click links in text for more info


Ultra was the designation adopted by British military intelligence in June 1941 for wartime signals intelligence obtained by breaking high-level encrypted enemy radio and teleprinter communications at the Government Code and Cypher School at Bletchley Park. Ultra became the standard designation among the western Allies for all such intelligence; the name arose because the intelligence thus obtained was considered more important than that designated by the highest British security classification used and so was regarded as being Ultra secret. Several other cryptonyms had been used for such intelligence; the code name Boniface was used as a cover name for Ultra. In order to ensure that the successful code-breaking did not become apparent to the Germans, British intelligence created a fictional MI6 master spy, who controlled a fictional series of agents throughout Germany. Information obtained through code-breaking was attributed to the human intelligence from the Boniface network; the U. S. used the codename Magic for its decrypts including the "Purple" cipher.

Much of the German cipher traffic was encrypted on the Enigma machine. Used properly, the German military Enigma would have been unbreakable; the term "Ultra" has been used synonymously with "Enigma decrypts". However, Ultra encompassed decrypts of the German Lorenz SZ 40/42 machines that were used by the German High Command, the Hagelin machine. Many observers, at the time and regarded Ultra as immensely valuable to the Allies. Winston Churchill was reported to have told King George VI, when presenting to him Stewart Menzies: "It is thanks to the secret weapon of General Menzies, put into use on all the fronts, that we won the war!" F. W. Winterbotham quoted the western Supreme Allied Commander, Dwight D. Eisenhower, at war's end describing Ultra as having been "decisive" to Allied victory. Sir Harry Hinsley, Bletchley Park veteran and official historian of British Intelligence in World War II, made a similar assessment of Ultra, saying that while the Allies would have won the war without it, "the war would have been something like two years longer three years longer four years longer than it was."

However and others have emphasized the difficulties of counterfactual history in attempting such conclusions, some historians, such as Keegan, have said the shortening might have been as little as the three months it took the United States to deploy the atomic bomb. The existence of Ultra was kept secret for many years after the war. After the Ultra story was disseminated by Winterbotham in 1974, historians have altered the historiography of World War II. For example, Andrew Roberts, writing in the 21st century, states, "Because he had the invaluable advantage of being able to read Rommel's Enigma communications, Montgomery knew how short the Germans were of men, ammunition and above all fuel; when he put Rommel's picture up in his caravan he wanted to be seen to be reading his opponent's mind. In fact he was reading his mail." Over time, Ultra has become embedded in the public consciousness and Bletchley Park has become a significant visitor attraction. As stated by historian Thomas Haigh, "The British code-breaking effort of the Second World War secret, is now one of the most celebrated aspects of modern British history, an inspiring story in which a free society mobilized its intellectual resources against a terrible enemy."

Most Ultra intelligence was derived from reading radio messages, encrypted with cipher machines, complemented by material from radio communications using traffic analysis and direction finding. In the early phases of the war during the eight-month Phoney War, the Germans could transmit most of their messages using land lines and so had no need to use radio; this meant that those at Bletchley Park had some time to build up experience of collecting and starting to decrypt messages on the various radio networks. German Enigma messages were the main source, with those of the Luftwaffe predominating, as they used radio more and their operators were ill-disciplined. "Enigma" refers to a family of electro-mechanical rotor cipher machines. These produced a polyalphabetic substitution cipher and were thought to be unbreakable in the 1920s, when a variant of the commercial Model D was first used by the Reichswehr; the German Army, Air Force, Nazi party and German diplomats used Enigma machines in several variants.

Abwehr used a four-rotor machine without a plugboard and Naval Enigma used different key management from that of the army or air force, making its traffic far more difficult to cryptanalyse. The commercial versions were not as secure and Dilly Knox of GC&CS, is said to have broken one before the war. German military Enigma was first broken in December 1932 by the Polish Cipher Bureau, using a combination of brilliant mathematics, the services of a spy in the German office responsible for administering encrypted communications, good luck; the Poles read Enigma in France. At the turn of 1939, the Germans made the systems ten times more complex, which required a tenfold increase in Polish decryption equipment, which they could not meet. On 25 July 1939, the Polish Cipher Bureau handed reconstructed Enigma machines and their techniques for decrypting ciphers to the French and British. Gordon Welchman wrote, Ultra would never ha

Neoclassical economics

Neoclassical economics is an approach to economics focusing on the determination of goods and income distributions in markets through supply and demand. This determination is mediated through a hypothesized maximization of utility by income-constrained individuals and of profits by firms facing production costs and employing available information and factors of production, in accordance with rational choice theory, a theory that has come under considerable question in recent years. Neoclassical economics dominates microeconomics and, together with Keynesian economics, forms the neoclassical synthesis which dominates mainstream economics today. Although neoclassical economics has gained widespread acceptance by contemporary economists, there have been many critiques of neoclassical economics incorporated into newer versions of neoclassical theory, but some remaining distinct fields; the term was introduced by Thorstein Veblen in his 1900 article'Preconceptions of Economic Science', in which he related marginalists in the tradition of Alfred Marshall et al. to those in the Austrian School.

No attempt will here be made to pass a verdict on the relative claims of the recognized two or three main "schools" of theory, beyond the somewhat obvious finding that, for the purpose in hand, the so-called Austrian school is scarcely distinguishable from the neo-classical, unless it be in the different distribution of emphasis. The divergence between the modernized classical views, on the one hand, the historical and Marxist schools, on the other hand, is wider, so much so, indeed, as to bar out a consideration of the postulates of the latter under the same head of inquiry with the former. – Veblen It was used by John Hicks, George Stigler, others to include the work of Carl Menger, William Stanley Jevons, Léon Walras, John Bates Clark, many others. Today it is used to refer to mainstream economics, although it has been used as an umbrella term encompassing a number of other schools of thought, notably excluding institutional economics, various historical schools of economics, Marxian economics, in addition to various other heterodox approaches to economics.

Neoclassical economics is characterized by several assumptions common to many schools of economic thought. There is not a complete agreement on what is meant by neoclassical economics, the result is a wide range of neoclassical approaches to various problem areas and domains—ranging from neoclassical theories of labor to neoclassical theories of demographic changes, it was expressed by E. Roy Weintraub that neoclassical economics rests on three assumptions, although certain branches of neoclassical theory may have different approaches: People have rational preferences between outcomes that can be identified and associated with values. Individuals maximize utility and firms maximize profits. People act independently on the basis of relevant information. From these three assumptions, neoclassical economists have built a structure to understand the allocation of scarce resources among alternative ends—in fact understanding such allocation is considered the definition of economics to neoclassical theorists.

Here's how William Stanley Jevons presented "the problem of Economics". Given, a certain population, with various needs and powers of production, in possession of certain lands and other sources of material: required, the mode of employing their labour which will maximize the utility of their produce. From the basic assumptions of neoclassical economics comes a wide range of theories about various areas of economic activity. For example, profit maximization lies behind the neoclassical theory of the firm, while the derivation of demand curves leads to an understanding of consumer goods, the supply curve allows an analysis of the factors of production. Utility maximization is the source for the neoclassical theory of consumption, the derivation of demand curves for consumer goods, the derivation of labor supply curves and reservation demand. Market supply and demand are aggregated across individuals, their interactions determine equilibrium price. The market supply and demand for each factor of production is derived analogously to those for market final output to determine equilibrium income and the income distribution.

Factor demand incorporates the marginal-productivity relationship of that factor in the output market. Neoclassical economics emphasizes equilibria, which are the solutions of agent maximization problems. Regularities in economies are explained by methodological individualism, the position that economic phenomena can be explained by aggregating over the behavior of agents; the emphasis is on microeconomics. Institutions, which might be considered as prior to and conditioning individual behavior, are de-emphasized. Economic subjectivism accompanies these emphases. See general equilibrium. Classical economics, developed in the 18th and 19th centuries, included a value theory and distribution theory; the value of a product was thought to depend on the costs involved in producing that product. The explanation of costs in classical economics was an explanation of distribution. A landlord received rent, workers received wages, a capitalist tenant farmer received profits on their investment; this classic approach included the work of David Ricardo.

However, some economists began emphasizing the perceived value of a good to the consumer. They proposed a theory that the value of a product was to be explained with differences in utility to the consumer; the third step from political economy to economics was the introductio

Peter Tripp

Peter Tripp was a Top-40 countdown radio personality from the mid-1950s, whose career peaked with his 1959 record-breaking 201-hour wakeathon. For much of the stunt, he sat in a glass booth in Times Square. After a few days he began to hallucinate, for the last 66 hours the observing scientists and doctors gave him drugs to help him stay awake, he was broadcasting for WMGM in New York City at the time. Tripp suffered psychologically. After the stunt, he began to think he was an imposter of himself and kept that thought for some time, his career soon suffered a massive downturn when he was involved in the payola scandal of 1960. Like several other disc jockeys he had been playing particular records in return for gifts from record companies. Indicted only weeks after his stunt, it emerged. Despite his claim that he "never took a dime from anyone", he was found guilty on a charge of commercial bribery, receiving a $500 fine and a six-month suspended sentence, his wakeathon record did not endure for long.

Other DJs had attempted to beat it and Dave Hunter, in Jacksonville, soon claimed success. Six years after Tripp's record, it was smashed by high school student Randy Gardner, who lasted 11 days. After leaving WMGM, Tripp was unable to re-establish himself in the world of radio, drifting from KYA in San Francisco to KGFJ in Los Angeles and WOHO in Toledo, before quitting the medium in 1967. Returning to L. A. he had more success working in marketing. He diversified into freelance motivational speaking and stockbroking before settling into a Palm Springs, California retirement. Overall he had spent twenty years in broadcasting: he began with WEXL in Royal Oak, Michigan, in 1947 on to Kansas City, Missouri in 1953 where he worked for KUDL and WHB where he pioneered the Top-40 format, it was in 1955 that he landed his ill-fated job with WMGM in New York City, presenting "Your Hits of the Week". Tripp died at the age of 73 following a stroke, leaving two daughters, his four marriages all ended in divorce.

T. C. Boyle's short story "The Kind Assassin", in Tooth and Claw, is inspired by Tripp's "Wake-A-Thon". Biography at "The Stay-Awake Men", The New York Times, recounts Peter Tripp's stay-awake stunt

Immigration policies of American labor unions

Labor unions in the United States, since their early beginnings, have held various viewpoints on immigration. There were differences among the labor unions and opposition to contemporary majority opinions and public policies. In the first half of the 20th century, the majority of labor unions within the American Federation of Labor were anti-immigration, looking to curtail immigration, causing the AFL itself to adopt restrictive policies and resolutions; the predominant viewpoint in the AFL in the early 20th century saw the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 as a model piece of legislation for restricting Asian immigration and favored its expansion to include Japanese and Korean immigrants. The AFL favored the passage of a literacy test as a requirement for an immigrant's entry to the United States to reduce the number of unskilled and presumably-uneducated immigrants admitted into the country. After unemployment rose after the conclusion of World War I, the AFL made a renewed push for "a total suspension of immigration for a period of five years or longer."

Although the legislation was less severe, the AFL supported the Immigration Act of 1924. While there were several notable exceptions, most labor unions within the AFL were allied with the position of the organization as a whole. In the early part of the 20th century, restrictive policies towards immigration aligned the AFL with culturally-conservative, nativist groups, such as the American Defense Society, they were functionally one-sided coalitions since the groups by and large ideologically opposed labor unions and workers' rights to collective bargaining. The AFL, in the first half of the 20th century, pursue arguments to promote restricting immigration that were racist and political. Racist arguments posited that immigrants were degrading the quality of life in the United States and unable to adapt to American society. Many of their arguments mirrored those of the eugenics movement of the time that certain races were genetically inferior to others and so were incapable of assimilating into the societies of the "gigher" races.

Various unions within the AFL deemed three immigrant ‘races’ inferior: Southern and Eastern European and Latino. However, as Latino immigrants did not make up a significant portion of the population at the time, the AFL focused most vocally on limiting the immigration of the former two groups. Economic arguments aimed at restrictive immigration policies posited that an increase in the supply of labor tilted the balance toward employers, who could use cheaper immigrant labor as strikebreakers; that would limit the effectiveness of labor unions to bargain, thereby reducing the wages and working conditions of American workers. Firms would prefer hiring less expensive foreign workers over American workers, leading to greater unemployment for the latter. Proponents of that argument opposed organizing immigrants into American labor unions, as doing so would raise their wages, encouraging more immigration into the country. With the rise of communism in Europe after the Russian Revolution, a growing anxiety of similar attempts occurring in the United States, the AFL sought to gain legitimacy by purging itself of any ties to communism.

The actions and statements of the far-left Industrial Workers of the World, a labor federation, led to an association between labor and communism, which the AFL fervently sought to avoid. Since immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe were viewed suspiciously as potential communist "agitators," more political arguments were presented by the AFL to oppose immigration from those areas the organization of such immigrant workers. One central dichotomy that dictated the position of labor unions towards immigration during the early 20th century was whether their focus was inward or outward. Unions with an outward focus, dedicated to organizing workers, tended to be pro-immigrant, as immigrants constituted the main populations that they were attempting to organize. Unions that attempted to raise wages and working conditions for already-unionized workers, instead of organizing new workers, tended to see immigrant labor as competition with native workers and so wanted restrictive measures; as the vast majority of the unions within the AFL fell in the latter camp in the first half of the 20th century, the AFL, as a whole, unsurprisingly adopted the latter position.

That created a cycle geared towards greater restriction, as it appeared hypocritical if unions within the AFL organized immigrant workers while the organization, as a whole, was promoting policies aimed at restricting immigration. Therefore, the AFL, led by its president, Samuel Gompers, opposed individual unions organizing immigrant labor. Individual AFL unions that defied central directives and organized immigrant labor were much more to oppose restrictive immigration policies, forming a minority within the AFL. One example of such a union was the International Ladies Garment Workers Union of female immigrant workers from Eastern and Southern Europe, which argued that reducing immigration was the wrong tactic to reduce unemployment and to raise bargaining power. Unlike the AFL, the Congress of Industrial Organizations did not promote policies to restrict the flow of immigration into the United States, its members were industrial unions, a more inclusive organizing philosophy to organize both skilled and unskilled workers by industry, regardless of "race, creed, or nationality."

The AFL, on the other hand, had skilled craft workers, with unions divided by their craft. The CIO was more supportive towards immigration and more receptive towards welcoming immigrants into their ranks, but the AFL pursued steps to curtail immigration. Du

Public enemy

"Public enemy" is a term, first used in the United States in the 1930s to describe individuals whose activities were seen as criminal and damaging to society, though the phrase had been used for centuries to describe pirates, highwaymen, bandits and similar outlaws. The expression dates back to Roman times; the Senate declared emperor Nero a hostis publicus in AD 68. Its direct translation is "public enemy". Whereas "public" is used in English in order to describe something related to collectivity at large, with an implication towards government or the State, the Latin word "publicus" could, in addition to that meaning refer directly to people, making it the equivalent of the genitive of populus, populi. Thus, "public enemy" and "enemy of the people" are, near-synonyms; the words "ennemi du peuple" were extensively used during the French revolution. On 25 December 1793 Robespierre stated: "The revolutionary government owes to the good citizen all the protection of the nation; the Law of 22 Prairial in 1794 extended the remit of the Revolutionary Tribunal to punish "enemies of the people", with some political crimes punishable by death, including "spreading false news to divide or trouble the people".

The modern use of the term was first popularized in April 1930 by Frank J. Loesch chairman of the Chicago Crime Commission, in an attempt to publicly denounce Al Capone and other organized crime gangsters. In 1933, Loesch recounted the origin and purpose of the list: I had the operating director of the Chicago Crime Commission bring before me a list of the outstanding hoodlums, known murderers, murderers which you and I know but can't prove, there were about one hundred of them, out of this list I selected twenty-eight men. I put Al Capone at the head and his brother next, ran down the twenty-eight, every man being an outlaw. I called them Public Enemies, so designated them in my letter, sent to the Chief of Police, the Sheriff every law enforcing officer; the purpose is to keep the publicity light shining on Chicago's most prominent, well known and notorious gangsters to the end that they may be under constant observation by the law enforcing authorities and law-abiding citizens. All of those listed were reputed to be gangsters or racketeers and most were rum-running bootleggers.

Although all were known to be consistent law breakers, none of those named were fugitives or were wanted by the law. The list's purpose was to shame those named and to encourage authorities to prosecute them; the phrase was appropriated by J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI, who used it to describe various notorious fugitives they were pursuing throughout the 1930s. Unlike Loesch's use of the term, the FBI's "Public Enemies" were wanted criminals and fugitives who were charged with crimes. Among the criminals whom the FBI called "public enemies" were John Dillinger, Baby Face Nelson and Clyde, Pretty Boy Floyd, Machine Gun Kelly, Ma Barker, Alvin Karpis; the term was used so extensively during the 1930s that some writers call that period of the FBI's early history the "Public Enemy Era". Dillinger, Floyd and Karpis, in that order, would be deemed "Public Enemy Number 1" from June 1934 to May 1936. Use of the term evolved into the FBI Ten Most Wanted Fugitives list; the FBI's website describes the bureau's use of the term: "The FBI and the U.

S. Department of Justice made use of the term,'Public Enemy,' in the 1930s, an era in which the term was synonymous with'fugitive' or'notorious gangster.'" It was used in speeches, press releases, internal memoranda and remains in usage to this day. The dictionary definition of public enemy at Wiktionary Alphonse Capone Documentary - Public Enemy Number One

PĂ«rmet District

Përmet District was one of the thirty-six districts of Albania, now part of Gjirokastër County. Its population of 22,029 included Aromanian minorities; the district had an area of 930 km². It is in the south-east of the country, its capital was Përmet. Despite the limited number of excavations carried out so far, a series of important sites has been identified in the district; the finds attest to the long history of inhabitation in this part of the country. Of special importance is the cave near the village of Bënja, which produced evidence of continuous habitation from the Eneolithic to the Iron Age. Additionally, an important necropolis has been unearthed near the village of Piskova in the upper Vjosë valley; the three excavated tumuli contained many graves and grave goods dating from the Early Bronze Age to the Early Middle Ages. The District of Përmet has traditionally been renowned for the production of wine and rakı, a beverage of high alcohol content distilled from grape fermentation and traditionally home-made.

Geographical features are Dhëmbel, Nemërçkë, Trebeshinë mountains, Vjosë river, Bënjë hot springs. The town of Permeti is known for its flowery landscapes; this small town is famous for its tradition of folk music and it is hometown to Laver Bariu, a renowned clarinet folk artist. The district incorporates Fir of Hotova National Park; the district consisted of the following municipalities: Note: - urban municipalities in bold Tourism in Albania Music of Albania Visit Permet Official Website