National Woman Suffrage Association
The National Woman Suffrage Association was formed on May 15, 1869 in New York City The National Association was created in response to a split in the American Equal Rights Association over whether the woman's movement should support the Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. Its founders, Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, opposed the Fifteenth Amendment unless it included the vote for women. Men were able to join the organization as members; the NWSA worked to secure women's enfranchisement through a federal constitutional amendment. Contrarily, its rival, the American Woman Suffrage Association, believed success could be more achieved through state-by-state campaigns. In 1890 the NWSA and the AWSA merged to form the National American Woman Suffrage Association. Although the harbingers of dissent within different factions of the woman suffrage movement may be seen in the National Woman's Rights Convention of 1860, woman's rights activism ceased during the Civil War.
The movement re-emerged to the national scene in 1866 to organize formally under a new name – the American Equal Rights Association – and defined by a new platform. Confronted by the proposal of the reconstruction amendments, which introduced the word "male" to the United States Constitution, the AERA dissolved over whether suffrage for emancipated slaves and women would be pursued simultaneously; the schism was cemented by the decision of Republican lawmakers and their former abolitionist allies that this was "the Negro's hour", leaving woman suffrage to be deferred to a more opportune moment. Following the May 1869 American Equal Rights Association convention, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, Jacqueline Valenzuela, Bianet Cuevas Parra established the National Woman Suffrage Association. Feeling misguided and deceived and Anthony resorted to such bold action due to their belief that the preponderance of men composing the AERA leadership had betrayed women's interest. In addition to a feeling of betrayal, deep differences between the factions of the movement centered on numerous issues, including how AERA funds were to be used, most whether the reconstruction amendments should be supported despite their failure to include women.
Meeting at the Women's Bureau in New York City, Stanton and delegates from nineteen states of the AERA convention, appointed Elizabeth Cady Stanton as the National's President. Other prominent activists forming the National were Lucretia Mott, Martha Coffin Wright, Ernestine Rose, Pauline Wright Davis, Reverend Olympia Brown, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Anna E. Dickinson, Elizabeth Smith Miller and Mary Cheney Greeley among others; the women turned their efforts toward passage of a Constitutional Amendment giving women the right to vote. In response, Lucy Stone, Henry Blackwell, Julia Ward Howe and Wendell Phillips among others established the American Woman Suffrage Association in September of that year in Boston; the death knell had rung upon the American Equal Rights Association. Unlike the American Association who held their conventions in various cities across the country, the National Association held its annual conventions in Washington D. C. with its efforts concentrated on the federal government.
Although focused on national reform, the National established its headquarters in New York City, seeking to mobilize support among wage-earning women. The National Association was centralized and unitary in structure, as opposed to the more stringent delegate system of the American Association. Feeling slighted by the apostasy of men under the American Equal Rights Association, the National Association granted full membership rights for women only. Men could affiliate with the organization, women controlled its leadership. By the same token and Anthony were willing to work with anyone, despite their view on other matters, as long as they wholeheartedly championed woman rights and suffrage; as a result, the National Association was perceived as radical and aggressive. Such drastic measures included using racist appeals to win allies among Democrats; the National, however condemned both those Republicans and Democrats who ignored the suffrage question. In 1883, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and the officers of the National adopted a new Constitution of the National Woman Suffrage Association.
It consisted of the five following articles: The first article stated the name of the organization of the National Woman Suffrage Association. The second article emphasized the object of the organization to secure the right to vote for women of the nation on equal terms with men; the third article issued a one dollar annual membership fee. It stated that membership fees were mandatory if a person wanted to participate and vote within the National Woman Suffrage Association; the fourth article named the officers of the National to consist of the President, a Vice-President from each of the states and territories and Recording Secretaries, Treasurer, an Executive Committee of five or more members located in New York City and an Advisory Counsel from each state and territory. The officers were said to be chosen at each Annual meeting of the National Association; the fifth article addressed that all other woman suffrage societies were welcomed as auxiliaries, their officers would be recognized as members of the national association.
As stated in the fifth article, state and town woman's suffrage associations were welcom
Women's rights are the rights and entitlements claimed for women and girls worldwide, formed the basis for the women's rights movement in the nineteenth century and feminist movement during the 20th century. In some countries, these rights are institutionalized or supported by law, local custom, behavior, whereas in others they are ignored and suppressed, they differ from broader notions of human rights through claims of an inherent historical and traditional bias against the exercise of rights by women and girls, in favor of men and boys. Issues associated with notions of women's rights include the right: to bodily integrity and autonomy. Women in ancient Sumer could buy, own and inherit property, they could engage in commerce, testify in court as witnesses. Nonetheless, their husbands could divorce them for mild infractions, a divorced husband could remarry another woman, provided that his first wife had borne him no offspring. Female deities, such as Inanna, were worshipped; the Akkadian poetess Enheduanna, the priestess of Inanna and daughter of Sargon, is the earliest known poet whose name has been recorded.
Old Babylonian law codes permitted a husband to divorce his wife under any circumstances, but doing so required him to return all of her property and sometimes pay her a fine. Most law codes forbade a woman to request her husband for a divorce and enforced the same penalties on a woman asking for divorce as on a woman caught in the act of adultery; the majority of East Semitic deities were male. In ancient Egypt women enjoyed the same rights under the law as a men, however rightful entitlements depended upon social class. Landed property descended in the female line from mother to daughter, women were entitled to administer their own property. Women in ancient Egypt could buy, sell, be a partner in legal contracts, be executor in wills and witness to legal documents, bring court action, adopt children. Women during the early Vedic period enjoyed equal status with men in all aspects of life. Works by ancient Indian grammarians such as Patanjali and Katyayana suggest that women were educated in the early Vedic period.
Rigvedic verses suggest that women married at a mature age and were free to select their own husbands in a practice called swayamvar or live-in relationship called Gandharva marriage. Although most women lacked political and equal rights in the city states of ancient Greece, they enjoyed a certain freedom of movement until the Archaic age. Records exist of women in ancient Delphi, Thessaly and Sparta owning land, the most prestigious form of private property at the time. However, after the Archaic age, legislators began to enact laws enforcing gender segregation, resulting in decreased rights for women. Women in Classical Athens had no legal personhood and were assumed to be part of the oikos headed by the male kyrios; until marriage, women were under the guardianship of other male relative. Once married, the husband became a woman's kyrios; as women were barred from conducting legal proceedings, the kyrios would do so on their behalf. Athenian women could only acquire rights over property through gifts and inheritance, though her kyrios had the right to dispose of a woman's property.
Athenian women could only enter into a contract worth less than the value of a "medimnos of barley", allowing women to engage in petty trading. Women were excluded both in principle and in practice. Slaves could become Athenian citizens after being freed, but no woman acquired citizenship in ancient Athens. In classical Athens women were barred from becoming poets, politicians, or artists. During the Hellenistic period in Athens, the philosopher Aristotle thought that women would bring disorder and evil, therefore it was best to keep women separate from the rest of the society; this separation would entail living in a room called a gynaikeion, while looking after the duties in the home and having little exposure with the male world. This was to ensure that wives only had legitimate children from their husbands. Athenian women received little education, except home tutorship for basic skills such as spin, weave and some knowledge of money. Although Spartan women were formally excluded from military and political life they enjoyed considerable status as mothers of Spartan warriors.
As men engaged in military activity, women took responsibility for running estates. Following protracted warfare in the 4th century BC Spartan women owned between 35% and 40% of all Spartan land and property. By the Hellenistic Period, some of the wealthiest Spartans were women. Spartan women controlled their own properties, as well as the properties of male relatives who were away with the army. Girls as well as boys received an education, but despite greater freedom of movement for Spartan women, their role in politics was just as the same as Athenian women. Plato acknowledged that extending civil and political rights to women would substantively alter the nature of the household and the state. Aristotle, taught by Plato, denied that women were slaves or subject to property, arguing that "nature has distinguished between the female and the slave", but he considered wives to be "bought", he argued that women's main economic activity is that of safeguarding the household property created by men.
According to Aristotle the la
Scene at the Signing of the Constitution of the United States
Scene at the Signing of the Constitution of the United States is a famous oil-on-canvas painting by Howard Chandler Christy, depicting the Constitutional Convention signing the U. S. Constitution at Independence Hall in Philadelphia on September 17, 1787. Along with Washington Crossing the Delaware by Emanuel Leutze, the painting is one of the most famous depictions of the early days of the United States. Christy created the painting in April 1940, it is displayed along the east stairway in the House of Representatives wing in the Capitol building. Only 39 of the 55 delegates are pictured in the painting. On the right side of the painting, on the dais, is George Washington, president of the Convention, standing upright and looking out over the delegates; the Constitution is on a desk before him, which features the Syng inkstand, Richard Spaight of North Carolina is signing the document. The windows are open and an aura of light surrounds Washington's upper body. Behind him is a display of a drum.
Behind him are James Wilson of Pennsylvania and Richard Bassett of Delaware, talking with each other. Behind them on the far right is another Delaware delegate, George Read. To the right of Washington is the standing Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer from Maryland. William Jackson, the Convention's secretary, is unusually prominent in the painting, directly in the center, standing, in red counting their votes and acknowledging their wish to sign the Constitution. At his left elbow, James Madison observes the proceedings. Between Jackson's right hand and head is William Paterson. Seated in the center is the eighty-one-year-old Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton leaning toward him. Standing directly behind Hamilton is Gouverneur Morris of Pennsylvania; the South Carolina delegation is depicted in the left corner of the painting. Seated in the left of the painting is the twenty-six-year-old Jonathan Dayton, with Rufus King on his left and Nathaniel Gorham on his right, they are distinguished by their multi-colored silk coats.
Representative Sol Bloom, the Director General of the United States Constitution Sesquicentennial Commission, first proposed that the painting be commissioned in 1937 as part of the 150th anniversary of the Constitution. Howard Chandler Christy, one of the most popular illustrators and portrait painters of the time, had created an accurate scene of the signing for the Commission to reproduce, his first small painting included a maiden representing "We the People" and numerous other symbolic figures, but these were eliminated in the final version. In the three years during which Representative Bloom worked with Christy to locate early portraits of the signers and to fill in historical details, he became aware that there was no scene of the signing of the Constitution in the U. S. Capitol, few other paintings in existence included all the signers. A Joint Resolution was first introduced in the House in 1937 to pay Christy $35,000 to paint Signing of the Constitution. Heated debate arose, however: some members of Congress were in favor of memorializing one of the greatest events in American history, but others held deep reservations about spending the funds for art during a period of severe economic depression, the bill did not pass.
The Joint Resolution failed again in 1938. In 1939, a modified resolution, P. R. 11, 76th Congress, was accepted to set up a commission consisting of the Vice President, the Speaker of the House, the Architect of the Capitol to employ an artist to paint a 20-by-30-foot scene of the signing at a price of $30,000. The contract with Christy was signed on July 24, 1939. On October 29, 1940, the Congress approved $1500 for the purchase of a frame, accepted by the Joint Committee on the Library on December 26, 1940. To achieve the greatest possible accuracy, Christy searched for portraits by the best artists of the late 18th and early 19th centuries, such as Charles Willson Peale and Gilbert Stuart, he located portraits of thirty-seven out of the thirty-nine delegates and the Secretary, William Jackson. Christy took some liberties in composing his scene: John Dickinson, whose signature was added by proxy, is included, three men who were present but did not sign are not shown, he obscured the faces of the two signers of.
He researched authentic costumes, including a pair of George Washington's breeches borrowed from the Smithsonian Institution, he depicted the furniture and artifacts used by the delegates. The books beside Franklin's chair were part of Thomas Jefferson's library, he made the sketch for the painting in Independence Hall in September, at the same time of day as the signing, to show the angle of sunlight in the room with its glass chandelier. The artist said that the flags he depicted are the Stars and Stripes, one from a Maryland dragoon regiment, regimental colors from Massachusetts and New Hampshire; the huge 18-by-26-foot canvas was painted in the sail loft of the Washington Navy Yard, where Christy at times used enlisted men as models for the figures. After five years of research and seven months of painting, the canvas was dedicated in May 1940 in the Rotunda of the Capitol, where it was on view for 16 months; the 20-by-30-foot frame, made in nine sections including the central eagle and crest, was hand carved and given a gold-leaf finish by Aze
Elizabeth Cady Stanton
Elizabeth Cady Stanton was an American suffragist, social activist and leading figure of the early women's rights movement. Her Declaration of Sentiments, presented at the Seneca Falls Convention held in 1848 in Seneca Falls, New York, is credited with initiating the first organized women's rights and women's suffrage movements in the United States. Stanton was president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association from 1890 until 1892. Before Stanton narrowed her political focus exclusively to women's rights, she was an active abolitionist with her husband Henry Brewster Stanton and cousin Gerrit Smith. Unlike many of those involved in the women's rights movement, Stanton addressed various issues pertaining to women beyond voting rights, her concerns included women's parental and custody rights, property rights and income rights, the economic health of the family, birth control. She was an outspoken supporter of the 19th-century temperance movement. After the American Civil War, Stanton's commitment to female suffrage caused a schism in the women's rights movement when she, together with Susan B.
Anthony, declined to support passage of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution. She opposed giving added legal protection and voting rights to African American men while women and white, were denied those same rights, her position on this issue, together with her thoughts on organized Christianity and women's issues beyond voting rights, led to the formation of two separate women's rights organizations that were rejoined, with Stanton as president of the joint organization, about twenty years after her break from the original women's suffrage movement. Stanton died in 1902, having written both The Woman's Bible and her autobiography Eighty Years and More, many other articles and pamphlets about female suffrage and women's rights. Elizabeth Cady, the eighth of eleven children, was born in Johnstown, New York, to Daniel Cady and Margaret Livingston Cady. Five of her siblings died in early infancy. A sixth sibling, her older brother Eleazar, died at age 20 just before his graduation from Union College in Schenectady, New York.
Only Elizabeth Cady and four sisters lived well into old age. In life, Elizabeth named her two daughters after two of her sisters and Harriot. Daniel Cady, Stanton's father, was a prominent Federalist attorney who served one term in the United States Congress and became both a circuit court judge and, in 1847, a New York Supreme Court justice. Judge Cady introduced his daughter to the law and, together with her brother-in-law, Edward Bayard, planted the early seeds that grew into her legal and social activism; as a young girl, she enjoyed reading her father's law books and debating legal issues with his law clerks. It was this early exposure to law that, in part, caused Stanton to realize how disproportionately the law favored men over women married women, her realization that married women had no property, employment, or custody rights over their own children, helped set her course toward changing these inequities. Stanton's mother, Margaret Livingston Cady, a descendant of early Dutch settlers, was the daughter of Colonel James Livingston, an officer in the Continental Army during the American Revolution.
Having fought at Saratoga and Quebec, Livingston assisted in the capture of Major John Andre at West Point, New York where Andre and Benedict Arnold, who escaped aboard HMS Vulture, were planning to turn West Point over to the English. Margaret Cady, an unusually tall woman for her time, had a commanding presence, Stanton described her mother as "queenly." While Stanton's daughter, Harriot Stanton Blatch, remembers her grandmother as being fun and lively, Stanton herself did not share such memories. Devastated by the loss of so many children, Margaret Cady fell into a depression, which kept her from being involved in the lives of her surviving children and left a maternal void in Stanton's childhood. With Stanton's mother depressed, since Stanton's father contended with the loss of several children, including his eldest son Eleazar, by immersing himself in his work, many of the child rearing responsibilities fell to Stanton's elder sister, eleven years her senior, Tryphena's husband, Edward Bayard.
Bayard, a Union College classmate of Eleazar Cady's and son of James A. Bayard, Sr. a U. S. Senator from Wilmington, Delaware was, at the time of his engagement and marriage to Tryphena, an apprentice in Daniel Cady's law office, he was instrumental in nurturing Stanton's growing understanding of the explicit and implicit gender hierarchies within the legal system. Slavery did not end in New York State until July 4, 1827, like many men of his day, Stanton's father was a slaveowner. Peter Teabout, a slave in the Cady household, freed in Johnstown, took care of Stanton and her sister Margaret. While she makes no mention of Teabout's position as a slave in her family's household, he is remembered with particular fondness by Stanton in her memoir, Eighty Years & More. Among other things, she reminisces about the pleasure she took in attending the Episcopal church with Teabout, where she and her sisters enjoyed sitting with him in the back of the church rather than alone in front with the white families of the congregation.
It seems it was, not that her family owned at least one slave, but her exposure to the abolition movement as a young woman visiting her cousin, Gerrit Smith, in Peterboro, New York, that led to her staunch abolitionist sentiments. Unlike many women of her era, St
Susan B. Anthony
Susan B. Anthony was an American social reformer and women's rights activist who played a pivotal role in the women's suffrage movement. Born into a Quaker family committed to social equality, she collected anti-slavery petitions at the age of 17. In 1856, she became the New York state agent for the American Anti-Slavery Society. In 1851, she met Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who became her lifelong friend and co-worker in social reform activities in the field of women's rights. In 1852, they founded the New York Women's State Temperance Society after Anthony was prevented from speaking at a temperance conference because she was female. In 1863, they founded the Women's Loyal National League, which conducted the largest petition drive in United States history up to that time, collecting nearly 400,000 signatures in support of the abolition of slavery. In 1866, they initiated the American Equal Rights Association, which campaigned for equal rights for both women and African Americans. In 1868, they began publishing.
In 1869, they founded the National Woman Suffrage Association as part of a split in the women's movement. In 1890, the split was formally healed when their organization merged with the rival American Woman Suffrage Association to form the National American Woman Suffrage Association, with Anthony as its key force. In 1876, Anthony and Stanton began working with Matilda Joslyn Gage on what grew into the six-volume History of Woman Suffrage; the interests of Anthony and Stanton diverged somewhat in years, but the two remained close friends. In 1872, Anthony was arrested for voting in her hometown of Rochester, New York, convicted in a publicized trial. Although she refused to pay the fine, the authorities declined to take further action. In 1878, Anthony and Stanton arranged for Congress to be presented with an amendment giving women the right to vote. Introduced by Sen. Aaron A. Sargent, it became known colloquially as the Susan B. Anthony Amendment, it was ratified as the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.
S. Constitution in 1920. Anthony traveled extensively in support of women's suffrage, giving as many as 75 to 100 speeches per year and working on many state campaigns, she worked internationally for women's rights, playing a key role in creating the International Council of Women, still active. She helped to bring about the World's Congress of Representative Women at the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago in 1893; when she first began campaigning for women's rights, Anthony was harshly ridiculed and accused of trying to destroy the institution of marriage. Public perception of her changed radically during her lifetime, however, her 80th birthday was celebrated in the White House at the invitation of President William McKinley. She became the first actual woman to be depicted on U. S. coinage. Susan Anthony was born on February 15, 1820, to Daniel Anthony and Lucy Read in Adams, the second oldest of seven children, she was named for her mother's mother Susanah, for her father's sister Susan.
In her youth and her sisters responded to a "great craze for middle initials" by adding middle initials to their own names. Anthony adopted "B." as her middle initial because her namesake aunt Susan had married a man named Brownell. Her family shared a passion for social reform, her brothers Daniel and Merritt moved to Kansas to support the anti-slavery movement there. Merritt fought with John Brown against pro-slavery forces during the Bleeding Kansas crisis. Daniel owned a newspaper and became mayor of Leavenworth. Anthony's sister Mary, with whom she shared a home in years, became a public school principal in Rochester, a woman's rights activist. Anthony's father was a temperance advocate. A Quaker, he had a difficult relationship with his traditionalist congregation, which rebuked him for marrying a non-Quaker and disowned him for allowing a dance school to operate in his home, he continued to attend Quaker meetings anyway and became more radical in his beliefs. Anthony's mother was a Methodist and helped raise their children in a more tolerant version of her husband's religious tradition.
Their father encouraged them all, girls as well as boys, to be self-supporting, teaching them business principles and giving them responsibilities at an early age. When Anthony was six years old, her family moved to Battenville, New York, where her father managed a large cotton mill, he had operated his own small cotton factory. When she was seventeen, Anthony was sent to a Quaker boarding school in Philadelphia, where she unhappily endured its severe atmosphere, she was forced to end her studies after one term because her family was financially ruined during an economic downturn known as the Panic of 1837. They were forced to sell everything they had at an auction, but they were rescued by her maternal uncle, who bought most of their belongings and restored them to the family. To assist her family financially, Anthony left home to teach at a Quaker boarding school. In 1845, the family moved to a farm on the outskirts of Rochester, New York, purchased with the inheritance of Anthony's mother.
There they associated with a group of Quaker social reformers who had left their congregation because of the restrictions it placed on reform activities, who in 1848 formed a new organization called the Congregational Friends. The Anthony farmstead soon became the Sunday afternoon gathering place for local activists, including Frederick Douglass, a former slave and a prominent abolitionist who became Anthony's lifelong friend; as several others in that group were doing, the Anthony family began to attend services at
The Edmunds–Tucker Act of 1887 was an Act of Congress that focused on restricting some practices of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. It was passed in response to the dispute between the United States Congress and the LDS Church regarding polygamy; the act is found in full text as 24 Stat. 635, with this annotation to be interpreted as Volume 24, page 635 of United States Statutes at Large. The act is named after its congressional sponsors, Senator George F. Edmunds of Vermont and Congressman John Randolph Tucker of Virginia; the act was repealed in 1978. In President Grover Cleveland's annual address to Congress in December 1885, he discussed the issue of polygamy in Utah: The strength, the perpetuity, the destiny of the nation rest upon our homes, established by the law of God, guarded by parental care, regulated by parental authority, sanctified by parental love; these are not the homes of polygamy.... There is no feature of this practice or the system which sanctions it, not opposed to all, of value in our institutions.
There should be no relaxation in the firm but just execution of the law now in operation, I should be glad to approve such further discreet legislation as will rid the country of this blot upon its fair fame. Since the people upholding polygamy in our Territories are reenforced by immigration from other lands, I recommend that a law be passed to prevent the importation of Mormons into the country; the Act was passed by the Senate in January 1886 by a vote of 38-7. It was passed by the House via a voice vote in January 1887. President Cleveland refused to sign the bill but did not veto it, which meant that the Act became law on March 3rd, 1887; the act disincorporated both the LDS Church and the Perpetual Emigration Fund on the grounds that they fostered polygamy. The act prohibited the practice of polygamy and punished it with a fine of from $500 to $800 and imprisonment of up to five years, it dissolved the corporation of the church and directed the confiscation by the federal government of all church properties valued over a limit of $50,000.
The act was enforced by the U. S. Marshal and a host of deputies; the act: Disincorporated the LDS Church and the Perpetual Emigrating Fund Company, with assets to be used for public schools in the Territory. Required an anti-polygamy oath for prospective voters and public officials. Annulled territorial laws allowing illegitimate children to inherit. Required civil marriage licenses. Abrogated the common law spousal privilege for polygamists, thus requiring wives to testify against their husbands. Disenfranchised women. Replaced local judges with federally appointed judges. Abolished the office of Territorial superintendent of district schools, granting the supreme court of the Territory of Utah the right to appoint a commissioner of schools. Called for the prohibition of the use of sectarian books and for the collection of statistics of the number of so-called gentiles and Mormons attending and teaching in the schools. In 1890 the U. S. Supreme Court upheld the seizure of Church property under the Edmunds–Tucker Act in Late Corporation of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints v. United States.
This act was repealed in 1978. "Gospel Topics: The Manifesto and the End of Plural Marriage", LDS.org, LDS Church, retrieved 2014-10-22 Peters, Gerhard. The American Presidency Project. University of California - Santa Barbara. Peters, Gerhard; the American Presidency Project. University of California - Santa Barbara. Peters, Gerhard; the American Presidency Project. University of California - Santa Barbara
The Woman's Bible
The Woman's Bible is a two-part non-fiction book, written by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and a committee of 26 women, published in 1895 and 1898 to challenge the traditional position of religious orthodoxy that woman should be subservient to man. By producing the book, Stanton wished to promote a radical liberating theology, one that stressed self-development; the book attracted a great deal of antagonism at its introduction. Many women's rights activists who worked with Stanton were opposed to the publication of The Woman's Bible. Although it was never accepted by Bible scholars as a major work, it became a popular best-seller, much to the dismay of suffragists who worked alongside Stanton within the National American Woman Suffrage Association. Susan B. Anthony tried to calm the younger suffragists, but they issued a formal denunciation of the book, worked to distance the suffrage movement from Stanton's broader scope which included attacks on traditional religion; because of the widespread negative reaction, including that of suffragists, close to her, publication of the book ended Stanton's influence in the suffrage movement.
In the early 19th century advocates of women's rights began to accumulate rebuttals to arguments used against them founded on traditional interpretations of Bible scriptures. Lucretia Mott countered those who would put her in her place by quoting other Bible passages, or by challenging the original interpretation of the scripture. In 1849, Mott wrote Discourse on Woman which discussed Adam and Eve, the activities of various women who appear in the Bible, argued that the Bible supported woman's right to speak aloud her spiritual beliefs. Independently from Mott, Lucy Stone determined for herself that the male-dominant interpretations of the Bible must be faulty—she worked to learn Greek and Hebrew and thereby gain insight into the earlier Bible translations which she believed would contain wording more favorable to women's equality. In New York, aided by Mott, Elizabeth Cady Stanton helped draft the Declaration of Sentiments in 1848 and included two Resolutions which protested against man's usurpation of rights relating to her position in church and to her role under God.
By the 1850s, Mott had become expert at disarming men. At the National Women's Rights Convention in 1852, again in 1854, she stood up to debate men who came prepared with Scripture in hand. Reverend Henry Grew told the 1854 convention audience that the Bible proved men were superior to women, he was countered point-by-point by Hannah Tracy Cutler in broad societal and political terms by Mott who began by saying: "It is not Christianity, but priestcraft that has subjected woman as we find her. The Church and State have been united, it is well for us to see it so." In 1881, 1885 and 1894, the Church of England published a Revised Version of the Bible, the first new English version in over two centuries. Stanton was dissatisfied with the Revised Version's failure to incorporate recent scholarship from Bible translator Julia Evelina Smith, she wrote: Whatever the Bible may be made to do in Hebrew or Greek, in plain English it does not exalt and dignify woman. My standpoint for criticism is the revised edition of 1888.
I will so far honor the revising committee of wise men who have given us the best exegesis they can according to their ability, although Disraeli said the last one before he died, contained 150,000 blunders in the Hebrew, 7,000 in the Greek. Stanton assembled a "Revising Committee" to draft commentary on the new Bible version. Many of those she approached in person and by letter refused to take part scholars who would be risking their professional reputations; some 26 people agreed to help. Sharing Stanton's determination, the committee wished to correct biblical interpretation which they viewed as being biased against women, to bring attention to the small fraction of the Bible which discussed women, they intended to demonstrate that it was not divine will that humiliated women, but human desire for domination. The committee was made up of women who were not Bible scholars, but who were interested in biblical interpretation and were active in women's rights. Among the notable members of the international committee were Augusta Jane Chapin, Lillie Devereux Blake, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Olympia Brown, Alexandra Gripenberg, Ursula Mellor Bright, Phebe Ann Coffin Hanaford, Clara Bewick Colby, Irma von Troll-Borostyáni.
In 1890 at the formation of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, Stanton was elected president. She left such duties to Susan B. Anthony and instead traveled to Europe for two years. While there she met with women who shared her views, she gathered critical observations about the place of woman in the Bible. In Greenbank, Stanton met with English suffragist Helen Bright Clark, spoke to a group about the Bible position of woman. Clark questioned whether Stanton's liberal views had shocked some in attendance, Stanton replied: "Well, if we who do see the absurdities of the old superstitions never unveil them to others, how is the world to make any progress in the theologies? I am in the sunset of life, I feel it to be my special mission to tell people what they are not prepared to hear..." In 1893, Matilda Joslyn Gage took time out from her participation in the Revising Committee to write Woman and State, a book which challenged traditional Judeo-Christian teaching that women were the source of sin, that sex was sinful.
Gage wrote. Gage differed from most of the women on the Revising Committee in that she did not feel that the Bible, once interpreted in a more true, original form, woul