In Marxist philosophy, cultural hegemony is the domination of a culturally diverse society by the ruling class who manipulate the culture of that society—the beliefs, perceptions and mores—so that their imposed, ruling-class worldview becomes the accepted cultural norm. In philosophy and in sociology, the term cultural hegemony has denotations and connotations derived from the Ancient Greek word ἡγεμονία indicating leadership and rule. In politics, hegemony is the geopolitical method of indirect imperial dominance, with which the hegemon rules subordinate states, by the threat of intervention, an implied means of power, rather than by direct military force, that is, invasion and annexation; the etymologic and historical evolution of the Greek word ἡγεμονία, of its denotations, has proceeded thus: In Ancient Greece, ἡγεμονία denoted the politico–military dominance of a city-state upon other city-states, as in the Hellenic League, a federation of Greek city–states, established by King Philip II of Macedon, to facilitate his access to and use of the Greek militaries against the Persian empire.
In the 19th century, hegemony denoted the geopolitical and cultural predominance of one country upon other countries, as in the European colonialism imposed upon the Americas, Africa and Australia. In the 20th century, the political-science denotation of hegemony expanded to include cultural imperialism; that by manipulating the dominant ideology of the society, the ruling class can intellectually dominate the other social classes with an imposed worldview that ideologically justifies the social and economic status quo of the society as if it were a natural and normal and perpetual state of affairs that always has been so. In 1848, Karl Marx proposed that the economic recessions and practical contradictions of a capitalist economy would provoke the working class to proletarian revolution, depose capitalism, restructure social institutions per the rational models of socialism, thus begin the transition to a communist society. Therefore, the dialectical changes to the functioning of the economy of a society determine its social superstructures.
To that end, Antonio Gramsci proposed a strategic distinction, between a War of Position and a War of Manœuvre. The war of position is an intellectual and cultural struggle wherein the anti-capitalist revolutionary creates a proletarian culture whose native value system counters the cultural hegemony of the bourgeoisie; the proletarian culture will increase class consciousness, teach revolutionary theory and historical analysis, thus propagate further revolutionary organisation among the social classes. On winning the war of position, socialist leaders would have the necessary political power and popular support to begin the political manœuvre warfare of revolutionary socialism; the initial, theoretical application of cultural domination was as a Marxist analysis of "economic class", which Antonio Gramsci developed to comprehend "social class". That such praxis of knowledge is indispensable for the intellectual and political liberation of the proletariat, so that workers and peasants, the people of town and country, can create their own working-class culture, which addresses their social and economic needs as social classes.
In a society, cultural hegemony is neither monolithic intellectual praxis, nor a unified system of values, but a complex of stratified social structures, wherein each social and economic class has a social purpose and an internal class-logic that allows its members to behave in a way, particular and different from the behaviours of the members of other social classes, whilst co-existing with them as constituents of the society. As a result of their different social purposes, the classes will be able to coalesce into a society with a greater social mission; when a man, a woman, or a child perceives the social structures of bourgeois cultural hegemony, personal common sense performs a dual, structural role whereby the individual person applies common sense to cope with daily life, which explains the small segment of the social order stratum that each experiences as the status quo of life in society. Publicly, the emergence of the perceptual limitations of personal common sense inhibit the individual person’s perception of the greater nature of the systematic socio-economic exploitation made possible by cultural hegemony.
Because of the discrepancy in perceiving the status quo—the socio-economic hierarchy of bourgeois culture—most men and women concern themselves with their immediate personal concerns, rather than with distant concerns, so do not think about and question the fundamental sources of their socio-economic oppression, its discontents, social and political. The effects of cultural hegemony are
A Utopia is an imagined community or society that possesses desirable or nearly perfect qualities for its citizens. The opposite of a utopia is a dystopia. One could say that utopia is a perfect "place", designed so there are no problems. Utopia focuses on equality in economics and justice, though by no means with the method and structure of proposed implementation varying based on ideology. According to Lyman Tower Sargent "there are socialist, monarchical, anarchist, feminist, egalitarian, racist, left-wing, right-wing, Naturism/Nude Christians, free love, nuclear family, extended family, gay and many more utopias Utopianism, some argue, is essential for the improvement of the human condition, but if used wrongly, it becomes dangerous. Utopia has an inherent contradictory nature here." Sargent argues that utopia's nature is inherently contradictory, because societies are not homogenous and have desires which conflict and therefore cannot be satisfied. If any two desires cannot be satisfied, true utopia cannot be attained because in utopia all desires are satisfied.
The term utopia was coined from Greek by Sir Thomas More for his 1516 book Utopia, describing a fictional island society in the south Atlantic Ocean off the coast of South America. The word comes from Greek: οὐ and τόπος and means "no-place" and describes any non-existent society'described in considerable detail'. However, in standard usage, the word's meaning has narrowed and now describes a non-existent society, intended to be viewed as better than contemporary society. Eutopia, derived from Greek εὖ and τόπος, means "good place" and is speaking the correct term to describe a positive utopia. In English and utopia are homophonous, which may have given rise to the change in meaning. Chronologically, the first recorded Utopian proposal is Plato's Republic. Part conversation, part fictional depiction and part policy proposal, Republic would categorize citizens into a rigid class structure of "golden," "silver," "bronze" and "iron" socioeconomic classes; the golden citizens are trained in a rigorous 50-year-long educational program to be benign oligarchs, the "philosopher-kings."
Plato stressed this structure many times in statements, in his published works, such as the Republic. The wisdom of these rulers will eliminate poverty and deprivation through distributed resources, though the details on how to do this are unclear; the educational program for the rulers is the central notion of the proposal. It has few laws, no lawyers and sends its citizens to war but hires mercenaries from among its war-prone neighbors; these mercenaries were deliberately sent into dangerous situations in the hope that the more warlike populations of all surrounding countries will be weeded out, leaving peaceful peoples. During the 16th century, Thomas More's book Utopia proposed an ideal society of the same name. Readers, including Utopian socialists, have chosen to accept this imaginary society as the realistic blueprint for a working nation, while others have postulated that Thomas More intended nothing of the sort, it is believed that More's Utopia functions only on the level of a satire, a work intended to reveal more about the England of his time than about an idealistic society.
This interpretation is bolstered by the title of the book and nation and its apparent confusion between the Greek for "no place" and "good place": "utopia" is a compound of the syllable ou-, meaning "no" and topos, meaning place. But the homophonic prefix eu-, meaning "good," resonates in the word, with the implication that the "good place" is "no place." Ecological utopian society describes new ways. These works perceive a widening gap between the modern Western way of living that destroys nature and a more traditional way of living before industrialization. Ecological utopias may advocate a society, more sustainable. According to the Dutch philosopher Marius de Geus, ecological utopias could be inspirational sources for movements involving green politics. In the early 19th century, several utopian ideas arose in response to the belief that social disruption was created and caused by the development of commercialism and capitalism; these ideas are grouped in a greater "utopian socialist" movement, due to their shared characteristics.
A once common characteristic is an egalitarian distribution of goods with the total abolition of money. Citizens only do work which they enjoy and, for the common good, leaving them with ample time for the cultivation of the arts and sciences. One classic example of such a utopia was Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward. Another socialist utopia is William Morris's News from Nowhere, written in response to the top-down nature of Bellamy's utopia, which Morris criticized. However, as the socialist movement developed, it moved away from utopianism. In a materialist utopian society, the economy is perfect. In 1905, H. G. Wells published A Modern Utopia, read and admired and provoked much discussion. Consider Eric Frank Russell's book The Great Explosion whose last section details an economic and social utopia; this forms the first mention of the idea of Local Exchange Trading Systems. During the "Khrushchev Thaw" period, the Sovie
Ernst Bloch was a German Marxist philosopher. Bloch was influenced by Hegel and Karl Marx, as well as by apocalyptic and religious thinkers such as Thomas Müntzer and Jacob Boehme, he established friendships with György Lukács, Bertolt Brecht, Kurt Weill, Walter Benjamin, Theodor W. Adorno. Bloch's work focuses on the thesis that in a humanistic world where oppression and exploitation have been eliminated there will always be a revolutionary force. Bloch was born in the son of a Jewish railway-employee. After studying philosophy, he married Else von Stritzky, daughter of a Baltic brewer in 1913, who died in 1921, his second marriage with Linda Oppenheimer lasted only a few years. His third wife was a Polish architect, whom he married in 1934 in Vienna; when the Nazis came to power, they had to flee, first into Switzerland to Austria, France and the United States. In 1948, Bloch was offered the chair of philosophy at the University of Leipzig, he returned to East Germany to take up the position.
In 1955 he was awarded the National Prize of the GDR. In addition, he became a member of the German Academy of Sciences at Berlin, he had more or less become the political philosopher of the GDR. Among his many academic students from this period was his assistant Manfred Buhr, who earned his doctorate with him in 1957, was professor in Greifswald director of the Central Institute of Philosophy of the Academy of Sciences in Berlin and who became a critic of Bloch. However, the Hungarian uprising in 1956 led Bloch to revise his view of the SED regime, whilst retaining his Marxist orientation; because he advocated humanistic ideas of freedom, he was obliged to retire in 1957 for political reasons – not because of his age, 72 years. A number of scientists and students spoke publicly against this forced retirement, among them the renowned professor and colleague Emil Fuchs and his students as well as Fuchs's grandson Klaus Fuchs-Kittowski; when the Berlin Wall was built in 1961, he did not return to the GDR, but went to Tübingen in West Germany, where he received an honorary chair in Philosophy.
He died in Tübingen. Bloch's The Principle of Hope was written during his emigration in the United States, where he lived in New Hampshire before settling in Cambridge, Massachusetts, he wrote the lengthy three-volume work in the reading room of Harvard's Widener Library. Bloch planned to publish it there under the title Dreams of a Better Life; the Principle of Hope tries to provide an encyclopedic account of mankind's and nature's orientation towards a and technologically improved future. Bloch's work became influential in the course of the student protest movements in 1968 and in liberation theology, it is cited as a key influence by Jürgen Moltmann in his Theology of Hope, by Dorothee Sölle, by Ernesto Balducci. Psychoanalyst Joel Kovel has praised Bloch as, "the greatest of modern utopian thinkers". Robert S. Corrington has been influenced by Bloch, though he has tried to adapt Bloch's ideas to serve a liberal rather than a Marxist politics. Bloch's concept of concrete utopias found in The Principle of Hope was used by José Esteban Muñoz to shift the field of performance studies.
This shift allowed for the emergence of utopian performativity and a new wave of performance theorizing as Bloch's formulation of utopia shifted how scholars conceptualize the ontology and the staging of performances as imbued with an enduring indeterminacy, as opposed to dominant performance theories found in the work of Peggy Phelan, who view performance as a life event without reproduction. Geist der Utopie Thomas Müntzer als Theologe der Revolution Spuren Erbschaft dieser Zeit Freiheit und Ordnung Subjekt-Objekt Christian Thomasius Avicenna und die aristotelische Linke Das Prinzip Hoffnung Naturrecht und menschliche Würde Tübinger Einleitung in die Philosophie Religion im Erbe On Karl Marx Herder and Herder, 1971. Atheismus im Christentum Politische Messungen, Vormärz Das Materialismusproblem, seine Geschichte und Substanz Experimentum Mundi. Frage, Kategorien des Herausbringens, Praxis “Causality and Finality as Active, Objectifying Categories:Categories of Transmission”. TELOS 21. New York: Telos Press Exilliteratur Adorno, Theodor W..
"Ernst Bloch's Spuren," Notes to Literature, Volume One, New York, Columbia University Press Dietschy, Beat. Bloch-Wörterbuch: Leitbegriffe der Philosophie Ernst Blochs. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 9783110256710. Retrieved 2018-08-01. Thompson and Slavoj Žižek "The Privatization of Hope: Ernst Bloch and the Future of Utopia. Durham, NC: Duke University Press Boldyrev, Ernst Bloch and His Contemporaries: Locating Utopian Messianism. London and New York: Bloomsbury. Geoghegan, Vincent. Ernst Bl
A paradigm shift, a concept identified by the American physicist and philosopher Thomas Kuhn, is a fundamental change in the basic concepts and experimental practices of a scientific discipline. Kuhn contrasts paradigm shifts, which characterize a scientific revolution, to the activity of normal science, which he describes as scientific work done within a prevailing framework. In this context, the word "paradigm" is used in its original Greek meaning, as "example"; the nature of scientific revolutions has been studied by modern philosophy since Immanuel Kant used the phrase in the preface to the second edition of his Critique of Pure Reason. Kant used the phrase "revolution of the way of thinking" to refer to Greek mathematics and Newtonian physics. In the 20th century, new developments in the basic concepts of mathematics and biology revitalized interest in the question among scholars. Kuhn presented his notion of a paradigm shift in his influential book The Structure of Scientific Revolutions.
As one commentator summarizes: Kuhn acknowledges having used the term "paradigm" in two different meanings. In the first one, "paradigm" designates what the members of a certain scientific community have in common, to say, the whole of techniques and values shared by the members of the community. In the second sense, the paradigm is a single element of a whole, say for instance Newton’s Principia, acting as a common model or an example... stands for the explicit rules and thus defines a coherent tradition of investigation. Thus the question is for Kuhn to investigate by means of the paradigm what makes possible the constitution of what he calls "normal science"; that is to say, the science which can decide if a certain problem will be considered scientific or not. Normal science does not mean at all a science guided by a coherent system of rules, on the contrary, the rules can be derived from the paradigms, but the paradigms can guide the investigation in the absence of rules; this is the second meaning of the term "paradigm", which Kuhn considered the most new and profound, though it is in truth the oldest.
Though Kuhn restricted the use of the term to the natural sciences, the concept of a paradigm shift has been used in numerous non-scientific contexts to describe a profound change in a fundamental model or perception of events. An epistemological paradigm shift was called a "scientific revolution" by epistemologist and historian of science Thomas Kuhn in his book The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. A scientific revolution occurs, according to Kuhn, when scientists encounter anomalies that cannot be explained by the universally accepted paradigm within which scientific progress has thereto been made; the paradigm, in Kuhn's view, is not the current theory, but the entire worldview in which it exists, all of the implications which come with it. This is based on features of landscape of knowledge. There are anomalies for all paradigms, Kuhn maintained, that are brushed away as acceptable levels of error, or ignored and not dealt with. Rather, according to Kuhn, anomalies have various levels of significance to the practitioners of science at the time.
To put it in the context of early 20th century physics, some scientists found the problems with calculating Mercury's perihelion more troubling than the Michelson-Morley experiment results, some the other way around. Kuhn's model of scientific change differs here, in many places, from that of the logical positivists in that it puts an enhanced emphasis on the individual humans involved as scientists, rather than abstracting science into a purely logical or philosophical venture; when enough significant anomalies have accrued against a current paradigm, the scientific discipline is thrown into a state of crisis, according to Kuhn. During this crisis, new ideas ones discarded, are tried. A new paradigm is formed, which gains its own new followers, an intellectual "battle" takes place between the followers of the new paradigm and the hold-outs of the old paradigm. Again, for early 20th century physics, the transition between the Maxwellian electromagnetic worldview and the Einsteinian relativistic worldview was neither instantaneous nor calm, instead involved a protracted set of "attacks," both with empirical data as well as rhetorical or philosophical arguments, by both sides, with the Einsteinian theory winning out in the long run.
Again, the weighing of evidence and importance of new data was fit through the human sieve: some scientists found the simplicity of Einstein's equations to be most compelling, while some found them more complicated than the notion of Maxwell's aether which they banished. Some found Arthur Eddington's photographs of light bending around the sun to be compelling, while some questioned their accuracy and meaning. Sometimes the convincing force is just time itself and the human toll it takes, Kuhn said, using a quote from Max Planck: "a new scientific truth does not triumph by convincing its opponents and making them see the light, but rather because its opponents die, a new generation grows up, familiar with it."After a given discipline has changed from one paradigm to another, this is called, in Kuhn's terminology, a scientific revolution or a paradigm shift. It is this final conclusion, the result of the long process, meant when the term paradigm shift is used colloquially: the change of worldview, without reference to the specificities of Kuhn's historical argument.
In a 2015 retrospective on Kuhn, the philosopher Marti
Carl Davidson is a former student leader of the New Left of the 1960s, serving as a Vice President and National Secretary of Students for a Democratic Society. From 1968 to 1976, he worked on the Guardian newsweekly as a news editor. Born in 1943, he graduated with a B. A. in philosophy from Penn State, taught and did graduate work at the University of Nebraska, between 1965 and 1966. Today he is a national co-chair of the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism and a national board member of Solidarity Economy Network, advocating a mixture of market socialism and worker ownership. Davidson led Progressives for Obama, now called Progressive America Rising, as an independent left-progressive initiative, in part to convince those on the radical left to pursue what he considers more pragmatic alternatives, he has worked on a leadership level with United for Peace and Justice and its local affiliates. After organizing for many years in New York City and Chicago, he now resides in Beaver County, PA, near Pittsburgh, where he was born and raised.
Davidson, Carl. CyberRadicalism: A New Left for a Global Age. Lulu.com. P. 310. ISBN 1411640071. Davidson, Carl. Stopping War, Seeking Justice. Lulu.com. P. 114. ISBN 141163800X. Davidson, Carl. Revolutionary Youth And The New Working Class. Lulu.com. P. 282. ISBN 1257999478. Davidson, Carl. New Paths to Socialism. Lulu.com. P. 134. ISBN 1257820354. Left in Form, Right in Essence A Critique of Contemporary Trotskyism by Carl Davidson. Second printing Spring 1974; this pamphlet was published as a series of 12 articles in early 1973 in the Guardian newsweekly. Solidarity Economy by Carl Davidson et al. Essays and discussions at 2007 World Social Forum in Atlanta. CyberRadicalism: A New Left for a Global Age by Carl Davidson and Jerry Harris. Essays on the social impact of technology on Marxism and 21st century socialism, written between 1995 and 2005. Http://www.linkedin.com/in/carldavidson https://web.archive.org/web/20090220233739/http://www.zmag.org/zspace/carldavidson http://carldavidson.blogspot.com/ http://30boxes.com/user/133173/CarlDavidson http://progressivesforobama.net/?s=Carl+Davidson http://SolidarityEconomy.
Net http://cc-ds.org http://theragblog.blogspot.com/search/label/Carl%20Davidson Thorne Dreyer's three one-hour Rag Radio interviews with Carl Davidson
Benito Amilcare Andrea Mussolini was an Italian politician and journalist, the leader of the National Fascist Party. He ruled Italy as Prime Minister from 1922 to 1943. Known as Il Duce, Mussolini was the founder of Italian Fascism. In 1912, Mussolini had been a leading member of the National Directorate of the Italian Socialist Party, but was expelled from the PSI for advocating military intervention in World War I, in opposition to the party's stance on neutrality. Mussolini served in the Royal Italian Army during the war until he was wounded and discharged in 1917. Mussolini denounced the PSI, his views now centering on nationalism instead of socialism and founded the fascist movement which came to oppose egalitarianism and class conflict, instead advocating "revolutionary nationalism" transcending class lines. Following the March on Rome in October 1922, Mussolini became the youngest Prime Minister in Italian history until the appointment of Matteo Renzi in February 2014. After removing all political opposition through his secret police and outlawing labor strikes and his followers consolidated their power through a series of laws that transformed the nation into a one-party dictatorship.
Within five years, Mussolini had established dictatorial authority by both legal and extraordinary means and aspired to create a totalitarian state. In 1929, Mussolini signed the Lateran Treaty with the Vatican, ending decades of struggle between the Italian state and the Papacy, recognized the independence of Vatican City. After the Abyssinia Crisis of 1935–1936, Mussolini invaded Ethiopia in the Second Italo–Ethiopian War; the invasion was condemned by the Western powers and was answered with economic sanctions against Italy. Relations between Germany and Italy improved due to Hitler's support of the invasion. In 1936, Mussolini surrendered Austria to the German sphere of influence, signed the treaty of cooperation with Germany and proclaimed the creation of a Rome–Berlin Axis. From 1936 through 1939, Mussolini provided huge amounts of military support to Franco's forces in the Spanish Civil War; this active intervention further distanced Italy from Britain. Mussolini had sought to delay a major war in Europe, but Germany invaded Poland on 1 September 1939, resulting in declarations of war by France and the UK and the start of World War II.
On 10 June 1940—with the Fall of France imminent—Italy entered the war on the side of Germany, though Mussolini was aware that Italy did not have the military capacity and resources to carry out a long war with the British Empire. He believed that after the imminent French armistice, Italy could gain territorial concessions from France, he could concentrate his forces on a major offensive in North Africa, where British and Commonwealth forces were outnumbered by Italian forces. However, the British government refused to accept proposals for a peace that would involve accepting Axis victories in Eastern and Western Europe. In October 1940, Mussolini sent Italian forces into Greece; the invasion failed and the following Greek counter-offensive pushed the Italians back to occupied Albania. The Greek debacle and simultaneous defeats against the British in North Africa reduced Italy to dependence on Germany. Beginning in June 1941, Mussolini sent Italian forces to participate in the invasion of the Soviet Union, Italy declared war on the United States in December.
In 1943, Italy suffered one disaster after another: by February the Red Army had destroyed the Italian Army in Russia. As a consequence, early on 25 July, the Grand Council of Fascism passed a motion of no confidence for Mussolini. After the king agreed the armistice with the allies, on 12 September 1943 Mussolini was rescued from captivity in the Gran Sasso raid by German paratroopers and Waffen-SS commandos led by Major Otto-Harald Mors. Adolf Hitler, after meeting with the rescued former dictator put Mussolini in charge of a puppet regime in northern Italy, the Italian Social Republic, informally known as the Salò Republic. In late April 1945, in the wake of near total defeat and his mistress Clara Petacci attempted to flee to Switzerland, but both were captured by Italian communist partisans and summarily executed by firing squad on 28 April 1945 near Lake Como, his body was taken to Milan, where it was hung upside down at a service station to publicly confirm his demise. Mussolini was born on 29 July 1883 in Dovia di Predappio, a small town in the province of Forlì in Romagna.
During the Fascist era, Predappio was dubbed "Duce's town" and Forlì was called "Duce's city", with pilgrims going to Predappio and Forlì to see the birthplace of Mussolini. Benito Mussolini's father, Alessandro Mussolini, was a blacksmith and a socialist, while his mother, was a devout Catholic schoolteacher. Owing to his father's political leanings, Mussolini was named Benito after liberal Mexican president Benito Juárez, while his middle names Andrea and Amilcare were from Italian socialists Andrea Costa and Amilcare Cipriani. Benito was the eldest of his parents' three children, his siblings Arnaldo and Edvige fol
The Principle of Hope
The Principle of Hope is a book by the Marxist philosopher Ernst Bloch, published in three volumes in 1954, 1955, 1959, in which the author explores utopianism, studying the utopian impulses present in art, literature and other forms of cultural expression, envisages a future state of absolute perfection. The Principle of Hope has become fundamental to dialogue between Marxists. Written between 1938 and 1947 in the United States, an enlarged and revised version of The Principle of Hope was published successively in three volumes in 1954, 1955, 1959. Bloch, who had emigrated to the United States in 1938, returned to Europe in 1949 and became a Professor of Philosophy in East Germany. Despite having supported the regime, Bloch came under attack for his philosophical unorthodoxy and support for greater cultural freedom in East Germany, publication of The Principle of Hope was delayed for political reasons; the philosopher Leszek Kołakowski calls The Principle of Hope Bloch's magnum opus, writing that it contains all his important ideas.
The work has been described as "monumental" by the philosopher Robert S. Corrington and the psychoanalyst Joel Kovel