Luis Batlle Berres
Luis Conrado Batlle y Berres was a Uruguayan political figure. Batlle Berres was a journalist and prominent member of the Uruguayan Colorado Party, he was selected — in hindsight, with far-reaching effect — to serve as Vice Presidential running-mate for Luis Tomás Berreta. He served as Vice President of Uruguay in 1947, succeeding Alberto Guani and held this office upon the death of President Berreta. Batlle Berres was the fourth person to hold the office of Vice President of Uruguay; the office dates from 1934. He was President of Uruguay from 1947 to 1951, being succeeded in the office by Andrés Martínez Trueba. Within the Colorado Party, he is now acknowledged for being the founder of the political branch known as Neo-Batllism. In this first period of Presidential office, the Vice President of Uruguay was Alfeo Brum. Batlle Berres was President of the National Council of Government of Uruguay from 1955 to 1956. Batlle thus both preceded and succeeded Andrés Martínez Trueba as President; the great great grandson of Catalan settlers from Sitges, Spain, he was the son of another political figure, Luis Batlle y Ordóñez, brother of ex president José Batlle.
His mother, Petrona Berres, died when he was still a small child. His father remarried but died soon after, in 1908; as a result, he went to live with his uncle, José Batlle y Ordóñez, the three-time President of Uruguay, his cousins César and Lorenzo Batlle Pacheco on the Piedras Blancas estate in the suburbs of Montevideo. In 1927, he married Matilde Ibáñez Tálice, with whom he had three children: the ex president Jorge Batlle, concert pianist Luis Batlle and Matilde Linda Batlle, the latter born in Argentina, he was a member of the Colorado Party. Sanguinetti, Julio María. Luis Batlle Berres. El Uruguay del optimismo. Montevideo: Taurus. List of political families#Uruguay Tomás Berreta#Death and succession
The Cisplatine War known as the Argentine-Brazilian War, was an armed conflict over an area known as Banda Oriental or the "Eastern Bank" in the 1820s between the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata and the Empire of Brazil in the aftermath of the United Provinces' independence from Spain. Led by José Gervasio Artigas, the region known as the Eastern Bank, in the Río de la Plata Basin, revolted against Spanish rule in 1811, against the backdrop of the 1810 May Revolution in Buenos Aires as well as the regional rebellions that followed in response to Buenos Aires' pretense of primacy over other regions of the viceroyalty. In the same context, the Portuguese Empire headquartered in Rio de Janeiro, took measures to solidify its hold on Rio Grande do Sul and to annex the region of the former Eastern Jesuit Missions. From 1814 on, the Eastern Province joined forces with the provinces of Santa Fe and Entre Rios in a loose confederation called the Federal League, which resisted Buenos Aires' authority.
After a series of banditry incidents in territory claimed by the Portuguese Empire, the Rio Grande do Sul, Portugal invaded the Eastern Bank in 1816. Artigas was defeated by the Luso-Brazilian troops in 1820 at the Battle of Tacuarembó; the Portuguese Empire formally annexed the Eastern Bank, under the name Cisplatina, with support from local elites. With the annexation, the Portuguese Empire now enjoyed strategic access to Río de la Plata and control of the estuary's main port, Montevideo. After Brazilian independence, in 1822, the Cisplatina became part of Brazil, it sent delegates to the 1823 Constitutional Convention and, under the 1824 Constitution, enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy, more so than other provinces of the Empire. While welcoming Portuguese intervention in the rogue Eastern province, the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata urged the local populace to rise up against Brazilian authority, giving them political and material support with a view to reestablishing sovereignty over the region.
Rebels led by Fructuoso Rivera and Juan Antonio Lavalleja carried on resistance against Brazilian rule. In 1825, a Congress of delegates from all over the Eastern Bank met in La Florida and declared independence from Brazil, while reaffirming its allegiance to the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata. In response, Brazil declared war on the United Provinces; the two navies which confronted each other in the River Plate and the South Atlantic were in many way opposites. Brazil was a major naval power with 96 warships and small, an extensive coastal trade and a large international trade carried on in British and American ships; the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata had similar international trading links but had few naval pretensions. Its navy consisted of a few gunboats for port defence. Both navies were short of indigenous sailors and relied on British - and, to a lesser extent - American and French officers and men, the most notable of which were the Argentine commander, the Irish born Admiral William Brown, the commander of the Brazilian inshore squadron, the English Commodore James Norton.
The strategy of the two nations reflected their respective positions. The Brazilians imposed a blockade on the River Plate and the trade of Buenos Aires, while the Argentines vainly attempted to defy the blockade using Brown’s squadron while unleashing a swarm of privateers to attack Brazilian seaborne commerce in the South Atlantic from their bases at Ensenada and more distant Carmen de Patagones; the Argentines gained some notable successes - most notably by defeating the Brazilian flotilla on the Uruguay River at the Battle of Juncal and by beating off a Brazilian attack on Carmen de Patagones. But by 1828, the superior numbers of Brazil’s blockading squadrons had destroyed Brown’s naval force at the Monte Santiago and was strangling the trade of Buenos Aires and the government revenue it generated. On land, the Argentine army crossed the River Plate and established its headquarters near the Uruguayan town of Durazno. General Carlos María de Alvear invaded a series of skirmishes followed.
Pedro I of Brazil planned a counteroffensive by late 1826, managed to gather a small army composed of Southern Brazil volunteers and European mercenaries. The recruiting effort was hampered by local rebellions throughout Brazil, which forced the Emperor to relinquish direct command of his Army, return to Rio de Janeiro and bestow command of the troops on Felisberto Caldeira Brant, Marquis of Barbacena; the Brazilian counteroffensive was stopped at the inconclusive Battle of Ituzaingó. While Brazilian troops were prevented from marching on to Buenos Aires, Argentine troops no longer managed to operate in Brazilian territory. Ituzaingó was the only battle of some magnitude in the whole war. A series of smaller clashes ensued, including the Battle of Sarandí, the naval Battles of Juncal and Monte Santiago. Scarcity of volunteers hampered the Brazilian response, by 1828 the war effort had become burdensome and unpopular in Brazil; that year, Rivera reconquered the territory of the former Eastern Jesuit Missions.
Battle of Sarandí: October 12, 1825 Battle of Ituzaingó: February 20, 1827 Battle of Juncal: February 8–9, 1827 Battle of Monte Santiago: April 7–8, 1827 The stalemate in the Cisplatine War was caused by the inability of the Argentine and Uruguayan land forces to capture major cities in Uruguay and Brazil, the severe economic consequences imposed by the Brazilian blockade of Buenos Aires, the lack of manpower for a full-scale Brazilian la
British invasions of the River Plate
The British invasions of the River Plate were a series of unsuccessful British attempts to seize control of areas in the Spanish colonial Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata that were located around the Río de la Plata in South America — in present-day Argentina and Uruguay. The invasions took place between 1806 and 1807, as part of the Napoleonic Wars, when Spain was an ally of Napoleonic France; the invasions occurred in two phases. A detachment from the British army occupied Buenos Aires for 46 days in 1806 before being expelled. In 1807, a second force stormed and occupied Montevideo, remaining for several months, a third force made a second attempt to take Buenos Aires. After several days of street fighting against the local militia and Spanish colonial army, in which half of the British forces were killed or wounded, the British were forced to withdraw; the social effects of the invasions are among the causes of the May Revolution. The criollos, who had so far been denied important positions, could get political strength through military roles.
The successful resistance with little help from Spain fostered the desire for self-determination. An open cabildo and the Royal Audience of Buenos Aires deposed the viceroy Rafael de Sobremonte and designated instead the French popular hero Santiago de Liniers, a unprecedented action: before that, the viceroy was only subject to the King of Spain himself, no one from the colonies had authority over him. Pedro de Mendoza founded the Ciudad de Nuestra Señora del Buen Ayre on 2 February 1536 as a Spanish settlement; the site was abandoned in 1541, but re-established in 1580 by Juan de Garay with the name Ciudad de la Santísima Trinidad y Puerto de Santa María del Buen Ayre, the city became one of the largest in the Americas. A Portuguese colony was founded nearby at Colonia del Sacramento in 1680. To deter Portuguese expansion, the Spanish founded Montevideo in 1726, Colonia was ceded to Spain under the Treaty of San Ildefonso in 1777, one year after the creation of the Spanish Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, the forerunner of modern Argentina.
The South Sea Company was granted trading concessions in South America in the time of Queen Anne, under the Treaty of Utrecht. The British had long harboured ambitions in South America, considering the estuary of the Río de la Plata as the most favourable location for a British colony; the Napoleonic Wars played a key role in the Rio de la Plata conflict and since the beginning of the conquest of the Americas, England had been interested in the riches of the region. The Peace of Basel in 1795 ended the war between France. In 1796, by the Second Treaty of San Ildefonso, Spain joined France in its war with Britain, thus giving Britain cause for military action against Spanish colonies. In 1805 Britain judged it the right moment after the defeat of the Franco-Spanish fleet at the Battle of Trafalgar; this battle forced Spain to reduce to a minimum its naval communications with its American colonies. Buenos Aires had been neglected by Spain, which sent most of its ships to the more economically important city of Lima.
The last time a significant Spanish military force had arrived in Buenos Aires had been in 1784. There were six Anglo-Spanish Wars from 1702 to 1783, most of which lasted for several years and Britain had long harboured interests in taking control of the region from the Spanish before the invasions. Back in 1711, John Pullen stated that the Río de la Plata was the best place in the world for making a British colony, his proposal included Santa Fe and Asunción, would have generated an agricultural area with Buenos Aires as the main port. Admiral Vernon declared the benefit of opening markets in those areas in 1741. By 1780 the British government approved a project of colonel William Fullarton to take the Americas with attacks from both the Atlantic and the Pacific; this project was cancelled. In 1789 the war between Britain and Spain seemed imminent after the Nootka Crisis; the Venezuelan revolutionary Francisco de Miranda took the opportunity to appear before prime Minister William Pitt with his proposal to emancipate the New World territories under Portuguese and Spanish rule and turn them into a great independent empire governed by a descendant of the Incas.
The plan presented in London requested the assistance of the United Kingdom and the United States to militarily occupy the major South American cities, ensuring that the people would greet the British cordially and would be rushing to organize sovereign governments. In return for this help, Britain would receive the benefits of unrestricted trade and usufruct of the Isthmus of Panama, in order to build a channel for the passage of ships. Pitt began to organize the expedition; the Nootka Convention in 1790 ended hostilities, the Miranda mission was canceled. Nicholas Vansittart made a new proposal in 1796: the plan was to take Buenos Aires move to Chile and attack from there the Spanish stronghold of El Callao in Peru; this proposal was canceled the following year, but was improved by Thomas Maitland in 1800 as the Maitland Plan. The new plan was to seize control of Buenos Aires with 4,000 soldiers and 1,500 cavalry, move to Mendoza, prepare a military expedition to cross the Andes and conquer Chile.
From there, the British would move from sea to seize Peru and Quito. All these proposals were discussed in 1804 by William Pitt, Lord Henry Melville, Francisco de Miranda and Sir Home Riggs Popham. Popham did not believe a complete military occupation of South America was practical but argued for taking control of key locations to allow the main objective, to open new markets for the British economy. Although there was consensus for weakening Spa
José Gervasio Artigas
José Gervasio Artigas Arnal was a national hero of Uruguay, sometimes called "the father of Uruguayan nationhood". Artigas was born in Montevideo on June 19, 1764, his grandparents were from Zaragoza, Buenos Tenerife. His grandparents fought in the War of the Spanish Succession and moved to the Americas to escape from poverty, settling in Buenos Aires in 1716. Artigas was the son of Martín José Artigas and Francisca Antonia Arnal, who came from a wealthy family, his parents enrolled him in the Colegio de San Bernardino, to pursue religious studies, but Artigas refused to submit to the school's strict discipline. Before he left the school, he developed a strong friendship with Fernando Otorgues, who would work with him in years. At the age of 12, he worked on his family's farms, his contact with the customs and perspectives of gauchos and Indians made a great impression on him. Once he had come of age, he distanced himself from his parents and became involved in cattle smuggling; this made him a wanted man with the government in Montevideo.
A reward was put out for his death. Things changed with the opening of the Anglo-Spanish War, the threat of a British attack upon the viceroyalty; the viceroy Antonio de Olaguer y Feliú negotiated a pardon with his family, on the condition that he joined the Corps of Blandengues with a hundred men, to form a battalion. Thus, he began his military career at age 33, with the rank of lieutenant; the attack came in 1806, when William Beresford invaded Buenos Aires, in the first British invasions of the Río de la Plata. Although Artigas's unit was tasked with patrolling the frontier with Brazil, he requested to take part in the military expedition that Santiago de Liniers launched from Montevideo to drive the British out of Buenos Aires, his request was granted, the British were defeated. After the liberation of Buenos Aires, he was tasked with returning to Montevideo and informing the governor Pascual Ruiz Huidobro of the result of the battle. A second British attack aimed to capture Montevideo, captured in the Battle of Montevideo.
Artigas was taken prisoner. He began a guerrilla war against the invaders; the British tried to capture Buenos Aires a second time, but were defeated by the local armies, returned Montevideo to Spanish control as part of the terms of capitulation. Artigas was promoted to captain in 1809; the ideas of the Age of Enlightenment and the outbreak of the Peninsular War in Spain, along with the capture of King Ferdinand VII, generated political turbulence all across the Spanish Empire. The absence of the king from the throne and the new ideas of the Enlightenment sparked the Spanish American wars of independence, between patriots and royalists. Artigas, who thought that the gauchos were not treated well, supported the new ideas. Buenos Aires deposed the viceroy in 1810, during the May Revolution, replacing him with the Primera Junta. Mariano Moreno, secretary of war, wrote at the Operations plan that Artigas would be a decisive ally against the royalists in Montevideo, called him for an interview. However, by the time Artigas arrived in Buenos Aires, Moreno had left the government.
He received little help. He was promoted to colonel and received some weapons, money and 150 men little to organize a rebellion at the Banda Oriental; this was the last time. Spain declared Buenos Aires a rogue city, appointed Montevideo as the new capital, with Francisco Javier de Elío as the new viceroy; the city had financial problems, the measures taken by Elío to maintain the royalist armies were unpopular in the countryside. This allowed Artigas to channel the popular discontent against the colonial authorities. A hundred men met near the Asencio stream and made the cry of Asencio, a pronunciamiento against the viceroy, they captured many villages in the Banda Oriental, such as Mercedes, Santo Domingo, Maldonado, Paso del Rey, Santa Teresa and San José. They captured Gualeguay, Gualeguaychú and Arroyo de la China, at the west of the Uruguay river. Elío sent some soldiers to kill Artigas, he sent Manuel Villagrán, a relative of Artigas, to offer him the pardon and appoint him general and military leader of the Banda Oriental if he gave up the rebellion.
Artigas considered the offer an insult, sent Villagrán prisoner to Buenos Aires. Montevideo was soon surrounded by Artigas's forces. A Montevidean army tried to stop the patriots at the Battle of Las Piedras, but they were defeated, the city was put to siege. José Rondeau, commanding forces from Buenos Aires, joined the siege. Artigas wanted to attack the city right away, but Rondeau thought that there would be less loss of lives by establishing a blockade and waiting for the city to surrender. However, the besiegers did not consider the naval forces of Montevideo, who kept the city supplied and enabled them to endure the blockade. On the verge of defeat, Elío allied himself with Brazilian forces, requesting their intervention in the conflict. Dom Diogo de Sousa entered into the Banda Oriental; this added to the Argentinian defeat of Manuel Belgrano at the Paraguay campaign, the defeat of Juan José Castelli at the First Upper Peru campaign and the Montevidean naval blockade of Buenos Aires. Fearing a complete defeat, Buenos Air
To be in exile means to be away from one's home, while either being explicitly refused permission to return or being threatened with imprisonment or death upon return. In Roman law, exsilium denoted both voluntary exile and banishment as a capital punishment alternative to death. Deportation was forced exile, entailed the lifelong loss of citizenship and property. Relegation was a milder form of deportation, which preserved the subject's property; the terms diaspora and refugee describe group exile, both voluntary and forced, "government in exile" describes a government of a country that has relocated and argues its legitimacy from outside that country. Voluntary exile is depicted as a form of protest by the person who claims it, to avoid persecution and prosecution, an act of shame or repentance, or isolating oneself to be able to devote time to a particular pursuit. Article 9 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that "No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile."
In some cases the deposed head of state is allowed to go into exile following a coup or other change of government, allowing a more peaceful transition to take place or to escape justice. A wealthy citizen who moves to a jurisdiction with lower taxes is termed a tax exile. Creative people such as authors and musicians who achieve sudden wealth sometimes choose this solution. Examples include the British-Canadian writer Arthur Hailey, who moved to the Bahamas to avoid taxes following the runaway success of his novels Hotel and Airport, the English rock band the Rolling Stones who, in the spring of 1971, owed more in taxes than they could pay and left Britain before the government could seize their assets. Members of the band all moved to France for a period of time where they recorded music for the album that came to be called Exile on Main Street, the Main Street of the title referring to the French Riviera. In 2012, Eduardo Saverin, one of the founders of Facebook, made headlines by renouncing his U.
S. citizenship before his company's IPO. The dual Brazilian/U. S. Citizen's decision to move to Singapore and renounce his citizenship spurred a bill in the U. S. Senate, the Ex-PATRIOT Act, which would have forced such wealthy tax exiles to pay a special tax in order to re-enter the United States. In some cases a person voluntarily lives in exile to avoid legal issues, such as litigation or criminal prosecution. An example of this is Asil Nadir, who fled to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus for 17 years rather than face prosecution in connection with the failed £1.7 bn company Polly Peck in the United Kingdom. Examples include: Iraqi academics asked to return home "from exile" to help rebuild Iraq in 2009 Jews who fled persecution from Nazi Germany People undertaking a religious or civil liberties role in society may be forced into exile due to threat of persecution. For example, nuns were exiled following the Communist coup d'état of 1948 in Czechoslovakia, it is an alternative theory developed by a young anthropologist, Balan in 2018.
According to him, comfortable exile is a “social exile of people who have been excluded from the mainstream society. Such people are considered “aliens” or internal “others” on the grounds of their religious, ethnic, linguistic or caste-based identity and therefore they migrate to a comfortable space elsewhere after having risked their lives to restore representation and civil rights in their own country and capture a comfortable identity to being part of a dominant religion, society or culture.” When a large group, or a whole people or nation is exiled, it can be said that this nation is in exile, or "diaspora". Nations that have been in exile for substantial periods include the Jews, who were deported by Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II in 586 BC and again following the destruction of the second Temple in Jerusalem in AD 70. Many Jewish prayers include a yearning to return to the Jewish homeland. After the partitions of Poland in the late 18th century, following the uprisings against the partitioning powers, many Poles have chosen – or been forced – to go into exile, forming large diasporas in France and the United States.
The entire population of Crimean Tatars that remained in their homeland Crimea was exiled on 18 May 1944 to Central Asia as a form of ethnic cleansing and collective punishment on false accusations. At Diego Garcia, between 1967 and 1973 the British Government forcibly removed some 2,000 Chagossian resident islanders to make way for a military base today jointly operated by the US and UK. Since the Cuban Revolution over one million Cubans have left Cuba. Most of these self-identify as exiles as their motivation for leaving the island is political in nature, it is to be noted that at the time of the Cuban Revolution, Cuba only had a population of 6.5 million, was not a country that had a history of significant emigration, it being the sixth largest recipient of immigrants in the world as of 1958. Most of the exiles' children consider themselves to be Cuban exiles, it is to be noted that under Cuban law, children of Cubans born abroad are considered Cuban citizens. During a foreign occupation or after a coup d'état, a government in exile of a such afflicted country may be established abroad.
One of the most well-known instances of this is the Polish government-in-exile, a government in exile that commanded Polish armed forces operating outside Poland after German occupation during World War II. Other examples include the Free French Forces government of Charles De Gaulle of the same time, the Central Tibetan A
The Paraná Delta is the delta of the Paraná River in Argentina and it consists of several islands known as the Islas del Paraná. The Paraná flows north–south and becomes an alluvial basin between the Argentine provinces of Entre Ríos, Santa Fe and Buenos Aires emptying into the Río de la Plata, it covers about 14,000 square kilometres and starts to form between the cities of Santa Fe and Rosario, where the river splits into several arms, creating a network of islands and wetlands. Most of it is in the jurisdiction of Entre Ríos Province, parts in the north of Buenos Aires Province; the Paraná Delta is conventionally divided into three parts: the Upper Delta, from the Diamante – Puerto Gaboto line to Villa Constitución. The total length of the delta is about 320 kilometres, its width varies between 18 and 60 kilometres, it carries 160 million tonnes of suspended sediment and advances from 50 to 90 metres per year over the Río de la Plata. It is the world's only river delta, in contact not with the sea but with another river.
The Lower Delta was the site of the first modern settlements in the Paraná-Plata basin and is today densely populated, being the agricultural and industrial core of Argentina and host to several major ports. The main course of the Paraná lies on the west of the delta, is navigable downstream from Puerto General San Martín by ships up to Panamax kind. Among the many arms of the river are the Paraná Pavón, the Paraná Ibicuy, the Paraná de las Palmas, the Paraná Guazú and the smaller Paraná Miní and Paraná Bravo; the Paraná Pavón is the first major branch. It has a meandering course that starts opposite Villa Constitución. Between the main Paraná and the Paraná Pavón lie the Lechiguanas Islands; the Paraná Pavón flows east and turns south to be continued by the Ibicuy, which itself gives origin to the smaller Paranacito River, a tributary of the Uruguay River that passes by Villa Paranacito. The Paraná de las Palmas starts around the mouth of the Paraná Ibicuy, downstream from Baradero, flowing west into the province of Buenos Aires and turning southeast again.
The main course is continued by the other major branch, the Paraná Guazú. In turn, the Paraná Guazú sprouts two east-flowing branches in the territory of Entre Ríos: first the Paraná Bravo, the Paraná Miní. Due to the low elevation and the ubiquitous presence of water, the Paraná delta is subject to a particular climate within the climate zones of the Pampas; as in the entire region, there are four distinct seasons. Summers are hot and muggy. Heat waves are common, yet they are not as intense as in central Argentina, temperatures will not go much above 36 °C, although they have reached 40 °C in the past. Thunderstorms can bring heavy rain and much cooler weather; as in the entire Pampas region, summers are "cut" by short, cool periods when southerly Pampero winds blow. March is noticeably cooler than the summer, April is characterized by pleasant weather: highs range from 21 °C to 25 °C, nights from 10 °C to 14 °C, May is generally cool, with chilly nights. Winter runs from late May to late August.
Temperatures range from 13 °C to 18 °C, while nights go from 3 °C to 7 °C, with lower precipitation but higher cloudiness and common fog. As in the entire Pampas region, there are brief, mild spells in the winter when the temperatures might reach 25 °C, followed by much colder weather and frosty nights. Temperatures reach 0 °C several times a year, yet they fall much lower than -3 °C, with record lows approaching -7 °C; however speaking, the windy, humid weather makes it feel chillier than indicated by real temperatures. Spring is delightful, yet sudden changes may occur: summer-like and winter-like temperatures alternate, there may be a large difference between day and night temperatures, it is the season most prone to violent weather. October has the same average temperatures as April, with cooler nights, yet extremes of heat and cold are more likely: frost may occur, as may temperatures of 35 °C, sometimes within the same week. Precipitation in the region ranges from 1,000 to 1,400 millimetres, with two peaks in late spring / early summer, late summer / early fall, a drier, yet cloudier winter.
The flood plain of the river is part of the Paraná Delta and Islands Ecoregion. The original ecosystem in the Lower Delta, has been modified by deforestation, hunting and the introduction of foreign species of flora, as well as damaged by domestic and industrial pollution, it hosts species such as the marsh deer, the capybara, the neotropical river otter, the Pampas cat, the jaguar, the coypu and the red-faced guan, some of them endangered. The Predelta National Park, created in 1992, protects a sample of the Upper Delta, it is in the southwest of Entre Ríos, 6 kilometres south of Diamante, has an area of 24.58 square kilometres, occupied by low-lying islands subject to flooding, as well as lagoons and swamps. The Paraná Delta Biosphere Reserve is composed of the second and third se
1973 Uruguayan coup d'état
The 1973 Uruguayan coup d'état took place in Uruguay on 27 June 1973 and marked the beginning of the civic-military dictatorship which lasted until 1985. President Juan María Bordaberry closed parliament, ruled with the assistance of a junta of military generals; the official reason was to crush a Marxist urban guerrilla movement. The leftist trade union federations called a general occupation of factories; the strike lasted just over two weeks. It was exiled to Argentina; as part of the coup all associations including trade unions were banned. Unions and political parties remained illegal until a general strike in 1984 forced the military to accept civilian rule and the restoration of democracy in 1985. On September 9, 1971, President Jorge Pacheco Areco instructed the armed forces to conduct anti-guerrilla operations against the Movimiento de Liberación Nacional-Tupamaros. On December 16th, a Junta of Commanders in Chief and of the Estado Mayor Conjunto of the Armed Forces was created. Following the presidential elections of November 1971 a new government took office on 1 March 1972 led by Juan Maria Bordaberry.
The role of the Armed Forces in political life continued to increase. On October 31, 1972, Defense Minister Augusto Legnani, had to resign for failing to remove a chief in charge of a mission of great importance for the ministry. Subsequently, military commanders made public statements indicting the President of the Republic. On February 8, 1973, in order to control the buildup of military pressure, President Bordaberry substituted the Minister of National Defence, Armando Malet, by the retired general Antonio Francese. In the following day, the new minister met with the commanders of the three forces and only found support in the Navy. At eight o'clock of the same evening, the commanders of the Army and the Air Forces announced from state television they would disavow any orders by Francese and demanded that Bordaberry sack him. At 10:30 pm Bordaberry announced from the Canal 4 that he would keep Francese in the Ministry and called on the citizens to gather in Plaza Independencia, in front of Government House.
In the early hours of the morning of February 9, Navy Infantry barricaded the entrance towards the Ciudad Vieja of Montevideo. In response, the Army pulled its tanks into the streets and occupied various radio stations, from which they exhorted the members of the Navy to join their initiatives. Decree No. 4 was issued, signed only by the commanders of the Army and Air Force, in which they posed in achieving or promoting socio-economic objectives, such as to encourage exports, reorganize the foreign service, eliminate the oppressive foreign debt, eradicate unemployment, attack illicit economics and corruption, reorganize public administration and the tax system and redistribute the land. On Saturday 10 February, three ministers sought a rapprochement with the positions of the rebel commanders, so that the president would retain his position. At night, the commanders of the Army and Air Force issued a new Decree N° 7, that somehow relativized the previous statement. Several officers of the Navy ignored the command of Vice Admiral Juan José Zorrilla and supported the statements of the Army and Air Force.
The next day, February 11, Zorrilla resigned from the Navy Command, while Captain Conrad Olazaba assumed this position, so that this force abandoned its constitutional position. On Monday February 12, Bordaberry went to the Base Aérea "Cap. Juan Manuel Boiso Lanza" and accepted all the demands of the military commanders and negotiated his continuation in the presidency, in what became known as the Pacto de Boiso Lanza; this "agreement" entrusted to the Armed Forces the mission of providing security for national development and established forms of military involvement in the political-administrative matters. This agreement resulted in the creation of the National Security Council, advisory body to the Executive Power, subsequently established by Decree No. 163/973 of February 23 of 1973. The day after the "agreement", Néstor Bolentini was appointed as Minister of Interior and Walter Ravenna as Minister of National Defense; this completed the slide into a civil-military government, which formally ruled civilians but in fact the center of power had moved into the orbit of the military.
It is considered. On 27 June 1973, arguing that "the criminal act of conspiracy against the country, in tune with the complacency of politicians with no national sentiment, is inserted into the institutions, so as to present formally disguised as a legal activity", Bordaberry dissolved the legislature with the support of the Armed Forces, created a State Council with legislative and administrative functions, restricted freedom of thought and empowered the armed forces and the police to ensure the uninterrupted provision of public services. In a speech broadcast on radio and television on the same day of the coup, Bordaberry said: "I affirm today, once again, in circumstances of extreme importance to national life, our deep commitment to democracy and our unreserved commitment to a system of political and social organization governing the coexistence of Uruguayans, and together with this, the rejection of any ideology of Marxist origin attempting to exploit the generosity of our democracy, to appear as a doctrine of salvation and end as a tool of totalitarian oppression.
This step that we had to take, does not lead and will not limit the freedoms and rights of the human per