Southern Bantoid languages
Southern Bantoid known as Wide Bantu or Bin, is a branch of the Benue–Congo languages of the Niger–Congo language family. It consists of the Bantu languages along with several small branches and isolates of eastern Nigeria and west-central Cameroon. Since the Bantu languages are spoken across most of Sub-Saharan Africa, Southern Bantoid comprises 643 languages as counted by Ethnologue, though many of these are mutually intelligible. Southern Bantoid was first introduced by Williamson in a proposal that divided Bantoid into North and South branches; the unity of the North Bantoid group was subsequently called into question, Bantoid itself may be polyphyletic, but the work did establish Southern Bantoid as a valid genetic unit, something that has not happened for Bantu itself. According to Williamson and Blench, Southern Bantoid is divided into the various Narrow Bantu languages, Tivoid, Mamfe and Ekoid families; the Bendi languages are of uncertain classification. Blench suggests that Tivoid and East Beboid may form a group with the uncertain languages Esimbi and Buru:?
Bendi Tivoid–Beboid: Tivoid, East Beboid,? Momo,? Buru,? Menchum West Beboid Furu Mamfe Ekoid–Mbe: Ekoid, Mbe Grassfields, Narrow Bantu, Jarawan–Mbam
Batlhaping is one of the Tswana tribes which resides in the Northern Cape and North West of South Africa and in Botswana. "Tlhapi" means "Fish", this is the tribe's totem. The Batlhaping tribe originates from a breakaway of the Barolong, a Tswana tribe which dates back to 1270. Barolong derives their name from their first ruler Morolong, a name which means to forge in Tswana, suggesting one, a practitioner in the craft of a blacksmith; the Barolong were spread between the headwaters of the Molopo and the Modder Rivers by the time they were ruled by their eighth king Madiboya. The rule of the ninth Barolong king Tshesebe witnessed the emigration of a group of clans under the sub-king Phuduhutswana, their southward trek to establish themselves at Dikgatlong near the confluence of the Vaal and the Harts rivers. Reasons for this exodus are unclear, but these emigrant Barolong retained their links with the capital. Famine compelled this group to eat fish. Since they were known as Batlhaping. During the reign of the fourteenth Barolong king Tau, the Batlhaping refused to continue paying sehuba to the Barolong monarch.
They were thereby declaring themselves independent of the Barolong state. During their migration, the Batlhaping encounted the Korana, a nomadic Khoi tribe in 1750; the two tribes established trade relations. Intermarriage between the Batlhaping and the Korana was quite common; the Batlhaping tribe continued the tradition of mining iron. They had not learned to make their own goods from copper. By 1778, the Batlhaping were making annual trips to trade with the Khoi tribes on the Orange River, bringing copper, knives and assegais as well as tanned skins, ivory spoons and glass beads. In exchange they received cattle. A member of the first European expedition in 1801 reported that the Batlhaping received the copper beads worn by the chief were from the Barolong. Other travellers highlighted that the copper beads and rings worn by Batlhaping originated from the Damara in Nambia or the Bangwaketsi tribe in the east; the Batlhaping started making iron good themselves in 1812. In 1835, a disagreement between Maidi and his father Tawana resulted in Maidi leading a group of Barolong away and settling what is now known as Makwasie in the North West.
Maidi’s people settled in Botswana before moving to Thaba-Nchu. After spending time in Thaba-Nchu, they settled in Potchefstroom before moving to Manthe; the group led by Maidi became known as the Balthaping Ba-Ga-Maidi. Nowadays, the Batlhaping people are found in the Northern Cape and the North West of South Africa. Two of the most prominent groups from the tribe are Batlhaping Ba Ga Phuduhutswana and Balthaping Ba-Ga-Maidi. Batlhaping ba ga Phuduhutswana live in Kuruman and Vryburg in the Northern Cape, while most Balthaping Ba-Ga-Maidi live in the Taung in the North West. Kgosi Galeshewe Luka Jantjie Tswana people Toto Makgolokwe Langeberg Rebellion A South African Kingdom: The Pursuit of Security in Nineteenth-Century Lesotho
Xhosa is an Nguni Bantu language with click consonants and is one of the official languages of South Africa. It is an official language of Zimbabwe. "Xhosa is spoken as a first language by 8.2 million people and by 11 million as a second language in South Africa in Eastern Cape Province. Total number of users in all countries is 19.2 million". Like most other Bantu languages, Xhosa is a tonal language. Xhosa has two tones: low. Xhosa is written with the Latin alphabet. Three letters are used to indicate the basic clicks: c for dental clicks, x for lateral clicks and q for post-alveolar clicks. Tones are not indicated in writing. Xhosa is part of the branch of Nguni languages known as Zunda languages, which include Zulu, Southern Ndebele and Northern Ndebele. Zunda languages form a dialect continuum of variously mutually intelligible varieties. Xhosa is, to some extent, mutually intelligible with Zulu and Northern Ndebele, other Nguni languages to a lesser extent. Nguni languages are, in turn, part of the much larger group of Bantu languages.
Xhosa is the most distributed African language in South Africa, though the most spoken African language is Zulu. It is the second most common home language in South Africa as a whole; as of 2003 5.3 million Xhosa-speakers, the majority, live in the Eastern Cape, followed by the Western Cape, the Free State, KwaZulu-Natal, North West, the Northern Cape, Limpopo. There is a significant Xhosa community of about 200,000 in Zimbabwe. A small community of Xhosa speakers live in Quthing District, Lesotho. Xhosa has several dialects. Maho lists Mpondo, Bomvana, Gcaleka, Mpondomise and Hlubi. Hlubi is the dialect in the former Ciskei. Xhosa has an inventory of ten vowels:, written as a, e, i, o and u in order, all occurring in both long and short. Xhosa is a tonal language with two inherent phonemic tones: high. Tones are marked in the written language, but they can be indicated a, á, â, ä. Long vowels are phonemic but are not written except for â and ä, which are the results of gemination of two vowels, both with different tones.
Xhosa is rich in uncommon consonants. Besides pulmonic egressive sounds, which are found in all spoken languages, it has 18 clicks. Xhosa has ejectives and an implosive. Although 15 of the clicks occur in Zulu, they are used less than in Xhosa; the first six are dental clicks, made with the tongue on the back of the teeth, they are similar to the sound represented in English by "tut-tut" or "tsk-tsk" to reprimand someone. The next six are lateral, made by the tongue at the sides of the mouth, they are similar to the sound used to call horses; the last six are alveolar, made with the tip of the tongue at the roof of the mouth, they sound somewhat like a cork pulled from a bottle. The following table lists the consonant phonemes of the language, with the pronunciation in IPA on the left and the orthography on the right: Two additional consonants, are found in borrowings. Both are spelled r. Two additional consonants, are found in borrowings. Both are spelled zh. Two additional consonants, are found in loans.
Both are spelled dz. An additional consonant, is found in loans, it is spelled ngh. In addition to the ejective affricate, the spelling tsh may be used for either of the aspirated affricates and; the breathy voiced glottal fricative is sometimes spelled h. The ejectives tend to be ejective only in careful pronunciation or in salient positions and then, only for some speakers. Otherwise, they tend to be tenuis stops; the tenuis clicks are glottalised, with a long voice onset time, but, uncommon. The murmured clicks and affricates are only voiced, with the following vowel murmured for some speakers; that is, da may be pronounced. They are better described as slack voiced than as breathy voiced, they are voiced only after nasals, but the oral occlusion is very short in stops, it does not occur at all in clicks. Therefore, the absolute duration of voicing is the same as in tenuis stops; the more notable characteristic is their depressor effect on the tone of the syllable. When consonants are prenasalised, their pronunciation and spelling may change.
The murmur no longer shifts to the following vowel. Fricatives become affricated and, if voiceless, they become ejectives as well, at least with some speakers: mf is pronounced, ndl is pronounced, n+hl becomes ntl, n+z becomes ndz, etc; the orthographic b in mb is the voiced plosive. When voiceless clicks are prenasalised, the silent letter k is added to prevent confusion with the nasal cli
The term dialect is used in two distinct ways to refer to two different types of linguistic phenomena: One usage refers to a variety of a language, a characteristic of a particular group of the language's speakers. Under this definition, the dialects or varieties of a particular language are related and, despite their differences, are most largely mutually intelligible if close to one another on the dialect continuum; the term is applied most to regional speech patterns, but a dialect may be defined by other factors, such as social class or ethnicity. A dialect, associated with a particular social class can be termed a sociolect, a dialect, associated with a particular ethnic group can be termed an ethnolect, a regional dialect may be termed a regiolect. According to this definition, any variety of a given language constitutes "a dialect", including any standard varieties. In this case, the distinction between the "standard language" and the "nonstandard" dialects of the same language is arbitrary and based on social, cultural, or historical considerations.
In a similar way, the definitions of the terms "language" and "dialect" may overlap and are subject to debate, with the differentiation between the two classifications grounded in arbitrary and/or sociopolitical motives. The other usage of the term "dialect" deployed in colloquial settings, refers to a language, subordinated to a regional or national standard language historically cognate or genetically related to the standard language, but not derived from the standard language. In other words, it is not an actual variety of the "standard language" or dominant language, but rather a separate, independently evolved but distantly related language. In this sense, unlike in the first usage, the standard language would not itself be considered a "dialect", as it is the dominant language in a particular state or region, whether in terms of linguistic prestige, social or political status, official status, predominance or prevalence, or all of the above. Meanwhile, under this usage, the "dialects" subordinate to the standard language are not variations on the standard language but rather separate languages in and of themselves.
Thus, these "dialects" are not dialects or varieties of a particular language in the same sense as in the first usage. For example, most of the various regional Romance languages of Italy colloquially referred to as Italian "dialects", are, in fact, not derived from modern standard Italian, but rather evolved from Vulgar Latin separately and individually from one another and independently of standard Italian, long prior to the diffusion of a national standardized language throughout what is now Italy; these various Latin-derived regional languages are, therefore, in a linguistic sense, not "dialects" or varieties of the standard Italian language, but are instead better defined as their own separate languages. Conversely, with the spread of standard Italian throughout Italy in the 20th century, regional versions or varieties of standard Italian have developed as a mix of national standard Italian with a substratum of local regional languages and local accents. While "dialect" levelling has increased the number of standard Italian speakers and decreased the number of speakers of other languages native to Italy, Italians in different regions have developed variations of standard Italian particular to their region.
These variations on standard Italian, known as regional Italian, would thus more appropriately be called "dialects" in accordance with the first linguistic definition of "dialect", as they are in fact derived or from standard Italian. A dialect is distinguished by its vocabulary and pronunciation. Where a distinction can be made only in terms of pronunciation, the term accent may be preferred over dialect. Other types of speech varieties include jargons; the particular speech patterns used by an individual are termed an idiolect. A standard dialect is a dialect, supported by institutions; such institutional support may include government designation. There may be multiple standard dialects associated with a single language. For example, Standard American English, Standard British English, Standard Canadian English, Standard Indian English, Standard Australian English, Standard Philippine English may all be said to be standard dialects of the English language. A nonstandard dialect, like a standard dialect, has a complete vocabulary and syntax, but is not the beneficiary of institutional support.
Examples of a nonstandard
A lingua franca known as a bridge language, common language, trade language, auxiliary language, vehicular language, or link language is a language or dialect systematically used to make communication possible between people who do not share a native language or dialect when it is a third language, distinct from both of the speakers' native languages. Lingua francas have developed around the world throughout human history, sometimes for commercial reasons but for cultural, religious and administrative convenience, as a means of exchanging information between scientists and other scholars of different nationalities; the term is taken from the medieval Mediterranean Lingua Franca, a Romance-based pidgin language used as a lingua franca in the Mediterranean Basin from the 11th to the 19th century. A world language – a language spoken internationally and learned and spoken by a large number of people – is a language that may function as a global lingua franca. Lingua Franca refers to any language used for communication between people who do not share a native language.
It can refer to hybrid languages such as pidgins and creoles used for communication between language groups. It can refer to languages which are native to one nation but used as a second language for communication between groups. Lingua Franca is a functional term, independent of any linguistic language structure. Whereas a vernacular language is the native language of a specific geographical community, a lingua franca is used beyond the boundaries of its original community, for trade, political or academic reasons. For example, English is a vernacular in the United Kingdom but is used as a lingua franca in the Philippines. Arabic, Mandarin Chinese, Portuguese and Russian, serve a similar purpose as industrial/educational lingua francas, across regional and national boundaries. International auxiliary languages created with the purpose of being lingua francas such as Esperanto and Lingua Franca Nova have not had a great degree of adoption globally so they cannot be described as global lingua francas.
The term lingua franca derives from Mediterranean Lingua Franca, the language that people around the Levant and the eastern Mediterranean Sea used as the main language of commerce and diplomacy from late medieval times during the Renaissance era, to the 18th century. At that time, Italian-speakers dominated seaborne commerce in the port cities of the Ottoman Empire and a simplified version of Italian, including many loan words from Greek, Old French, Portuguese and Spanish as well as Arabic and Turkish came to be used as the "lingua franca" of the region. In Lingua Franca, lingua means a language, as in Portuguese and Italian, franca is related to phrankoi in Greek and faranji in Arabic as well as the equivalent Italian. In all three cases, the literal sense is "Frankish", but the name applied to all Western Europeans during the late Byzantine Empire; the Douglas Harper Etymology Dictionary states that the term Lingua Franca was first recorded in English during the 1670s, although an earlier example of the use of Lingua Franca in English is attested from 1632, where it is referred to as "Bastard Spanish".
As as the late 20th century, some restricted the use of the generic term to mean only hybrid languages that are used as vehicular languages, its original meaning, but it now refers to any vehicular language. The term is well established in its naturalization to English, why major dictionaries do not italicize it as a "foreign" term, its plurals in English are lingua francas and linguae francae, with the first of those being first-listed or only-listed in major dictionaries. The use of lingua francas has existed since antiquity. Latin and Koine Greek were the lingua francas of the Hellenistic culture. Akkadian and Aramaic remained the common languages of a large part of Western Asia from several earlier empires. In certain countries, the lingua franca is the national language. Indonesian – which originated from a Malay language variant spoken in Riau – has the same function in Indonesia, although Javanese has more native speakers. Still, Indonesian is spoken throughout the country. Persian is both the lingua franca of Iran and its national language.
The Hindustani language is the lingua franca of Northern India. Many Indian states have adopted the Three-language formula in which students in Hindi speaking states are taught: " Hindi; the order in non-Hindi speaking states is: " the regional language. Hindi has emerged as a lingua franca for the locals of Arunachal Pradesh, a linguistically diverse state in Northeast India, it is estimated. The only documented sign language used as a lingua franca is Plains Indian Sign Language, used across much of North America, it was used as a second language across many indigenous peoples. Alongside or a derivation of Plains Indian Sign Language was Plateau Sign Language, now extinct. Inuit Sign Language could be a similar case in the Arctic among the Inuit for communication across oral language boundaries, but little research
Botswana the Republic of Botswana, is a landlocked country in Southern Africa. The British protectorate of Bechuanaland, Botswana adopted its new name after becoming independent within the Commonwealth on 30 September 1966. Since it has maintained a tradition of stable representative republic, with a consistent record of uninterrupted democratic elections and the best perceived corruption ranking in Africa since at least 1998, it is Africa's oldest continuous democracy. Botswana is topographically flat, with up to 70 percent of its territory being the Kalahari Desert, it is bordered by South Africa to the south and southeast, Namibia to the west and north, Zimbabwe to the northeast. Its border with Zambia to the north near Kazungula is poorly defined but is, at most, a few hundred metres long. A mid-sized country of just over 2 million people, Botswana is one of the most sparsely populated countries in the world. Around 10 percent of the population lives in the capital and largest city, Gaborone.
One of the poorest countries in the world—with a GDP per capita of about US$70 per year in the late 1960s—Botswana has since transformed itself into one of the world's fastest-growing economies. The economy is dominated by mining and tourism. Botswana boasts a GDP per capita of about $18,825 per year as of 2015, one of the highest in Africa, its high gross national income gives the country a high standard of living and the highest Human Development Index of continental Sub-Saharan Africa. Botswana is a member of the African Union, the Southern African Development Community, the Commonwealth of Nations, the United Nations; the country has been among the hardest hit by the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Despite the success in programmes to make treatments available to those infected, to educate the populace in general about how to stop the spread of HIV/AIDS, the number of people with AIDS rose from 290,000 in 2005 to 320,000 in 2013; as of 2014, Botswana has the third-highest prevalence rate for HIV/AIDS, with 20% of the population infected.
The country's name means "land of the tswana", referring to the dominant ethnic group in Botswana. The term Batswana was applied to the Tswana, still the case. However, it has come to be used as a demonym for all citizens of Botswana. Many English dictionaries recommend the term Botswanan to refer to people of Botswana. Archaeological digs have shown. Stone tools and fauna remains have shown that all areas of the country were inhabited at least 400,000 years ago. Evidence left by modern humans such as cave paintings are about 73,000 years old; the original inhabitants of southern Africa were the Khoi peoples. Both speak Khoisan languages and hunted and traded over long distances; when cattle were first introduced about 2000 years ago into southern Africa, pastoralism became a major feature of the economy, since the region had large grasslands free of tsetse fly. It is unclear when Bantu-speaking peoples first moved into the country from the north, although AD 600 seems to be a consensus estimate.
In that era, the ancestors of the modern-day Kalanga moved into what is now the north-eastern areas of the country. These proto-Kalanga were connected to states in Zimbabwe as well as to the Mapungubwe state; these states, located outside of current Botswana's borders, appear to have kept massive cattle herds in what is now the Central District—apparently at numbers approaching modern cattle density. This massive cattle-raising complex prospered until 1300 AD or so, seems to have regressed following the collapse of Mapungubwe. During this era, the first Tswana-speaking groups, the Bakgalagadi, moved into the southern areas of the Kalahari. All these various peoples were connected to trade routes that ran via the Limpopo River to the Indian Ocean, trade goods from Asia such as beads made their way to Botswana most in exchange for ivory and rhinoceros horn; the arrival of the ancestors of the Tswana-speakers who came to control the region has yet to be dated precisely. Members of the Bakwena, a chieftaincy under a legendary leader named Kgabo II, made their way into the southern Kalahari by AD 1500, at the latest, his people drove the Bakgalagadi inhabitants west into the desert.
Over the years, several offshoots of the Bakwena moved into adjoining territories. The Bangwaketse occupied areas to the west, while the Bangwato moved northeast into Kalanga areas. Not long afterwards, a Bangwato offshoot known as the Batawana migrated into the Okavango Delta in the 1790s; the first written records relating to modern-day Botswana appear in 1824. What these records show is that the Bangwaketse had become the predominant power in the region. Under the rule of Makaba II, the Bangwaketse kept vast herds of cattle in well-protected desert areas, used their military prowess to raid their neighbors. Other chiefdoms in the area, by this time, had capitals of 10,000 or so and were prosperous; this equilibrium came to end during the Mfecane period, 1823–1843, when a succession of invading peoples from South Africa entered the country. Although the Bangwaketse were able to defeat the invading Bakololo in 1826, over time all the major chiefdoms in Botswana were attacked and impoverished.
The Bakololo and Amandebele raided and took large numbers of cattle and children from the Batswana—most of whom were driven into the desert or sanctuary areas such as hilltops and caves. Only after 1843, when the Amandebele moved into western Zimbabwe, did this threat subside. During th