People's war called protracted people's war, is a Marxist military strategy first developed by the Chinese communist revolutionary leader Mao Zedong. The basic concept behind People's War is to maintain the support of the population and draw the enemy deep into the countryside where the population will bleed them dry through a mix of mobile warfare and guerrilla warfare, it was used by the Communists against the Imperial Japanese Army in World War II and by the Chinese Soviet Republic in the Chinese Civil War. The term is used by Maoists for their strategy of long-term armed revolutionary struggle. After the Sino-Vietnamese War in 1979, Deng Xiaoping abandoned People's War for "People's War under Modern Conditions", which moved away from reliance on troops over technology. With the adoption of "socialism with Chinese characteristics", economic reforms fueled military and technological investment. Troop numbers were reduced and professionalisation encouraged; the strategy of people's war was used by the Viet Cong in the Vietnam War.
However protracted war should not be confused with the "foco" theory employed by Che Guevara and Fidel Castro in the Cuban Revolution of 1959. In its original formulation by Mao Zedong, people's war exploits the few advantages that a small revolutionary movement has—broad-based popular support can be one of them—against a state's power with a large, well-equipped and well-funded army. People's war strategically avoids decisive battles, since a tiny force of a few dozen soldiers would be routed in an all-out confrontation with the state. Instead, it favours a three-stage strategy of protracted warfare, with chosen battles that can realistically be won. In stage one, the revolutionary force conducting people's war starts in a remote area with mountainous or forested terrain in which its enemy is weak, it attempts to establish a local stronghold known as a revolutionary base area. As it grows in power, it enters stage two, establishes other revolutionary base areas and spreads its influence through the surrounding countryside, where it may become the governing power and gain popular support through such programmes as land reform.
In stage three, the movement has enough strength to encircle and capture small cities larger ones, until it seizes power in the entire country. Within the Chinese Red Army, the concept of people's war was the basis of strategy against the Japanese, against a hypothetical Soviet invasion of China; the concept of people's war became less important with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the increasing possibility of conflict with the United States over Taiwan. In the 1980s and 1990s the concept of people's war was changed to include more high-technology weaponry. Historian David Priestland dates the beginning of the policy of people's war to the publication of a "General Outline for Military Work" in May 1928, by Chinese Central Committee; this document established official military strategies to the Chinese Red Army during the Chinese civil war. Outside China, the people's war doctrine has been successful in Cuba and Nicaragua, but unsuccessful elsewhere in which the government has the will and the means to break up the movement before it can establish base areas.
Outside China, people's war has been basis of wars started in Peru on May 2, 1982, in the Nepalese Civil War begun on February 9, 1999. A group of Peruvian Maoists known as the Shining Path at times controlled significant parts of the country during the internal conflict in Peru, but they were dealt a blow by the arrest of their leader Abimael Guzmán in 1992. While they claim to consider this event only a "bend in the road", most independent sources have claimed them to be in decline since that time. By all accounts, at the height of the conflict in Peru, both the Shining Path and the Peruvian government used terror tactics against the civilian population in the countryside. Government tactics included sponsorship of death squads; this has made it difficult to get any objective measure of support among the peasantry for either the government or the Maoist insurgents, since such tactics on both sides are liable to intimidate people, but unlikely to win hearts and minds. In Nepal, the Maoists succeeded in controlling most of the country and formed 100,000 troops into 3 divisions in what they called the "beginning of the strategic offensive".
The Nepalese rebels resorted to conscription, a practice that Mao himself opposed. By aligning with the democracy movement, with the subsequent restoration of democracy, a peace agreement with the government, the Maoist insurgency met sufficient success to allow the formation of a coalition government in 2008. In India, the Naxalite Maoist insurgency controls several rural districts in the eastern and southern regions in Andhra Pradesh and Jharkhand. In the Philippines the Communist Party of the Philippines is waging an enduring people's war through its armed wing, the New People's Army, the Turkish TKP/ML and its armed wing TiKKO has been waging a People's War in Turkey since 1972. During the 1980s in Ireland, IRA leader Jim Lynagh devised a Maoist urban guerilla military strategy adapted to Irish conditions aimed at escalating the war against British forces; the plan envisaged the destruction of police and army bases in parts of Northern Ireland in order to create liberated areas under IRA control.
In 1984 he started cooperating with Pádraig McKearney. The strategy began materializing with the destruction of two Royal Ulster Constabu
Chin Peng, former OBE, born Ong Boon Hua was a Malayan communist politician, a long-time leader of the Malayan Communist Party. A determined anti-colonialist, he led the party's guerrilla insurgency in the Malayan Emergency, fighting against British and Commonwealth forces in an attempt to establish an independent communist state. After the MCP's defeat and subsequent Malayan independence, Chin waged a second campaign against Malaya and, after 1963, the new state of Malaysia in an attempt to replace its government with a communist one from exile, until signing the Peace Agreement of Hat Yai 1989 with the Malaysian government in 1989. Chin Peng died in Bangkok, Thailand. Prior to his death, he was living in exile in Thailand. Chin Peng was born on 21 October 1924 into a middle-class family in the small seaside town of Sitiawan, in Perak state, Malaya, his father went to live in Sitiawan in 1920. He set up a bicycle and spare motor parts business with the help of a relative from Singapore. Chin Peng attended a Chinese language school in Sitiawan.
In 1937 he joined the Chinese Anti Enemy Backing Up Society, formed that year to send aid to China in response to Japan's aggression. According to Chin and Hack, he was not a communist then, he was in charge of anti-Japanese activities at his school, was a supporter of Sun Yat-sen. By early 1939 he had embraced Communism, he planned to go to Yan'an, the renowned communist base in China, but was persuaded to remain in Malaya and take on heavier responsibilities in the newly formed Malayan Communist Party. In late 1939, when Chin Peng was at 4th year of his Secondary school education, his school announced that the Senior Middle section was to be closed due to lack of funds, he decided to continue his education in the Methodist-run Anglo-Chinese Continuation School, which operated in English, because it provided a good cover for his underground activities. He did not want to have to move to Singapore to continue with his education in Chinese, he left the school "for fear of British harassment" after just 6 months He was now focused on his political activities and became, from that point on, a full-time revolutionary.
In January 1940 he was put in charge of three anti-Japanese organisations that were targeting students, members of cultural activities and general labourers. At the end of January 1940 he was admitted to the Malayan Communist Party as a member. Harassment by the authorities led him to leave his home town for Kuala Kangsar in July 1940.. He spent a month in Taiping. In September 1940 the party posted him to Ipoh as a Standing committee member for Perak. In December he attained full Party membership. In early 1941 AEBUS was dissolved. Chin Peng became Ipoh District committee member of the Party. "He led student underground cells of three Chinese secondary schools and the Party's organisations of the shop assistants, domestic servants of European families, workers at brick kilns and barbers." In June 1941 he became a member of the Perak State Committee. Chin Peng rose to prominence during World War II when many Chinese Malayans took to the jungle to fight a guerrilla war against the Japanese; these fighters, inspired by the example of the Communist Party of China, became known as the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army.
Chin Peng became the British military in South-East Asia. The Japanese invasion of Malaya began in December 1941. In 1942 Chin was the youngest of three members of the Secretariat of the Perak State Committee: Su Yew Meng was secretary and Chang Meng Ching was the other member. In early 1943 the two senior members were captured by the Japanese. Contact with the Party's Central Committee had been lost. Lai Tek, the Party leader, sent another Central Committee member, Lee Siow Peng, to replace Chin as State Secretary. However, Lee Siow Peng was captured not long after, while travelling to a meeting, to be held in Singapore, thus the job of establishing contact with the British commando Force 136 fell to Chin Peng. The first party of that force, consisting of Capt. John Davis and five Chinese agents, had landed in Malaya on 24 May 1943, by submarine. Chin Peng made contact with this armed group on 30 September 1943, he was active in his support for the British stay-behind troops, but had no illusions about their failure to protect Malaya against the Japanese.
In the course of this activity, he came into contact with Freddie Spencer Chapman, who called him a'true friend' in his Malayan jungle memoir,'The Jungle Is Neutral'. Because of his services during the war, Chin was awarded an OBE, a mention in despatches and two campaign medals by Britain, he was elected the Secretary General of the Communist Party of Malaya after the betrayal of previous leader Lai Tek who turned out to be an agent for both the British and the Japanese and had denounced the leadership of the Party to the Japanese secret police. Chin Peng was the most senior surviving member. In 1948, the Federation of Malaya Plan replaced the Malayan Union plan, frustrating the CPM as they felt the plan was undemocratic and biased towards the Malay elites, they accused the British for forcing the Federation idea on the people by portr
The Sino-Soviet split was the breaking of political relations between the People's Republic of China and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, caused by doctrinal divergences that arose from their different interpretations and practical applications of Marxism–Leninism, as influenced by their respective geopolitics during the Cold War. In the late 1950s and the early 1960s, Sino-Soviet debates about the interpretation of Orthodox Marxism became specific disputes about the Soviet Union's policies of national de-Stalinization and international peaceful coexistence with the Western world. Against that political background, the international relations of the PRC featured official belligerence towards the West, an initial, public rejection of the Soviet policy of peaceful coexistence between the Eastern bloc and the Western bloc, which Mao Zedong said was Marxist revisionism by the Russian communists. In 1956, Nikita Khrushchev denounced Stalin and Stalinism in the speech On the Cult of Personality and its Consequences and began the de-Stalinization of the USSR, whilst the PRC and the USSR progressively diverged in their interpretations of and practical applications of Marxism.
Among the Eastern Bloc countries, the Sino-Soviet split was a question of who would lead the revolution for world communism: China or Russia, to whom would the vanguard parties of the world turn for political advice, financial aid, military assistance? In that vein, the USSR and the PRC competed for the ideological leadership of world communism, through the communist parties native to the countries in their spheres of influence. In the Western world, the Sino–Soviet split transformed the geopolitics of the bi-polar cold war into a tri-polar cold war. Moreover, the Sino-Soviet split voided the Western political perception that "monolithic communism", the Eastern Bloc, was a unitary actor in geopolitics during the 1947–1950 period in the Vietnam War, which led to U. S. military intervention to the First Indochina War. The ideological Sino-Soviet split facilitated the Marxist–Leninist Realpolitik by which Mao established the tri-polar geopolitics of the late-period Cold War. In the course of the Second World War, the Communist Party of China and the nationalist Kuomintang party set aside their civil war in order to fight and expel Imperial Japan from China.
To that end, the leader of the USSR, Joseph Stalin, ordered Mao Zedong, leader of the CPC, to co-operate with Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, leader of the KMT, in fighting the Second Sino-Japanese War. Following the surrender of Japan, the CPC and the KMT resumed their civil war, from which the CPC emerged victorious. At war's end, Stalin advised Mao to not seize political power at that time, instead, to collaborate with Chiang due to the USSR–KMT Treaty of Friendship and Alliance. Yet, three months after the Japanese surrender, in November 1945, when Chiang opposed the annexation of Tannu Uriankhai to the USSR, Stalin broke the treaty requiring the Red Army's withdrawal from Manchuria and ordered General Rodion Malinovsky to give to the Chinese communists the spoils of war captured from the Imperial Japanese Army. In the post-war 1945–1950 period, the United States had financed the KMT, his nationalist political party, the National Revolutionary Army, his armed forces in the civil war. S. sent General George Marshall to broker peace between the communist and anti-communist belligerents.
In the concluding, three-year period of the Chinese Civil War, between the KMT and the CPC, the Chinese Communist Revolution defeated and expelled the KMT from mainland China. The KMT retreated to Taiwan, where Gen. Chiang Kai-shek established the Republic of China, in 1950; as a theoretician of Communism seeking to realise a socialist state in China, Mao developed and adapted the urban ideology of Orthodox Marxism for practical application to the agrarian conditions of pre-industrial China and the Chinese people. Mao's Sinification of Marx, Socialism with Chinese characteristics, established political pragmatism as the first priority for realising the accelerated modernisation of a country and a people. In 1947, whilst fighting the Chinese Communist Revolution against the KMT nationalists, Mao despatched the American journalist Anna Louise Strong to the West, bearing political documents explaining China's socialist future, asked that she "show them to Party leaders in the United States and Europe", for their better understanding of the Chinese Communist Revolution, but that it was not "necessary to take them to Moscow".
Mao trusted Strong because of her positive reportage about him, as a theoretician of Communism, in the article "The Thought of Mao Tse-Tung", about t
Xi Jinping Thought
Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era known as Xi Jinping Thought, is a political theory derived from the Chinese Communist Party General Secretary Xi Jinping. The thought consists of a 14-point basic policy as follows: Ensuring Communist Party of China leadership over all forms of work in China; the Communist Party of China should take a people-centric approach for the public interest. The continuation of "comprehensive deepening of reforms". Adopting new science-based ideas for "innovative, green and shared development". Following "socialism with Chinese characteristics" with "people as the masters of the country". Governing China with Rule of Law. "Practice socialist core values", including Marxism and socialism with Chinese characteristics. "Improving people's livelihood and well-being is the primary goal of development". Coexist well with nature with "energy conservation and environmental protection" policies and "contribute to global ecological safety".
Strengthen national security. The Communist Party of China should have "absolute leadership over" China's People's Liberation Army. Promoting the one country, two systems system for Hong Kong and Macau with a future of "complete national reunification" and to follow the One-China policy and 1992 Consensus for Taiwan. Establish a common destiny between Chinese people and other people around the world with a "peaceful international environment". Improve party discipline in the Communist Party of China; the first official mention of the term was at the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and it has been developed since 2012 after Xi became General Secretary of the Communist Party of China. The 19th Congress affirmed the ideology as a guiding political and military ideology of the Communist Party of China; the affirmation received unanimous support as every delegate voted to approve by raising hands when Xi asked their opinions on the Congress. The incorporation made Xi the third Chinese leader after Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping whose names appeared in the list of fundamental doctrines of the CPC, which raised Xi above his two most recent predecessors, former General Secretaries Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin.
In his report, Xi promised to make China strong, propelling the country into a "new era". Xi first made mention of the Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in the opening day speech delivered to the 19th Party Congress in October 2017. In their own reviews of Xi's keynote address at the Congress, his Politburo Standing Committee colleagues prepended the name "Xi Jinping" in front of "Thought". Xi himself has described the thought as part of the broad framework created around socialism with Chinese characteristics, a Dengist term that places China in the "primary stage of socialism". In official party documentation and pronouncements by Xi's colleagues, the thought is said to be a continuation of Marxism–Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, "the important thought of the Three Represents" and the scientific development perspective as part of a series of guiding ideologies that embody "Marxism adapted to Chinese conditions" and contemporary considerations.
At its closing session on 24 October, the 19th Party Congress approved the incorporation of Xi Jinping Thought into the Constitution of the Communist Party of China. Dozens of Chinese universities have established research institutes for Xi Jinping Thought after the Congress dedicated to advocating the incorporation of Xi Jinping Thought in all aspects of daily life; the concepts behind Xi Jinping Thought are elaborated in Xi's The Governance of China book series, published by the Foreign Languages Press for an international audience. Volume one was published in September 2014, followed by volume two in November 2017. On 27 November, more than 100 of China's top filmmakers and pop stars were gathered for a day in Hangzhou to study the report of the 19th Party Congress featuring Xi Jinping Thought. In July 2018, the carriages of a train in Changchun Metro were decked out in red and dozens of Xi's quotes to celebrate the 97th anniversary of Communist Party of China; the train was described as a "highly condensed spiritual manual" of Xi Jinping Thought by the local government.
Deng Xiaoping Theory General Secretary Xi Jinping important speech series Mao Zedong Thought Scientific Outlook on Development Three Represents Xi Jinping's Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New era. A course on edX by Tsinghua University
Ibrahim Kaypakkaya was a major leader of the Communist movement in Turkey and the founder of the Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist. Following the military memorandum of 1971, the Turkish government cracked down on the Communist movement in Turkey, they were successful in destroying the leadership of the TKP/ML. Kaypakkaya, several of his colleagues were arrested. Kaypakkaya was executed by shooting in prison in 1973 after being tortured for over 4 months, he is revered by many of his admirers today as a symbol of resistance. They describe him as an aggregator of the ideas and traits of other major leaders and thinkers in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Ibrahim Kaypakkaya was born in 1949, he was first exposed to revolutionary ideas as a student in the Physics Department of Istanbul University’s Faculty of Science. He became a member of the Revolutionary Peasants Party of Turkey, he joined in the foundation of the Çapa Idea Club in March 1968 and became the President of the club. In November 1968, Kaypakkaya was expelled from the University for preparing a leaflet against the visiting 6th Fleet of the U.
S. Navy. Kaypakkaya, who adopted the view of National Democratic Revolution, worked for the newspaper İşçi Köylü, he wrote articles in the magazines Aydınlık and TÜRKSOLU. Kaypakkaya split from Doğu Perinçek and his group, as he considered Perinçek to be a revisionist and an opportunist. Kaypakkaya, who participated in the struggle of peasantry, formed TİKKO, the armed wing of his Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist, carried out activities in the cities of Tunceli and Gaziantep. Kaypakkaya and his comrades interrogated and shot the informer village headman who caused the killing of THKO members Sinan Cemgil and his two other comrades by the state forces during a gunfight. Kaypakkaya became a symbol of revolutionary solidarity and camaraderie to his supporters at the time of martial law. On 24 January 1973, Kaypakkaya and his allies were attacked by Turkish military forces in the mountains of Tunceli, he was wounded badly, his comrade Ali Haydar Yıldız died. The military left Kaypakkaya for dead.
During that winter, severe weather conditions and snow forced him to take shelter in a cave for five days. Thereafter, he left for a village; the man allowed Kaypakkaya to take shelter in a room but locked the door and reported him to the military. The military officers tortured Kaypakkaya under custody in Diyarbakır Prison, infamous for its brutal treatment of inmates, for four months. In one instance, he was tortured for two weeks after which he was forced to walk barefoot over 50 km snow and icy rivers from city to city. On 18 May 1973, he was tortured to the brink of death and shot and killed by military officers at the age of twenty-four, his corpse was cut up. The National Intelligence Organization reported that Kaypakkaya was the most dangerous revolutionary in Turkey and one of the most wanted due to his organizational ability that allowed him to single-handedly bring Communist ideas to Turkey. After his death, Kaypakkaya became a martyr for the Turkish Communist revolutionary movement by "choosing to die rather than give information."
Despite his young age, he was one of the most prominent Marxist theorists of Turkey. Kaypakkaya's most well known work is his critique of Kemalism, the state principles of Turkey, his thesis on the national question, notably the Kurdish question. Today, he is revered as a symbol of resistance in other countries, his doctrinal views were based on splitting away from the neighboring Soviet Union's ideology and taking up Maoism and supporting the Cultural Revolution. As such, Kaypakkaya's life was shaped by the Sino-Soviet split. Kaypakkaya took the position that there is a national question involved with the Kurdish people. Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist re-organized between 1973 and 1978; the first party congress took place in 1978. In 1981 the second congress was organized; the party split following the splinter taking up the name Bolshevik Party. However it was neither the last split in the party; the Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist - Hareketi had split in during the re-organisation period.
Other splits followed the second congress: Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist - Revolutionary Proletarian, Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist, Maoist Communist Party. Today the organisation is listed among the 12 active terrorist organisation in Turkey as of 2007 according to Counter-Terrorism and Operations Department of Directorate General for Security. Grup Munzur - İsyan Ateşi Emekçi - İbrahime Ağıt Ozan Emekçi - Diyarbakır Zindanları İlkay Akkaya - Ibrahim yoldaş Kırmızı Gül Buz İçinde Sönmeyen Ateş - İbrahim Kaypakkaya Ibrahim Kaypakkaya - Selected Works "Long live Ibrahim Kaypakkaya's thought!", by the CPMLMF "His Name is Our Pride, His Party is Our Honor, His Doctrine is Our Guide”, by the TKP/ML
Black Power movement
The Black Power movement emphasized racial pride, economic empowerment, the creation of political and cultural institutions for African-American people in the United States. The movement grew out of the Civil rights movement, as black activists experimented with forms of self-advocacy ranging from political lobbying to armed struggle; the Black Power movement served as a focal point for the view that reformist and pacifist elements of the Civil Rights Movement were not effective in changing race relations. Motivated by a desire for safety and self-sufficiency, not available inside redline neighborhoods, Black Power activists founded black-owned bookstores, food cooperatives, media, printing presses, schools and ambulance services; the international impact of the movement includes the Black Power Revolution in Tobago. While black American thinkers such as Robert F. Williams and Malcolm X influenced the early Black Power movement, the Black Panther Party and its views are seen as the cornerstone.
It was influenced by philosophies such as pan-Africanism, black nationalism and socialism, as well as contemporary events including the Cuban Revolution and the decolonization of Africa. At the movement's peak in the early 1970s, some of its more militant leaders were killed during conflicts with police, prompting many activists to abandon the movement; the first popular use of the term "Black Power" as a social and racial slogan was by Stokely Carmichael and Willie Ricks, both organizers and spokespersons for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. On June 16, 1966, in a speech in Greenwood, during the March Against Fear, Carmichael led the marchers in a chant for black power, televised nationally. By the late 1960s, Black Power came to represent the demand for more immediate violent action to counter American white supremacy. Most of these ideas were influenced by Malcolm X's criticism of Martin Luther King Jr.'s peaceful protest methods. The 1965 assassination of Malcolm X, coupled with the urban uprisings of 1964 and 1965, ignited the movement.
New organizations that supported Black Power philosophies ranging from socialism to black nationalism, including the Black Panther Party BPP), grew to prominence. The organization Nation of Islam began as a black nationalist movement in the 1930s, inspiring groups. Malcolm X is credited with the group's dramatic increase in membership between the early 1950s and early 1960s. In March 1964, Malcolm X left the Nation due to disagreements with Elijah Muhammad. Malcolm X said Muhammad had engaged in extramarital affairs with young Nation secretaries—a serious violation of the group's teachings. On February 21, 1965, Malcolm X was shot and killed while speaking at the Audubon Ballroom in Washington Heights, New York. Three Nation members were convicted of assassinating him. After the Watts riots in Los Angeles in 1965, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee decided to break its ties with the mainstream civil rights movement, they argued that blacks needed to build power of their own, rather than seek accommodations from the power structure in place.
SNCC migrated from a philosophy of nonviolence to one of greater militancy after the mid-1960s. The organization established ties with radical groups such as the Students for a Democratic Society. In late October 1966, Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale founded the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense. In formulating a new politics, they drew on their experiences working with a variety of Black Power organizations; the Black Panther Party's Ten-Point Program included point five, "We want education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent American society. We want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the present day society." This sentiment was echoed in many of the other Black Power organizations. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Carter G. Woodson. With this backdrop, Stokely Carmichael brought political education into his work with SNCC in the rural South; this included political literacy. Bobby Seale and Huey Newton used education to address the lack of identity in the black community.
Seale had worked with youth in an after-school program before starting the Panthers. Through this new education and identity building, they believed they could empower black Americans to claim their freedom; the Black Panther Party utilized open-carry gun laws to protect party members and local black communities from law enforcement. Party members recorded incidents of police brutality by distantly following police cars around neighborhoods. Numbers grew starting in February 1967, when the party provided an armed escort at the San Francisco airport for Betty Shabazz, Malcolm X's widow and keynote speaker at conference held in his honor. By 1967, the SNCC began to fall apart due to policy disputes in its leadership and many members left for the Black Panthers. Throughout 1967 the Panthers staged rallies and disrupted the California State Assembly with armed marchers. In late 1967 the FBI developed COINTELPRO to investigate black nationalist groups and other civil rights leaders. By 1969, the Black Panthers and their allies had become primary COINTELPRO targets, singled out in 233 of the 295 authorized "black nationalist" COINTELPRO actions.
In 1968 the Republic of New Afrika was founded, a separatist group seeking a black country in the southern United States, only to dissolve by the early 197
Anti-imperialism in political science and international relations is a term used in a variety of contexts by nationalist movements who want to secede from a larger polity or as a specific theory opposed to capitalism in Marxist–Leninist discourse, derived from Vladimir Lenin's work Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. A less common usage is by supporters of a non-interventionist foreign policy. People who categorize themselves as anti-imperialists state that they are opposed to colonialism, colonial empires, hegemony and the territorial expansion of a country beyond its established borders; the phrase gained a wide currency after the Second World War and at the onset of the Cold War as political movements in colonies of European powers promoted national sovereignty. Some anti-imperialist groups who opposed the United States supported the power of the Soviet Union, such as in Guevarism, while in Maoism this was criticized as social imperialism. In the late 1870s, the term "imperialism" was introduced to the English language by opponents of the aggressively imperial policies of British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli.
It was shortly appropriated by supporters of "imperialism" such as Joseph Chamberlain. For some, imperialism designated a policy of philanthropy. John A. Hobson and Vladimir Lenin added a more theoretical macroeconomic connotation to the term. Many theoreticians on the left have followed either or both in emphasizing the structural or systemic character of "imperialism"; such writers have expanded the time period associated with the term so that it now designates neither a policy, nor a short space of decades in the late 19th century, but a global system extending over a period of centuries going back to Christopher Columbus and in some facts to the Crusades. As the application of the term has expanded, its meaning has shifted along five distinct but parallel axes: the moral, the economic, the systemic, the cultural and the temporal; those changes reflect—among other shifts in sensibility—a growing unease with the fact of power Western power. The relationships among capitalism and imperialism have been discussed and analysed by theoreticians, political scientists such as John A. Hobson and Thorstein Veblen, Joseph Schumpeter and Norman Angell.
Those intellectuals produced much of their works about imperialism before the World War I, yet their combined work informed the study of the impact of imperialism upon Europe and contributed to the political and ideologic reflections on the rise of the military–industrial complex in the United States from the 1950s onwards. John A. Hobson influenced the anti-imperialism of both Marxists and liberals, worldwide through his 1902 book on Imperialism, he argued that the "taproot of imperialism" is not in Capitalism. As a form of economic organization, imperialism is unnecessary and immoral, the result of the mis-distribution of wealth in a capitalist society; that created an irresistible desire to extend the national markets into foreign lands, in search of profits greater than those available in the Mother Country. In the capitalist economy, rich capitalists received a disproportionately higher income than did the working class. If the owners invested their incomes to their factories, the increased productive capacity would exceed the growth in demand for the products and services of said factories.
Lenin adopted Hobson's ideas to argue that capitalism was doomed and would be replaced by socialism, the sooner the better. Hobson was influential in liberal circles the British Liberal Party. Historians Peter Duignan and Lewis H. Gann argue that Hobson had an enormous influence in the early 20th century that caused widespread distrust of imperialism: Hobson's ideas were not original, his ideas influenced German nationalist opponents of the British Empire as well as French Anglophobes and Marxists. In days to come they were to contribute to American distrust of Western Europe and of the British Empire. Hobson helped make the British averse to the exercise of colonial rule. On the positive side, Hobson argued that domestic social reforms could cure the international disease of imperialism by removing its economic foundation. Hobson theorized that state intervention through taxation could boost broader consumption, create wealth and encourage a peaceful multilateral world order. Conversely, should the state not intervene, rentiers would generate negative wealth that fostered imperialism and protectionism.
As a self-conscious political movement, anti-imperialism originated in Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in opposition to the growing European colonial empires and the United States control of the Philippines after 1898. However, it reached its highest level of popular support in the colonies themselves, where it formed the basis for a wide variety of national liberation movements during the mid-20th century and later; these movements, their anti-imperialist ideas, were instrumental in the decolonization process of the 1950s and 1960s, which saw most European colonies in Asia and Africa achieving