He described Cuba and Puerto Rico as natural appendages to the North American continent—the formers annexation was indispensable to the continuance and integrity of the Union itself. As the Spanish Empire had lost much of its power, a no-transfer policy began with Jefferson whereby the U. S. respected Spanish sovereignty, the U. S. simply wanted to ensure that control did not pass to a stronger power such as Britain or France. Cuba was of importance to Southern Democrats, who believed their economic. As slavery-free Western states were admitted, Southern politicians increasingly looked to Cuba as the slave state. If Cuba were admitted to the Union as a single state, in the Democratic Party, the debate over the continued expansion of the United States centered on how quickly, rather than whether, to expand.
Even John C. likely referring to Britain, under orders from Polk, Secretary of State James Buchanan prepared an offer of $100 million, but sooner than see transferred to any power, would prefer seeing it sunk into the ocean. When Franklin Pierce took office in 1853, however, he was committed to Cubas annexation, at Pierces inauguration, he stated, The policy of my Administration will not be controlled by any timid forebodings of evil from expansion. To this end, he appointed expansionists to diplomatic posts throughout Europe, notably sending Pierre Soulé, whose appointment was an attempt to placate the Old Fogies. This was the term for the wing of the party that favored slow, in March 1854, the steamer Black Warrior stopped at the Cuban port of Havana on a regular trading route from New York City to Mobile, Alabama. When it failed to provide a cargo manifest, Cuban officials seized the ship, its cargo, while the matter was resolved peacefully, it fueled the flames of Southern expansionism