Class conflict is the political tension and economic antagonism that exists in society consequent to socio-economic competition among the social classes. As a means of effecting radical social and political changes for the social majority, class struggle is a central tenet of the philosophic works of Karl Marx and Mikhail Bakunin. Class conflict can take many different forms: direct violence, such as wars fought for resources and cheap labor. Additionally, political forms of class conflict exist; the conflict can be direct, as with a lockout aimed at destroying a labor union, or indirect, as with an informal slowdown in production protesting low wages by workers or unfair labor practices by capital. In the past the term class conflict was a term used by socialists and Marxists, who define a class by its relationship to the means of production—such as factories and machinery. From this point of view, the social control of production and labor is a contest between classes, the division of these resources involves conflict and inflicts harm.
It can involve ongoing low-level clashes, escalate into massive confrontations, in some cases, lead to the overall defeat of one of the contending classes. However, in more contemporary times this term is striking chords and finding new definition amongst capitalistic societies in the United States and other Westernized countries; the anarchist Mikhail Bakunin argued that the class struggle of the working class and poor had the potential to lead a social revolution involving the overthrow of ruling elites, the creation of libertarian socialism. This was only a potential, class struggle was, he argued, not always the only or decisive factor in society, but it was central. By contrast, Marxists argue that class conflict always plays the decisive and pivotal role in the history of class-based hierarchical systems such as capitalism and feudalism. Marxists refer to its overt manifestations as class war, a struggle whose resolution in favor of the working class is viewed by them as inevitable under plutocratic capitalism.
Where societies are divided based on status, wealth, or control of social production and distribution, class structures arise and are thus coeval with civilization itself. It is well documented since at least European Classical Antiquity and the various popular uprisings in late medieval Europe and elsewhere. One of the earliest analysis of these conflicts is Friedrich Engels' The Peasant War in Germany. One of the earliest analyses of the development of class as the development of conflicts between emergent classes is available in Peter Kropotkin's Mutual Aid. In this work, Kropotkin analyzes the disposal of goods after death in pre-class or hunter-gatherer societies, how inheritance produces early class divisions and conflict. Bill Moyers, for example, gave a speech at Brennan Center for Justice in December 2013, titled "The Great American Class War," referring to the current struggle between democracy and plutocracy in the U. S. Chris Hedges wrote a column for Truthdig called "Let's Get This Class War Started,", a play on Pink's song "Let's Get This Party Started."Historian Steve Fraser, author of The Age of Acquiescence: The Life and Death of American Resistance to Organized Wealth and Power, asserts that class conflict is an inevitability if current political and economic conditions continue, noting that “people are fed up… their voices are not being heard.
And I think that can only go on for so long without there being more and more outbreaks of what used to be called class struggle, class warfare.” The typical example of class conflict described is class conflict within capitalism. This class conflict is seen to occur between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, takes the form of conflict over hours of work, value of wages, division of profits, cost of consumer goods, the culture at work, control over parliament or bureaucracy, economic inequality; the particular implementation of government programs which may seem purely humanitarian, such as disaster relief, can be a form of class conflict. In the USA class conflict is noted in labor/management disputes; as far back as 1933 representative Edward Hamilton of ALPA, the Airline Pilot's Association, used the term "class warfare" to describe airline management's opposition at the National Labor Board hearings in October of that year. Apart from these day-to-day forms of class conflict, during periods of crisis or revolution class conflict takes on a violent nature and involves repression, restriction of civil liberties, murderous violence such as assassinations or death squads.
Although Thomas Jefferson led the United States as president from 1801–1809 and is considered one of the founding fathers, he died with immense amounts of debt. Regarding the interaction between social classes, he wrote, I am convinced that those societies which live without government enjoy in their general mass an infinitely greater degree of happiness than those who live under the European governments. Among the former, public opinion is in the place of law, & restrains morals as powerfully as laws did anywhere. Among the latter, under pretence of governing they have divided their nations i
Stalinism is the means of governing and related policies implemented from around 1927 to 1953 by Joseph Stalin. Stalinist policies and ideas as developed in the Soviet Union included rapid industrialization, the theory of socialism in one country, a totalitarian state, collectivization of agriculture, a cult of personality and subordination of the interests of foreign communist parties to those of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, deemed by Stalinism to be the leading vanguard party of communist revolution at the time. Stalinism promoted the escalation of class conflict, utilizing state violence to forcibly purge society of the bourgeoisie, whom Stalinist doctrine regarded as threats to the pursuit of the communist revolution; this policy resulted in persecution of such people. "Enemies" included not only bourgeois people, but working-class people with counter-revolutionary sympathies. Stalinist industrialization was designed to accelerate the development towards communism, stressing the need for such rapid industrialization on the grounds that the Soviet Union was economically backward in comparison with other countries and asserting that socialist society needed industry in order to face the challenges posed by internal and external enemies of communism.
Rapid industrialization was accompanied by mass collectivization of agriculture and by rapid urbanization. Rapid urbanization converted many small villages into industrial cities. To accelerate the development of industrialization, Stalin imported materials, ideas and workers from Western Europe and from the United States and pragmatically set up joint-venture contracts with major American private enterprises, such as the Ford Motor Company, which under state supervision assisted in developing the basis of the industry of the Soviet economy from the late 1920s to the 1930s. After the American private enterprises had completed their tasks, Soviet state enterprises took over; the term came into prominence during the mid-1930s when Lazar Kaganovich, a Soviet politician and associate of Stalin declared: "Let's replace Long Live Leninism with Long Live Stalinism!". Stalin met this usage with hesitancy, dismissing it as excessively praiseful and contributing to a cult of personality. Stalinism is used to describe the period during which Stalin was acting leader of the Soviet Union while serving as General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party from 1922 to his death on 5th of March 1953.
While some historians view Stalinism as a reflection of the ideologies of Leninism and Marxism, some argue that it stands separate from the socialist ideals it stemmed from. After a political struggle that culminated in the defeat of the Bukharinists, Stalinism was free to shape policy without opposition, ushering forth an era of harsh authoritarianism that soldiered toward rapid industrialization regardless of the cost. From 1917 to 1924, Vladimir Lenin, Leon Trotsky and Stalin appeared united, but they had discernible ideological differences. In his dispute with Trotsky, Stalin de-emphasized the role of workers in advanced capitalist countries. Stalin polemicized against Trotsky on the role of peasants as in China whereas Trotsky's position was in favor of urban insurrection over peasant-based guerrilla warfare. Whilst all other October Revolution 1917 Bolshevik leaders regarded their revolution more or less just as the beginning, they saw Russia as the leapboard on the road towards the World Wide Revolution, Stalin introduced the idea of Socialism in One Country by the autumn of 1924.
This did not just stand in sharp contrast to Trotsky's "Permanent Revolution", but in contrast to all earlier Socialistic theses. But by time and through circumstances, the revolution did not spread outside Russia, as Lenin had assumed it soon would. Not within the other former territories of the Russian Empire such as Poland, Lithuania and Estonia had the revolution been a success. On the contrary, all these countries had returned to capitalist bourgeois rule, but still, by the autumn of 1924, Stalin's idea of socialism in Soviet Russia alone was next to blasphemy in the ears of the other Politburo members- Zinoviev and Kamenev to the intellectual left, Rykov and Tomsky to the pragmatic right and the powerful Trotsky, who belonged to no side but his own. None of them had thought of Stalin's concept as a potential addition to Communist ideology. Hence, Stalin's "Socialism in One Country" doctrine couldn't be imposed until he had become close to being the autocratic ruler of the U. S. S. R.. While traditional communist thought holds that the state will "wither away" as the implementation of socialism reduces class distinction, Stalin argued that the proletarian state must become stronger before it can wither away.
In Stalin's view, counter-revolutionary elements will try to derail the transition to full communism, the state must be powerful enough to defeat them. For this reason, Communist regimes influenced by Stalin have been described as totalitarian. Sheng Shicai collaborated with the Soviets, allowing Stalinist rule to be extended to the Xinjiang province in the 1930s. In 1937, Sheng conducted a purge similar to the Great Purge. Stalin blamed the kulaks as the inciters of reactionary violence against the people during the implementation of agricultural collectivisation. In response, the state under Stalin's leadership initiated a violent
Anti-capitalism encompasses a wide variety of movements and attitudes that oppose capitalism. Anti-capitalists, in the strict sense of the word, are those who wish to replace capitalism with another type of economic system. Socialism advocates public or direct worker ownership and administration of the means of production and allocation of resources, a society characterized by equal access to resources for all individuals, with an egalitarian method of compensation. A theory or policy of social organisation which aims at or advocates the ownership and democratic control of the means of production, by workers or the community as a whole, their administration or distribution in the interests of all. Socialists argue for a cooperative/community economy, or the commanding heights of the economy, with democratic control by the people over the state, although there have been some undemocratic philosophies. "State" or "worker cooperative" ownership is in fundamental opposition to "private" ownership of means of production, a defining feature of capitalism.
Most socialists argue that capitalism unfairly concentrates power and profit, among a small segment of society that controls capital and derives its wealth through exploitation. Socialists argue that the accumulation of capital generates waste through externalizations that require costly corrective regulatory measures, they point out that this process generates wasteful industries and practices that exist only to generate sufficient demand for products to be sold at a profit. Socialists argue that capitalism consists of irrational activity, such as the purchasing of commodities only to sell at a time when their price appreciates, rather than for consumption if the commodity cannot be sold at a profit to individuals in need. Private ownership imposes constraints on planning, leading to inaccessible economic decisions that result in immoral production, unemployment and a tremendous waste of material resources during crisis of overproduction. According to socialists, private property in the means of production becomes obsolete when it concentrates into centralized, socialized institutions based on private appropriation of revenue until the role of the capitalist becomes redundant.
With no need for capital accumulation and a class of owners, private property in the means of production is perceived as being an outdated form of economic organization that should be replaced by a free association of individuals based on public or common ownership of these socialized assets. Socialists view private property relations as limiting the potential of productive forces in the economy. Early socialists criticized capitalism for concentrating power and wealth within a small segment of society, does not utilise available technology and resources to their maximum potential in the interests of the public. For the influential German individualist anarchist philosopher Max Stirner, "private property is a spook which "lives by the grace of law" and it "becomes'mine' only by effect of the law". In other words, private property exists purely "through the protection of the State, through the State's grace." Recognising its need for state protection, Stirner argued that "t need not make any difference to the'good citizens' who protects them and their principles, whether an absolute King or a constitutional one, a republic, if only they are protected.
And what is their principle, whose protector they always'love'? Not that of labour", rather it is "interest-bearing possession... labouring capital, therefore... labour yet little or none at all of one's own, but labour of capital and of the—subject labourers"." French anarchist Pierre Joseph Proudhon opposed government privilege that protects capitalist and land interests, the accumulation or acquisition of property which he believed hampers competition and keeps wealth in the hands of the few. The Spanish individualist anarchist Miguel Gimenez Igualada saw "capitalism an effect of government; that which we call capitalism is not something else but a product of the State, within which the only thing, being pushed forward is profit, good or badly acquired. And so to fight against capitalism is a pointless task, since be it State capitalism or Enterprise capitalism, as long as Government exists, exploiting capital will exist; the fight, but of consciousness, is against the State.". Within anarchism there emerged a critique of wage slavery which refers to a situation perceived as quasi-voluntary slavery, where a person's livelihood depends on wages when the dependence is total and immediate.
It is a negatively connoted term used to draw an analogy between slavery and wage labor by focusing on similarities between owning and renting a person. The term wage slavery has been used to criticize economic exploitation and social stratification, with the former seen as unequal bargaining power between labor and capital, the latter as a lack of workers' self-management, fulfilling job choices and leisure in an economy. Libertarian socialists believe if freedom is valued society must work towards a system in which individuals have the power to decide economic issues along with political issues. Libertarian socialists seek to replace unjustified authority with direct democracy, volun
International Workingmen's Association
The International Workingmen's Association called the First International, was an international organization which aimed at uniting a variety of different left-wing socialist and anarchist groups and trade unions that were based on the working class and class struggle. It was founded in 1864 in a workmen's meeting held in London, its first congress was held in 1866 in Geneva. In Europe, a period of harsh reaction followed the widespread Revolutions of 1848; the next major phase of revolutionary activity began twenty years with the founding of the IWA in 1864. At its peak, the IWA reported having 8 million members. In 1872, it split in two over conflicts between statist and anarchist factions and dissolved in 1876; the Second International was founded in 1889. Following the January Uprising in Poland in 1863, French and British workers started to discuss developing a closer working relationship. Henri Tolain, Joseph Perrachon and Charles Limousin visited London in July 1863, attending a meeting held in St. James's Hall in honour of the Polish uprising.
Here, there was discussion of the need for an international organization, which would amongst other things prevent the import of foreign workers to break strikes. In September 1864, some French delegates again visited London with the concrete aim of setting up a special committee for the exchange of information upon matters of interest to the workers of all lands. On 28 September, a great international meeting for the reception of the French delegates took place in St. Martin’s Hall in London; the meeting was attended by a wide array of European radicals, including English Owenites, followers of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Louis Auguste Blanqui and Polish nationalists, Italian republicans and German socialists. Included among the last-mentioned of this eclectic band was a somewhat obscure 46-year-old émigré journalist Karl Marx, who would soon come to play a decisive role in the organisation; the positivist historian Edward Spencer Beesly, a professor at London University, was in the chair. His speech pilloried the violent proceedings of the governments and referred to their flagrant breaches of international law and advocated a union of the workers of the world for the realisation of justice on earth.
George Odger, Secretary of the London Trades Council, read a speech calling for international co-operation. The meeting unanimously decided to found an international organisation of workers; the centre was to be in London, directed by a committee of 21, instructed to draft a programme and constitution. Most of the British members of the committee were drawn from the Universal League for the Material Elevation of the Industrious Classes and were noted trade-union leaders like Odger, George Howell, Cyrenus Osborne Ward and Benjamin Lucraft and included Owenites and Chartists; the French members were Victor Le Lubez and Bosquet. Italy was represented by Fontana. Other members were Louis Wolff, Johann Eccarius and at the foot of the list Marx, who participated in his individual capacity and did not speak during the meeting; this executive committee in turn selected a subcommittee to do the actual writing of the organisational programme—a group which included Marx and which met at his home about a week after the conclusion of the St. Martin's Hall assembly.
This subcommittee deferred the task of collective writing in favor of sole authorship by Marx and it was he who drew up the fundamental documents of the new organisation. On 5 October, the General Council was formed with co-opted additional members representing other nationalities, it was based at the headquarters of the Universal League for the Material Elevation of the Industrious Classes at 18 Greek Street. Different groups offered proposals for the organisation. Louis Wolff offered a proposal based on the rules and constitution of the Italian Workingmen’s Association and John Weston, an Owenite tabled a programme. Wolff left for Lubez rewrote it in a way which appalled Marx. Through deft manipulation of the sub-committee, Marx was left with all the papers and set about writing the Address to the Working Classes to, attached a simplified set of rules. At first, the IWA had male membership, although in April 1865 it was agreed that women could become members; the initial leadership was male.
At the IWA General Council meeting on 16 April 1867, a letter from the secularist speaker Harriet Law about women's rights was read and it was agreed to ask her if she would be willing to attend council meetings. On 25 June 1867, Law was admitted to the General Council and for the next five years was the only woman representative. Due to the wide variety of philosophies present in the First International, there was conflict from the start; the first objections to Marx's influence came from the mutualists, who opposed communism and statism. However, shortly after Mikhail Bakunin and his followers joined in 1868, the First International became polarised into two camps, with Marx and Bakunin as their respective figureheads; the clearest differences between the groups emerged over their proposed strategies for achieving their visions of socialism. The anarchists grouped around Bakunin favoured "direct economical struggle against capitalism, without interfering in the political parliamentary agitation".
Marxist thinking at that time focused on parliamentary activity. For example, when the new German Empire of 1871 introduced male suffrage, many German socialists became active in t
The Bolsheviks known in English as Bolshevists, were a faction of the Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party which split apart from the Menshevik faction at the Second Party Congress in 1903. The RSDLP was a revolutionary socialist political party formed in 1898 in Minsk, Belarus to unite the various revolutionary organisations of the Russian Empire into one party. In the Second Party Congress vote, the Bolsheviks won on the majority of important issues, hence their name, they became the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Bolsheviks, or Reds, came to power in Russia during the October Revolution phase of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and founded the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic. With the Reds defeating the Whites and others during the Russian Civil War of 1917–1922, the RSFSR became the chief constituent of the Soviet Union in December 1922; the Bolsheviks, founded by Vladimir Lenin and Alexander Bogdanov, were by 1905 a major organization consisting of workers under a democratic internal hierarchy governed by the principle of democratic centralism, who considered themselves the leaders of the revolutionary working class of Russia.
Their beliefs and practices were referred to as Bolshevism. In the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP held in Brussels and London, UK during August 1903, Lenin and Julius Martov disagreed over the membership rules. Lenin wanted members who financially supported the party and participated in it. Martov suggested "by regular personal assistance under the direction of one of the party's organisations". Lenin advocated limiting party membership to a smaller core of active members as opposed to card carriers who might only be active in party branches from time to time or not at all; this active base would develop the cadre, a core of professional revolutionaries, consisting of loyal communists who would spend most of their time organising the party toward a mass revolutionary party capable of leading a workers' revolution against the Tsarist autocracy. A main source of the factions could be directly attributed to Lenin's steadfast opinion and what was described by Plekhanov as his inability to "bear opinions which were contrary to his own".
It was obvious at early stages in Lenin's revolutionary practices that he would not be willing to concede on any party policy that conflicted with his own predetermined ideas. It was the loyalty that he had to his own self-envisioned utopia. Lenin was seen by fellow party members as being so narrow-minded that he believed that anyone who didn't follow him was his enemy. Leon Trotsky, one of Lenin's fellow revolutionaries, compared Lenin in 1904 to the French revolutionary Maximilien Robespierre. Lenin's view of politics as verbal and ideological warfare and his inability to accept criticism if it came from his own dedicated followers was the reason behind this accusation; the root of the split was a book titled What Is To Be Done? that Lenin wrote while serving a sentence of exile. In Germany, the book was published in 1902. In Russia, strict censorship outlawed its distribution. One of the main points of Lenin's writing was that a revolution can only be achieved by the strong leadership of one person over the masses.
After the proposed revolution had overthrown the government, this individual leader must release power to allow socialism to encompass the nation. Lenin wrote that revolutionary leaders must dedicate their entire lives to the cause in order for it to be successful. Lenin said that if professional revolutionaries did not maintain control over the workers they would lose sight of the party's objective and adopt opposing beliefs abandon the revolution entirely. Lenin's view of a socialist intelligentsia showed that he was not a complete supporter of Marxist theory, which created some party unrest. For example, Lenin agreed with the Marxist idea of eliminating social classes, but in his utopian society there would still be visible distinctions between those in politics and the common worker. Most party members considered unequal treatment of workers immoral and were loyal to the idea of a classless society, therefore Lenin's variations caused internal dissonance. Although the party split of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks would not become official until 1903, the differences began to surface with the publication of What Is To Be Done?.
Through the influence of the book, Lenin undermined another group of reformers known as "Economists", who were pushing for economic reform while wanting to leave the government unchanged and who failed to recognize the importance of uniting the working population behind the party's cause. Other than the debate between Lenin and Martov, Lenin felt membership should require support of the party program, financial contributions and involvement in a party organization whereas Martov did not see the need for joining Party organizations, internal unrest rose over the structure, best suited for Soviet power; as discussed in What Is To Be Done?, Lenin believed that a rigid political structure was needed to initiate a formal revolution. This idea was met with opposition from his once close followers including Julius Martov, Georgy Plekhanov, Leon Trotsky and Pavel Axelrod. Plekhanov and Lenin's major dispute arose addressing the topic of nationalizing land or leaving it for private use. Lenin wanted to nationalize to aid in collectivization whereas Plekhanov thought worker motivation would remain higher if individuals were able to maintain their own property.
Those who opposed Lenin and wanted to continue on the Marxist path t
A journalist is a person who collects, writes, or distributes news or other current information to the public. A journalist's work is called journalism. A journalist can specialize in certain issues. However, most journalists tend to specialize, by cooperating with other journalists, produce journals that span many topics. For example, a sports journalist covers news within the world of sports, but this journalist may be a part of a newspaper that covers many different topics. A reporter is a type of journalist who researches and reports on information in order to present in sources, conduct interviews, engage in research, make reports; the information-gathering part of a journalist's job is sometimes called reporting, in contrast to the production part of the job such as writing articles. Reporters may split their time between working in a newsroom and going out to witness events or interviewing people. Reporters may be assigned a specific area of coverage. Depending on the context, the term journalist may include various types of editors, editorial writers and visual journalists, such as photojournalists.
Journalism has developed a variety of standards. While objectivity and a lack of bias are of primary concern and importance, more liberal types of journalism, such as advocacy journalism and activism, intentionally adopt a non-objective viewpoint; this has become more prevalent with the advent of social media and blogs, as well as other platforms that are used to manipulate or sway social and political opinions and policies. These platforms project extreme bias, as "sources" are not always held accountable or considered necessary in order to produce a written, televised, or otherwise "published" end product. Matthew C. Nisbet, who has written on science communication, has defined a "knowledge journalist" as a public intellectual who, like Walter Lippmann, David Brooks, Fareed Zakaria, Naomi Klein, Michael Pollan, Thomas Friedman, Andrew Revkin, sees their role as researching complicated issues of fact or science which most laymen would not have the time or access to information to research themselves communicating an accurate and understandable version to the public as a teacher and policy advisor.
In his best-known books, Public Opinion and The Phantom Public, Lippmann argued that most individuals lacked the capacity and motivation to follow and analyze news of the many complex policy questions that troubled society. Nor did they directly experience most social problems, or have direct access to expert insights; these limitations were made worse by a news media that tended to over-simplify issues and to reinforce stereotypes, partisan viewpoints, prejudices. As a consequence, Lippmann believed that the public needed journalists like himself who could serve as expert analysts, guiding “citizens to a deeper understanding of what was important.” In 2018, the United States Department of Labor's Occupational Outlook Handbook reported that employment for the category, "reporters and broadcast news analysts," will decline 9 percent between 2016 and 2026. Journalists sometimes expose themselves to danger when reporting in areas of armed conflict or in states that do not respect the freedom of the press.
Organizations such as the Committee to Protect Journalists and Reporters Without Borders publish reports on press freedom and advocate for journalistic freedom. As of November 2011, the Committee to Protect Journalists reports that 887 journalists have been killed worldwide since 1992 by murder, crossfire or combat, or on dangerous assignment; the "ten deadliest countries" for journalists since 1992 have been Iraq, Russia, Mexico, Pakistan, Somalia and Sri Lanka. The Committee to Protect Journalists reports that as of December 1, 2010, 145 journalists were jailed worldwide for journalistic activities. Current numbers are higher; the ten countries with the largest number of currently-imprisoned journalists are Turkey, Iran, Burma, Vietnam, Cuba and Sudan. Apart from the physical harm, journalists are harmed psychologically; this applies to war reporters, but their editorial offices at home do not know how to deal appropriately with the reporters they expose to danger. Hence, a systematic and sustainable way of psychological support for traumatized journalists is needed.
However, only little and fragmented support programs exist so far. The Newseum in Washington, D. C. is home to the Journalists Memorial, which lists the names of over 2,100 journalists from around the world who were killed in the line of duty. The relationship between a professional journalist and a source can be rather complex, a source can sometimes impact the direction of the article written by the journalist; the article'A Compromised Fourth Estate' uses Herbert Gans' metaphor to capture their relationship. He uses a dance metaphor'The Tango' to illustrate the co-operative nature of their interactions "It takes two to tango". Herbert suggests that the source leads but journalists object to this notion for two reasons: It signals source supremacy in news making, it offends journalists' professional culture, which emphasizes editorial autonomy. This dance metaphor helps showcase consensus within the relationship but the article describe the common relation between the two "A relationship with sources, too cozy is compromising of journalists’ integrity and risks becoming collusive.
Journalists have favored a
Sir Thomas More, venerated in the Catholic Church as Saint Thomas More, was an English lawyer, social philosopher, author and noted Renaissance humanist. He was a councillor to Henry VIII, Lord High Chancellor of England from October 1529 to 16 May 1532, he wrote Utopia, published in 1516, about the political system of an ideal island nation. More opposed the Protestant Reformation, in particular the theology of Martin Luther, Henry VIII, John Calvin and William Tyndale. More opposed the king's separation from the Catholic Church, refusing to acknowledge Henry as Supreme Head of the Church of England and the annulment of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon. After refusing to take the Oath of Supremacy, he was executed. Of his execution, he was reported to have said: "I die the King's good servant, but God's first". Pope Pius XI canonised More in 1935 as a martyr. Pope John Paul II in 2000 declared him the patron saint "of Statesmen and Politicians". Since 1980, the Church of England has remembered More liturgically as a Reformation martyr.
The Soviet Union honoured him for the purportedly communist attitude toward property rights expressed in Utopia. Born on Milk Street in London, on 7 February 1478, Thomas More was the son of Sir John More, a successful lawyer and a judge, his wife Agnes, he was the second of six children. More was educated at St Anthony's School considered one of London's best schools. From 1490 to 1492, More served John Morton, the Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Chancellor of England, as a household page. Morton enthusiastically supported the "New Learning", thought of the young More. Believing that More had great potential, Morton nominated him for a place at the University of Oxford. More began his studies at Oxford in 1492, received a classical education. Studying under Thomas Linacre and William Grocyn, he became proficient in both Greek. More left Oxford after only two years—at his father's insistence—to begin legal training in London at New Inn, one of the Inns of Chancery. In 1496, More became a student at Lincoln's Inn, one of the Inns of Court, where he remained until 1502, when he was called to the Bar.
According to his friend, theologian Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam, More once contemplated abandoning his legal career to become a monk. Between 1503 and 1504 More lived near the Carthusian monastery outside the walls of London and joined in the monks' spiritual exercises. Although he admired their piety, More decided to remain a layman, standing for election to Parliament in 1504 and marrying the following year. More continued ascetic practices for the rest of his life, such as wearing a hair shirt next to his skin and engaging in flagellation. A tradition of the Third Order of Saint Francis honours More as a member of that Order on their calendar of saints. More married Jane Colt in 1505. Erasmus reported that More wanted to give his young wife a better education than she had received at home, tutored her in music and literature; the couple had four children before Jane died in 1511: Margaret, Elizabeth and John. Going "against friends' advice and common custom," within thirty days More had married one of the many eligible women among his wide circle of friends.
He chose Alice Harpur Middleton to head his care for his small children. The speed of the marriage was so unusual that More had to get a dispensation of the banns of marriage, due to his good public reputation, he obtained. More had no children from his second marriage, although he raised Alice's daughter from her previous marriage as his own. More became the guardian of two young girls: Anne Cresacre would marry his son, John More. An affectionate father, More wrote letters to his children whenever he was away on legal or government business, encouraged them to write to him often. More insisted upon giving his daughters the same classical education as his son, a unusual attitude at the time, his eldest daughter, attracted much admiration for her erudition her fluency in Greek and Latin. More told his daughter of his pride in her academic accomplishment in September 1522, after he showed the bishop a letter she had written: When he saw from the signature that it was the letter of a lady, his surprise led him to read it more eagerly … he said he would never have believed it to be your work unless I had assured him of the fact, he began to praise it in the highest terms … for its pure Latinity, its correctness, its erudition, its expressions of tender affection.
He took out at once from his pocket a portague … to send to you as a pledge and token of his good will towards you. More's decision to educate his daughters set an example for other noble families. Erasmus became much more favourable once he witnessed their accomplishments. A portrait of More and his family, Sir Thomas More and Family, was painted by Holbein, but it was lost in a fire in the 18th century. More's grandson commissioned a copy. In 1504 More was elected to Parliament to represent Great Yarmouth, in 1510 began representing London. From 1510, More served as one of the two undersheriffs of the City of London, a position of considerable responsibility in which he earned a reputation as an honest and effective public servant. More became Maste