The hectare is an SI accepted metric system unit of area equal to a square with 100-metre sides, or 10,000 m2, is used in the measurement of land. There are 100 hectares in one square kilometre. An acre is about 0.405 hectare and one hectare contains about 2.47 acres. In 1795, when the metric system was introduced, the "are" was defined as 100 square metres and the hectare was thus 100 "ares" or 1⁄100 km2; when the metric system was further rationalised in 1960, resulting in the International System of Units, the are was not included as a recognised unit. The hectare, remains as a non-SI unit accepted for use with the SI units, mentioned in Section 4.1 of the SI Brochure as a unit whose use is "expected to continue indefinitely". The name was coined from the Latin ārea; the metric system of measurement was first given a legal basis in 1795 by the French Revolutionary government. The law of 18 Germinal, Year III defined five units of measure: The metre for length The are for area The stère for volume of stacked firewood The litre for volumes of liquid The gram for massIn 1960, when the metric system was updated as the International System of Units, the are did not receive international recognition.
The International Committee for Weights and Measures makes no mention of the are in the current definition of the SI, but classifies the hectare as a "Non-SI unit accepted for use with the International System of Units". In 1972, the European Economic Community passed directive 71/354/EEC, which catalogued the units of measure that might be used within the Community; the units that were catalogued replicated the recommendations of the CGPM, supplemented by a few other units including the are whose use was limited to the measurement of land. The names centiare, deciare and hectare are derived by adding the standard metric prefixes to the original base unit of area, the are; the centiare is one square metre. The deciare is ten square metres; the are is a unit of area, used for measuring land area. It was defined by older forms of the metric system, but is now outside the modern International System of Units, it is still used in colloquial speech to measure real estate, in particular in Indonesia, in various European countries.
In Russian and other languages of the former Soviet Union, the are is called sotka. It is used to describe the size of suburban dacha or allotment garden plots or small city parks where the hectare would be too large; the decare is derived from deca and are, is equal to 10 ares or 1000 square metres. It is used in Norway and in the former Ottoman areas of the Middle East and the Balkans as a measure of land area. Instead of the name "decare", the names of traditional land measures are used, redefined as one decare: Stremma in Greece Dunam, donum, or dönüm in Israel, Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey Mål is sometimes used for decare in Norway, from the old measure of about the same area; the hectare, although not a unit of SI, is the only named unit of area, accepted for use within the SI. In practice the hectare is derived from the SI, being equivalent to a square hectometre, it is used throughout the world for the measurement of large areas of land, it is the legal unit of measure in domains concerned with land ownership and management, including law, agriculture and town planning throughout the European Union.
The United Kingdom, United States, to some extent Canada use the acre instead. Some countries that underwent a general conversion from traditional measurements to metric measurements required a resurvey when units of measure in legal descriptions relating to land were converted to metric units. Others, such as South Africa, published conversion factors which were to be used "when preparing consolidation diagrams by compilation". In many countries, metrication clarified existing measures in terms of metric units; the following legacy units of area have been redefined as being equal to one hectare: Jerib in Iran Djerib in Turkey Gong Qing in Hong Kong / mainland China Manzana in Argentina Bunder in The Netherlands The most used units are in bold. One hectare is equivalent to: 1 square hectometre 15 mǔ or 0.15 qǐng 10 dunam or dönüm 10 stremmata 6.25 rai ≈ 1.008 chō ≈ 2.381 feddan Conversion of units Hecto- Hectometre Order of magnitude Official SI website: Table 6. Non-SI units accepted for use with the International System of Units
The Aztec Empire, or the Triple Alliance, began as an alliance of three Nahua altepetl city-states: Mexico-Tenochtitlan and Tlacopan. These three city-states ruled the area in and around the Valley of Mexico from 1428 until the combined forces of the Spanish conquistadores and their native allies under Hernán Cortés defeated them in 1521; the Triple Alliance was formed from the victorious factions in a civil war fought between the city of Azcapotzalco and its former tributary provinces. Despite the initial conception of the empire as an alliance of three self-governed city-states, Tenochtitlan became dominant militarily. By the time the Spanish arrived in 1519, the lands of the Alliance were ruled from Tenochtitlan, while the other partners in the alliance had taken subsidiary roles; the alliance waged wars of conquest and expanded after its formation. At its height, the alliance controlled most of central Mexico as well as some more distant territories within Mesoamerica, such as the Xoconochco province, an Aztec exclave near the present-day Guatemalan border.
Aztec rule has been described by scholars as "hegemonic" or "indirect". The Aztecs left rulers of conquered cities in power so long as they agreed to pay semi-annual tribute to the Alliance, as well as supply military forces when needed for the Aztec war efforts. In return, the imperial authority offered protection and political stability, facilitated an integrated economic network of diverse lands and peoples who had significant local autonomy; the state religion of the empire was polytheistic, worshiping a diverse pantheon that included dozens of deities. Many had recognized cults large enough so that the deity was represented in the central temple precinct of the capital Tenochtitlan; the imperial cult was that of Huitzilopochtli, the distinctive warlike patron god of the Mexica. Peoples in conquered provinces were allowed to retain and continue their own religious traditions, so long as they added the imperial god Huitzilopochtli to their local pantheons; the word "Aztec" in modern usage would not have been used by the people themselves.
It has variously been used to refer to the Triple Alliance empire, the Nahuatl-speaking people of central Mexico prior to the Spanish conquest, or the Mexica ethnicity of the Nahuatl-speaking peoples. The name comes from a Nahuatl word meaning "people from Aztlan," reflecting the mythical place of origin for Nahua peoples. For the purpose of this article, "Aztec" refers only to those cities that constituted or were subject to the Triple Alliance. For the broader use of the term, see the article on Aztec civilization. Nahua peoples descended from Chichimec peoples who migrated to central Mexico from the north in the early 13th century; the migration story of the Mexica is similar to those of other polities in central Mexico, with supernatural sites and events, joining earthly and divine history as they sought political legitimacy. According to the pictographic codices in which the Aztecs recorded their history, the place of origin was called Aztlán. Early migrants settled the Basin of Mexico and surrounding lands by establishing a series of independent city-states.
These early Nahua city-states or altepetl, were ruled by dynastic heads called tlahtohqueh. Most of the existing settlements had been established by other indigenous peoples before the Mexica migration; these early city-states fought various small-scale wars with each other, but due to shifting alliances, no individual city gained dominance. The Mexica were the last of the Nahua migrants to arrive in Central Mexico, they entered the Basin of Mexico around the year 1250 AD, by most of the good agricultural land had been claimed. The Mexica persuaded the king of Culhuacan, a small city-state but important as a refuge of the Toltecs, to allow them to settle in a infertile patch of land called Chapultepec; the Mexica served as mercenaries for Culhuacan. After the Mexica served Culhuacan in battle, the ruler appointed one of his daughters to rule over the Mexica. According to mythological native accounts, the Mexica instead sacrificed her by flaying her skin, on the command of their god Xipe Totec.
When the ruler of Culhuacan learned of this, he attacked and used his army to drive the Mexica from Tizaapan by force. The Mexica moved to an island in the middle of Lake Texcoco, where an eagle nested on a nopal cactus; the Mexica interpreted this as a sign from their gods and founded their new city, Tenochtitlan, on this island in the year ōme calli, or "Two House". The Mexica rose to prominence as fierce warriors and were able to establish themselves as a military power; the importance of warriors and the integral nature of warfare in Mexica political and religious life helped propel them to emerge as the dominant military power prior to the arrival of the Spanish in 1519. The new Mexica city-state allied with the city of Azcapotzalco and paid tribute to its ruler, Tezozomoc. With Mexica assistance, Azcopotzalco began to expand into a small tributary empire; until this point, the Mexica ruler was not recognized as a legitimate king. Mexica leaders petitioned one of the kings of Culhuacan to provide a daughter to marry into the Mexica line.
Their son, was enthroned as the first tlatoani of Tenochtitlan in the year 1372. While the Tepanecs of Azcapotzalco expanded their rule with help from the Mexica, the Acolhua city of Texcoco grew in power in the eastern portion of the lake basin. War erupted between the two states, the Mexica played a vital role in the conquest of Texcoco. By Tenochtitlan had grown into a m
Tenochtitlan known as Mexica-Tenochtitlan, was a large Mexica city-state in what is now the center of Mexico City. The exact date of the founding of the city is unclear, but the most accepted date is March 13, 1325; the city was built on an island in what was Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico. The city was the capital of the expanding Aztec Empire in the 15th century until it was captured by the Spanish in 1521. At its peak, it was the largest city in the pre-Columbian Americas, it subsequently became a cabecera of the Viceroyalty of New Spain. Today, the ruins of Tenochtitlan are in the historic center of the Mexican capital; the World Heritage Site of Xochimilco contains. Tenochtitlan was one of two Mexica āltēpetl on the other being Tlatelolco. Traditionally, the name Tenochtitlan was thought to come from Nahuatl tetl and nōchtli and is thought to mean, "Among the prickly pears rocks". However, one attestation in the late 16th-century manuscript known as "the Bancroft dialogues" suggest the second vowel was short, so that the true etymology remains uncertain.
Tenochtitlan covered an estimated 8 to 13.5 km2, situated on the western side of the shallow Lake Texcoco. At the time of Spanish conquests, Mexico City comprised both Tlatelolco; the city extended from north to south, from the north border of Tlatelolco to the swamps, which by that time were disappearing to the west. The city was connected to the mainland by bridges and causeways leading to the north and west; the causeways were interrupted by bridges that allowed canoes and other water traffic to pass freely. The bridges could be pulled away, to defend the city; the city was interlaced with a series of canals, so that all sections of the city could be visited either on foot or via canoe. Lake Texcoco was the largest of five interconnected lakes. Since it formed in an endorheic basin, Lake Texcoco was brackish. During the reign of Moctezuma I, the "levee of Nezahualcoyotl" was constructed, reputedly designed by Nezahualcoyotl. Estimated to be 12 to 16 km in length, the levee was completed circa 1453.
The levee kept fresh spring-fed water in the waters around Tenochtitlan and kept the brackish waters beyond the dike, to the east. Two double aqueducts, each more than 4 km long and made of terracotta, provided the city with fresh water from the springs at Chapultepec; this was intended for cleaning and washing. For drinking, water from mountain springs was preferred. Most of the population liked to bathe twice a day. According to the context of Aztec culture in literature, the soap that they most used was the root of a plant called copalxocotl, to clean their clothes they used the root of metl; the upper classes and pregnant women washed themselves in a temāzcalli, similar to a sauna bath, still used in the south of Mexico. This was popular in other Mesoamerican cultures; when we saw so many cities and villages built in the water and other great towns on dry land we were amazed and said that it was like the enchantments on account of the great towers and cues and buildings rising from the water, all built of masonry.
And some of our soldiers asked whether the things that we saw were not a dream? I do not know how to describe it, seeing things as we did that had never been heard of or seen before, not dreamed about; the city was divided into camps. There were three main streets that crossed the city, each leading to one of the three causeways to the mainland of Tepeyac and Tlacopan. Modern names please. Bernal Díaz del Castillo reported. Surrounding the raised causeways were artificial floating gardens with canal waterways and gardens of plants and trees; the calpullis were divided by channels used for transportation, with wood bridges that were removed at night. The earliest European images of the city were woodcuts published in Augsburg around 1522; each calpulli had its own tiyanquiztli, but there was a main marketplace in Tlatelolco – Tenochtitlan's sister city. Cortés estimated it was twice the size of the city of Salamanca with about 60,000 people trading daily. Bernardino de Sahagún provides a more conservative population estimate of 20,000 on ordinary days and 40,000 on feast days.
There were specialized markets in the other central Mexican cities. In the center of the city were the public buildings and palaces. Inside a walled square, 500 meters to a side, was the ceremonial center. There were about 45 public buildings, including: the Templo Mayor, dedicated to the Aztec patron deity Huitzilopochtli and the Rain God Tlaloc. Outside was the palace of Moctezum
Nahuatl, known as Aztec, is a language or group of languages of the Uto-Aztecan language family. Varieties of Nahuatl are spoken by about 1.7 million Nahua peoples, most of whom live in central Mexico. Nahuatl has been spoken in central Mexico since at least the seventh century CE, it was the language of the Aztecs, who dominated what is now central Mexico during the Late Postclassic period of Mesoamerican history. During the centuries preceding the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire, the Aztecs had expanded to incorporate a large part of central Mexico, their influence caused the variety of Nahuatl spoken by the residents of Tenochtitlan to become a prestige language in Mesoamerica. At the conquest, with the introduction of the Latin alphabet, Nahuatl became a literary language, many chronicles, works of poetry, administrative documents and codices were written in it during the 16th and 17th centuries; this early literary language based on the Tenochtitlan variety has been labeled Classical Nahuatl, is among the most studied and best-documented languages of the Americas.
Today, Nahuan languages are spoken in scattered communities in rural areas throughout central Mexico and along the coastline. There are considerable differences among varieties, some are not mutually intelligible. Huasteca Nahuatl, with over one million speakers, is the most-spoken variety. All varieties have been subject to varying degrees of influence from Spanish. No modern Nahuan languages are identical to Classical Nahuatl, but those spoken in and around the Valley of Mexico are more related to it than those on the periphery. Under Mexico's General Law of Linguistic Rights of the Indigenous Peoples promulgated in 2003, Nahuatl and the other 63 indigenous languages of Mexico are recognized as lenguas nacionales in the regions where they are spoken, enjoying the same status as Spanish within their regions. Nahuan languages exhibit a complex morphology characterized by polysynthesis and agglutination. Through a long period of coexistence with the other indigenous Mesoamerican languages, they have absorbed many influences, coming to form part of the Mesoamerican language area.
Many words from Nahuatl have been borrowed into Spanish and, from there, were diffused into hundreds of other languages. Most of these loanwords denote things indigenous to central Mexico which the Spanish heard mentioned for the first time by their Nahuatl names. English words of Nahuatl origin include "avocado", "chayote", "chili", "chocolate", "atlatl", "coyote", "peyote", "axolotl" and "tomato"; as a language label, the term "Nahuatl" encompasses a group of related languages or divergent dialects within the Nahuan branch of the Uto-Aztecan language family. The Mexican Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indígenas recognizes 30 individual varieties within the "language group" labeled Nahuatl; the Ethnologue recognizes 28 varieties with separate ISO codes. Sometimes the label is used to include the Pipil language of El Salvador. Regardless of whether "Nahuatl" is considered to label a dialect continuum or a group of separate languages, the varieties form a single branch within the Uto-Aztecan family, descended from a single Proto-Nahuan language.
Within Mexico, the question of whether to consider individual varieties to be languages or dialects of a single language is political. This article focuses on describing the general history of the group and on giving an overview of the diversity it encompasses. For details on individual varieties or subgroups, see the individual articles. In the past, the branch of Uto-Aztecan to which Nahuatl belongs has been called "Aztecan". From the 1990s onward, the alternative designation "Nahuan" has been used as a replacement in Spanish-language publications; the Nahuan branch of Uto-Aztecan is accepted as having two divisions: "General Aztec" and Pochutec. General Aztec encompasses the Pipil languages. Pochutec is a scantily attested language, which became extinct in the 20th century, which Campbell and Langacker classify as being outside of general Aztec. Other researchers have argued that Pochutec should be considered a divergent variant of the western periphery."Nahuatl" denotes at least Classical Nahuatl together with related modern languages spoken in Mexico.
The inclusion of Pipil into the group is debated. Lyle Campbell classified Pipil as separate from the Nahuatl branch within general Aztecan, whereas dialectologists like Una Canger, Karen Dakin, Yolanda Lastra and Terrence Kaufman have preferred to include Pipil within the General Aztecan branch, citing close historical ties with the eastern peripheral dialects of General Aztec. Current subclassification of Nahuatl rests on research by Canger and Lastra de Suárez. Canger introduced the scheme of a Central grouping and two Peripheral groups, Lastra confirmed this notion, differing in some details. Canger & Dakin demonstrated a basic split between Eastern and Western branches of Nahuan, considered to reflect the oldest division of the proto-Nahuan speech community. Canger considered the central dialect area to be an innovative subarea within the Western branch, but in 2011, she suggested that it arose as an urban koiné language with features from both Western and Eastern dialect areas. Canger tentatively included dialects of La Huasteca in the Central group, while Lastra de Suárez places them in the Eastern Periphery, followed by Kaufman.
The terminology used to describe varieties of spoken Nahuatl is inconsistently applied. Many terms are used with multiple denotations, or a single dialect grou
Municipalities of Mexico
Municipalities are the second-level administrative divisions of Mexico, where the first-level administrative division is the state. As of the establishment of two new municipalities in Chiapas in September 2017, there are 2,448 municipalities in Mexico, not including the 16 delegaciones of Mexico City; the internal political organization and their responsibilities are outlined in the 115th article of the 1917 Constitution and detailed in the constitutions of the states to which they belong. All Mexican states are divided into municipalities; each municipality is autonomous. This concept, which originated after the Mexican Revolution, is known as a municipio libre; the municipal president can not be reelected for the next immediate term. The municipal council consists of a cabildo with several regidores. If the municipality covers a large area and contains more than one city or town, one city or town is selected as a cabecera municipal while the rest elect representatives to a presidencia auxiliar or junta auxiliar.
In that sense, a municipality in Mexico is equivalent to the counties of the United States, whereas the auxiliary presidency is equivalent to a township. Nonetheless, auxiliary presidencies are not considered a third-level administrative division since they depend fiscally on the municipalities in which they are located. North-western and south-eastern states are divided into small numbers of large municipalities, therefore they cover large areas incorporating several separated cities or towns that do not conform to one single conurbation. Central and southern states, on the other hand, are divided into a large number of small municipalities, therefore large urban areas extend over several municipalities which form one single conurbation. Although an urban area might cover an entire municipality, auxiliary councils might still be used for administrative purposes. Municipalities are responsible for public services, street lighting, public safety, supervision of slaughterhouses and the cleaning and maintenance of public parks and cemeteries.
They may assist the state and federal governments in education, emergency fire and medical services, environmental protection and maintenance of monuments and historical landmarks. Since 1983, they can collect property taxes and user fees, although more funds are obtained from the state and federal governments than from their own collection efforts. Since the Conquest and colonization of Mexico, the municipality became the basic entity of the administrative organization of New Spain and the Spanish Empire. Settlements located in strategic locations received the status of city and were entitled to form an ayuntamiento or municipality. After Independence, the 1824 Constitution did not specify any regulation for the municipalities, whose structure and responsibilities were to be outlined in the constitution of each state of the federation; as such, every state set its own requirements for a settlement to become a municipality. The Constitution of 1917 abolished the jefatura política, the intermediate administrative authority between the states and converted all existing municipalities into municipios libres, that is, gave them full autonomy to manage local affairs, while at the same time restricting the scope of their competencies.
However, in 1983 the 115th article was modified to expand the municipalities' authority to raise revenue and to formulate budgets. Data from the 2015 Intercensal Survey by INEGI. Data from Los Municipios con Mayor y Menor Extensión Territorial by the Instituto Nacional Para el Federalismo y el Desarrollo Municipal Mexico City is a special case in that it is not organized as a municipality, but as a federal district as the capital of the federation, it is administered through the Government of the Federal District and it has its own unicameral Legislative Assembly. For administrative purposes, the Federal District boroughs, they are not identical to municipalities, but since 2000, they enjoy a certain degree of political autonomy since residents within a borough directly elect a local borough head of government. However, boroughs do not form local councils, are not constituted by a group of trustees, do not have regulatory powers, most of which are exercised by the Federal District's government.
Most public services are organized by the Federal District if some responsibilities are carried out by the boroughs. Still, at the federal level, the boroughs are considered a second-level territorial division for statistical data collection and cross-municipal comparisons. Other municipalities in Mexico have chosen to use a similar administrative internal organization. All municipalities of Baja California delegaciones; the municipality of Mexicali for example, is divided into 14 boroughs besides the City of Mexicali, which comprises the municipal seat and three additional metropolitan boroughs. The Municipality of Santiago de Querétaro is subdivided into seven boroughs. Nonetheless, the heads
Ixtlilxochitl Ome Tochtli was the ruler of the Acolhua city-state of Texcoco from 1409 to 1418 and the father of the famous "poet-king" Nezahualcoyotl. Claiming descent from the legendary Chichimec chieftains King Xolotl and Nopaltzin, Ixtlixochitl became tlatoani of Texcoco in 1409 after the death of his father, Techotlala. For several years thereafter, Ixtlilxochitl continued to pay tribute to the powerful Tepanec city of Azcapotzalco and its tlatoani Tezozomoc. However, Ixtlilxochitl grew restive in this role and, in preference to Tezozomoc's daughter, married the Mexica princess Matlalcihuatzin, a daughter of Huitzilihuitl, tlatoani of Tenochtitlan. In 1414, Ixtlilxochitl took the title Chichimeca Tecuhtli and urged the Mexica to ally with him against Azcapotzalco. However, Huitzilihuitl in deference to his wife, Tezozomoc's daughter, maintained his support of Tezozomoc and Azcapotzalco. In response to Ixtlilxochitl's defiance, Tezozomoc led a large army, including Mexica forces, against Texcoco.
Despite some initial successes, Tezozomoc was repulsed. Ixtlilxochitl reacted to this victory by taking the battle to Azcapotzalco, besieged it for several months. Unable to take the city, Ixtlilxochitl lifted the siege, returned to Texcoco; the following year, the Tepanec forces, including Mexica contingents, again laid siege to Texcoco this time driving out Ixtlilxochitl, cornered in the foothills of Mount Tlaloc. His young son Nezahualcoyotl witnessed his death from the branches of a nearby tree. Texcoco was awarded to Tenochtitlan as a tributary, Nezahualcoyotl fled into exile in Huexotzingo. Ten years Nezahualcoyotl would avenge his father's death and retake Texcoco with the help of Itzcoatl, the future tlatoani of Tenochtitlan. Davies, Nigel; the Aztecs: A History. London: Macmillan. ISBN 0-333-12404-9. Townsend, Richard F.. The Aztecs. London: Thames and Hudson. ISBN 0-500-28132-7. "Ixtlilxochitl I.". Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography. 1900
Aztec codices are books written by pre-Columbian and colonial-era Nahuas in pictorial and/or alphabetic form. These codices provide some of the best primary sources for Aztec culture; the pre-Columbian codices do not in fact use the codex form and are, or were, long folded sheets. These sheets were made from stretched deerskin or from the fibers of the agave plant, they differ from European books in that they consist of images and pictograms. Important colonial-era codices that are published with scholarly English translations are Codex Mendoza, the Florentine Codex, the works by Diego Durán. Codex Mendoza is a mixed alphabetic Spanish manuscript. Of supreme importance is the Florentine Codex, a project directed by Franciscan friar Bernardino de Sahagún, who drew on indigenous informants' knowledge of Aztec religion, social structure, natural history, includes a history of the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire from the Mexica viewpoint; the project resulted in twelve books, bound into three volumes, of bilingual Nahuatl/Spanish alphabetic text, with illustrations by native artists.
Important are the works of Dominican Diego Durán, who drew on indigenous pictorials and living informants to create illustrated texts on history and religion. The colonial-era codices contain Aztec pictograms or other pictorial elements; some are written in alphabetic text in Classical Nahuatl or Spanish, Latin. Some are in Nahuatl without pictorial content. Although there are few surviving prehispanic codices, the tlacuilo tradition endured the transition to colonial culture. Doubtless a large number of prehispanic and colonial indigenous texts have disappeared over time. There has been considerable scholarly work on individual codices as well as the daunting task of classification and description. A major publication project by scholars of Mesoamerican ethnohistory was brought to fruition in the 1970s, of which a large portion of the material is related to central Mexico; the four-volume Guide to Ethnohistorical Sources, Handbook of Middle American Indians has two volumes focusing on pictorial manuscripts, including a reproduction of many images of pictorials.
In the two volumes on pictorials, a general survey outlines the origins of Mesomerican manuscripts, classifies them, situates them in a regional survey. The types of information in manuscripts falls into several categories: calendrical, genealogical, economic/tribute, economic/census and cadastral, economic/property plans. A census of 434 pictorial manuscripts of all of Mesoamerica gives information on the title, location, publication status, regional classification, physical description, description of the work itself, a bibliographical essay, list of copies, a bibliography. Indigenous texts known as Techialoyan manuscripts are written on native paper are surveyed, they follow a standard format written in alphabetic Nahuatl with pictorial content concerning a meeting of a given indigenous pueblo's leadership and their marking out the boundaries of the municipality. A type of colonial-era pictorial religious texts are catechisms called Testerian manuscripts, they contain mnemonic devices. An interesting type of pictorial codex are ones deliberately falsified.
John B. Glass published a catalog of such manuscripts that were published without the forgeries being known at the time; some prose manuscripts in the indigenous tradition sometimes have pictorial content, such as the Florentine Codex, Codex Mendoza, the works of Durán, but others are alphabetic in Spanish or Nahuatl. Charles Gibson has written an overview of such manuscripts, with John B. Glass compiled a census, they list 130 manuscripts for Central Mexico. A large section at the end has reproductions of pictorials, many from central Mexico. Another mixed alphabetic and pictorial source for Mesoamerican ethnohistory is the late sixteenth-century Relaciones geográficas, with information on individual indigenous settlements in colonial Mexico, created on the orders of the Spanish crown; each relación was ideally to include a pictorial of the town done by an indigenous resident connected with town government. Although these manuscripts were created for Spanish administrative purposes, they contain important information about the history and geography of indigenous polities.
Colonial-era local-level Nahuatl language documentation is the foundational texts of the New Philology, which utilizes these texts to create scholarly works from the indigenous viewpoint. These are are sometimes found as a single, documentary corpus, while such documentation can be found scattered in legal documentation in individual lawsuits. There are a variety of documents, include censuses such as The Book of Tributes. Colonial-era indigenous elites kept documentation of their properties and privileges, as part of their cacicazgos. Anales de Tlatelolco, an early colonial era set of ann