A political spectrum is a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes that represent independent political dimensions. Most long-standing spectra include a left wing, which referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament after the Revolution. On a left–right spectrum and socialism are regarded internationally as being on the left, Liberalism can mean different things in different contexts: sometimes on the left; those with an intermediate outlook are sometimes classified as centrists. That said and neoliberals are called centrists too. Politics that rejects the conventional left–right spectrum is known as syncretic politics, though the label tends to mischaracterize positions that have a logical location on a two-axis spectrum because they seem randomly brought together on a one-axis left-right spectrum. Political scientists have noted that a single left–right axis is insufficient for describing the existing variation in political beliefs and include other axes.
Though the descriptive words at polar opposites may vary in popular biaxial spectra the axes are split between socio-cultural issues and economic issues, each scaling from some form of individualism to some form of communitarianism. The terms right and left refer to political affiliations originating early in the French Revolutionary era of 1789–1799 and referred to the seating arrangements in the various legislative bodies of France; as seen from the Speaker's seat at the front of the Assembly, the aristocracy sat on the right and the commoners sat on the left, hence the terms right-wing politics and left-wing politics. The defining point on the ideological spectrum was the Ancien Régime. "The Right" thus implied support for aristocratic or royal interests and the church, while "The Left" implied support for republicanism and civil liberties. Because the political franchise at the start of the revolution was narrow, the original "Left" represented the interests of the bourgeoisie, the rising capitalist class.
Support for laissez-faire commerce and free markets were expressed by politicians sitting on the left because these represented policies favorable to capitalists rather than to the aristocracy, but outside parliamentary politics these views are characterized as being on the Right. The reason for this apparent contradiction lies in the fact that those "to the left" of the parliamentary left, outside official parliamentary structures represent much of the working class, poor peasantry and the unemployed, their political interests in the French Revolution lay with opposition to the aristocracy and so they found themselves allied with the early capitalists. However, this did not mean that their economic interests lay with the laissez-faire policies of those representing them politically; as capitalist economies developed, the aristocracy became less relevant and were replaced by capitalist representatives. The size of the working class increased as capitalism expanded and began to find expression through trade unionist, socialist and communist politics rather than being confined to the capitalist policies expressed by the original "left".
This evolution has pulled parliamentary politicians away from laissez-faire economic policies, although this has happened to different degrees in different countries those with a history of issues with more authoritarian-left countries, such as the Soviet Union or China under Mao Zedong. Thus the word "Left" in American political parlance may refer to "liberalism" and be identified with the Democratic Party, whereas in a country such as France these positions would be regarded as more right-wing, or centrist overall, "left" is more to refer to "socialist" or "social-democratic" positions rather than "liberal" ones. For a century, social scientists have considered the problem of how best to describe political variation. In 1950, Leonard W. Ferguson analyzed political values using ten scales measuring attitudes toward: birth control, capital punishment, communism, law, theism, treatment of criminals and war. Submitting the results to factor analysis, he was able to identify three factors, which he named religionism and nationalism.
He defined religionism as belief in God and negative attitudes toward birth control. This system was derived empirically, as rather than devising a political model on purely theoretical grounds and testing it, Ferguson's research was exploratory; as a result of this method, care must be taken in the interpretation of Ferguson's three factors, as factor analysis will output an abstract factor whether an objectively real factor exists or not. Although replication of the nationalism factor was inconsistent, the finding of religionism and humanitarianism had a number of replications by Ferguson and others. Shortly afterward, Hans Eysenck began researching political attitudes in Great Britain, he believed that there was something similar about the National Socialists on the one hand and the communists on the other, despite their opposite positions on the left–right axis. As Hans Eysenck described in his 1956 book Sense and
2007 Malian presidential election
Presidential elections were held in Mali on 29 April 2007. Incumbent president Amadou Toumani Touré ran for re-election against seven other candidates and won in the first round with about 71% of the vote. Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, the President of the National Assembly, was nominated as the presidential candidate of the Rally for Mali on 28 January 2007. On 18 February former Foreign Minister Tiébilé Dramé was nominated as the candidate of the Party for National Rebirth, on 24 February Oumar Mariko was nominated as the candidate of African Solidarity for Democracy and Independence. Sidibé Aminata Diallo, a female professor, announced on 12 March that she intended to stand as the candidate of the Rally for Sustainable Education and Development; the former ruling party, the Alliance for Democracy in Mali, opted to support the incumbent president, Amadou Toumani Touré. Former Defense Minister Soumeylou Boubèye Maiga, the Vice-President of ADEMA, was expelled from the party for opposing the decision as he intended to run for president himself.
He was subsequently designated as the candidate of Convergences 2007, on 24 March. The National Union for the Republic nominated Modibo Sangaré as its candidate on 26 March. President Touré announced. On the same day, the Social Democratic Convention nominated Mamadou Blaise Sangaré as its candidate. On 1 April the Constitutional Court issued a provisional list of eight candidates who would contest the election. Modibo Sangaré's candidacy was rejected by the court on the grounds that he had not paid the required bond of 10 million CFA francs. No requests were filed for the invalidation of any of the eight candidates on the provisional list, therefore the Court confirmed the list as final on 3 April. Six of the eight approved candidates had contested the 2002 presidential elections and Diallo being the exceptions. Diallo was the first-ever woman to run for president in Mali. In order to have their candidacies accepted by the court, candidates were required to be sponsored by at least ten members of the National Assembly or at least five communal advisors from each of the country's regions, as well as Bamako, the capital.
Touré was sponsored by 414 communal advisors, Keïta by 17 members of parliament, Mamadou Blaise Sangaré by 11 members of parliament, Dramé by 87 communal advisors, Maiga by 114 communal advisors, Mariko by 71 communal advisors, Diallo by 14 members of parliament and Maguiraga by 55 communal advisors. The introduction of sponsors, in addition to an increase in the guarantee that had to be paid, was considered responsible for the significant reduction in the number of candidates from the 2002 elections, when there were 24 candidates. Voter registration cards began to be distributed in Bamako on 30 March. However, by 7 April less than 3% of the voter cards had been distributed. On 14 April the cards were made easier to obtain, but by 25 April fewer than 50% were thought to have been distributed; the latter date had been made a public holiday in order to encourage voters to get the cards prior to the deadline at midnight, after which it was reported that about 63.78% had been distributed. The best rate of distribution was in Mopti Region with 71.7%.
The total distribution percentage was subsequently raised to about 66.7% due to Malians abroad obtaining the cards. The campaign for the election began on 8 April and continued until midnight on 27 April, two days before the elections. Fodié Touré, the head of the electoral commission, said on 16 April that more than a thousand foreign observers had sought permission to monitor the election, he said that 900 observers, from Mali and abroad, had been accredited. On 24 April the Front for Democracy and the Republic, a coalition that included four of the opposition candidates and 16 parties criticized the way the election was being prepared, it alleged serious problems with the electoral list, which it said had been manipulated, criticized the use of fingerprints on ballot papers and the failure to allow the presence of its representatives when the military votes. The coalition said that the election would not be credible. On 28 April local government minister Kafougouna Koné denied the accusation that the government manipulated the electoral list, saying that its problems were due to the lack of information available to the government.
Prior to the election, Touré was considered to win. Keïta was considered the strongest opposition candidate. If no candidate won the election on 29 April, a second round was scheduled for 13 May. A day after the elections, a presidential spokesman claimed victory for Touré, while Keïta's campaign director alleged fraud and the FDR claimed there were widespread irregularities. Results accounting for 18.2% of registered voters showed Touré with 61.3% of the vote and Keïta as a distant second with 29.8%. In Bamako, Touré won 54.2% and Keïta won 38.8%. Voter turnout was placed at 38 % in the countryside. On 1 May the four FDR candidates, rejecting the official results, said that they would try to have the election annulled. In a statement, Keïta's campaign said; the FDR withdr
The World Factbook
The World Factbook known as the CIA World Factbook, is a reference resource produced by the Central Intelligence Agency with almanac-style information about the countries of the world. The official print version is available from the Government Printing Office. Other companies—such as Skyhorse Publishing—also print a paper edition; the Factbook is available in the form of a website, updated every week. It is available for download for use off-line, it provides a two- to three-page summary of the demographics, communications, government and military of each of 267 international entities including U. S.-recognized countries and other areas in the world. The World Factbook is prepared by the CIA for the use of U. S. government officials, its style, format and content are designed to meet their requirements. However, it is used as a resource for academic research papers and news articles; as a work of the U. S. government, it is in the public domain in the United States. In researching the Factbook, the CIA uses the sources listed below.
Other public and private sources are consulted. Antarctic Information Program Armed Forces Medical Intelligence Center Bureau of the Census Bureau of Labor Statistics Council of Managers of National Antarctic Programs Defense Intelligence Agency Department of Energy Department of State Fish and Wildlife Service Maritime Administration National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency Naval Facilities Engineering Command Office of Insular Affairs Office of Naval Intelligence Oil & Gas Journal United States Board on Geographic Names United States Transportation Command Because the Factbook is in the public domain, people are free under United States law to redistribute it or parts of it in any way that they like, without permission of the CIA. However, the CIA requests. Copying the official seal of the CIA without permission is prohibited by U. S. federal law—specifically, the Central Intelligence Agency Act of 1949. Before November 2001 The World Factbook website was updated yearly. Information available as of January 1 of the current year is used in preparing the Factbook.
The first, edition of Factbook was published in August 1962, the first unclassified version in June 1971. The World Factbook was first available to the public in print in 1975. In 2008 the CIA discontinued printing the Factbook themselves, instead turning printing responsibilities over to the Government Printing Office; this happened due to a CIA decision to "focus Factbook resources" on the online edition. The Factbook has been on the World Wide Web since October 1994; the web version receives an average of 6 million visits per month. The official printed version is sold by the Government Printing Office and National Technical Information Service. In past years, the Factbook was available on CD-ROM, magnetic tape, floppy disk. Many Internet sites use information and images from the CIA World Factbook. Several publishers, including Grand River Books, Potomac Books, Skyhorse Publishing have re-published the Factbook in recent years; as of July 2011, The World Factbook comprises 267 entities, which can be divided into the following categories: Independent countries The CIA defines these as people "politically organized into a sovereign state with a definite territory."
In this category, there are 195 entities. Others Places set apart from the list of independent countries. There are two: Taiwan and the European Union. Dependencies and Areas of Special Sovereignty Places affiliated with another country, they may be subcategorized by affiliated country: Australia: six entities China: two entities Denmark: two entities France: eight entities Netherlands: three entities New Zealand: three entities Norway: three entities United Kingdom: seventeen entities United States: fourteen entitiesMiscellaneous Antarctica and places in dispute. There are six such entities. Other entities The World and the oceans. There are the World. Areas not covered Specific regions within a country or areas in dispute among countries, such as Kashmir, are not covered, but other areas of the world whose status is disputed, such as the Spratly Islands, have entries. Subnational areas of countries are not included in the Factbook. Instead, users looking for information about subnational areas are referred to "a comprehensive encyclopedia" for their reference needs.
This criterion was invoked in the 2007 and 2011 editions with the decision to drop the entries for French Guiana, Martinique and Reunion. They were dropped because besides being overseas departments, they were now overseas regions, an integral part of France. Kashmir Maps depicting Kashmir have the Indo-Pakistani border drawn at the Line of Control, but the region of Kashmir administered by China drawn in hash marks. Northern Cyprus Northern Cyprus, which the U. S. considers part of the Republic of Cyprus, is not given a separate entry because "territorial occupations/annexations not recognized by the United States Government are not shown on U. S. Government maps."Taiwan/Republic of China The name
Alliance for Democracy in Mali
The Alliance for Democracy in Mali – Pan-African Party for Liberty and Justice is a political party in Mali. On October 25, 1990 opponents of the dictatorship of Moussa Traoré joined together as ADEMA; this umbrella movement included activists of the following organizations: Sudanese Union/African Democratic Rally, party of the former president Modibo Keïta the Malian Party for Revolution and Democracy the Malian Party of Labour, a Marxist-Leninist organization the Malian Popular and Democratic Front, composed of Malian emigrants and political exilesADEMA attracted many supporters with no previous political affiliation. On May 25, 1991, after the regime of Moussa Traoré was overthrown by General Amadou Toumani Touré, ADEMA transformed itself into an official political party and took the name Alliance for Democracy in Mali-African Party for Solidarity and Justice. In 1992, ADEMA-PASJ dominated the February and March legislative elections, claiming 76 of 116 seats in the Malian National Assembly.
Its presidential candidate, Alpha Oumar Konaré, was elected President of the Republic. ADEMA-PASJ continued to dominate the government for the following decade, Konaré was re-elected in 1997 following an opposition boycott of the polls. At the end of Konaré's second term, ADEMA-PASJ divided over the succession of the presidency, with Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta leaving the party in October 2000 to form the Rally for Mali. Former prime minister Mandé Sidibé left in order to enter the presidential race. In 2002, Soumaïla Cissé was the official presidential candidate of ADEMA-PASJ, he won 22.7% of the vote in the first round of the presidential election, held on 28 April, was defeated by Amadou Toumani Touré in the second round, held on 12 May, receiving 35.7% of the vote. In the parliamentary election held on 14 July 2002, the party won 45 out of 160 seats. 6 additional seats were won by partners in the Alliance for Democracy. ADEMA-PASJ backed Touré for re-election in the April 2007 presidential election.
This was opposed by party vice-president Soumeylou Boubèye Maiga, expelled from the party. In the July 2007 parliamentary election, ADEMA-PASJ won 51 out of 147 seats, more than any other party. Dramane Dembélé was the ADEMA candidate for the July 2013 presidential election, he placed third in the election. On 3 August 2013, he announced his support for Ibrahim Boubacar Keita in the second round, saying that "we are in the Socialist International, we share the same values". However, in endorsing Keita he contradicted the official stance of ADEMA, which had backed Keita's rival, Soumaïla Cissé, on the previous day; the party stressed that Dembélé was speaking only for himself and that the party still supported Cissé. ADEMA-PASJ's motto is "Work-Solidarity-Justice"; the current party president is Dioncounda Traoré. ADEMA-PASJ is a full member of the Socialist International
Alpha Oumar Konaré
Alpha Oumar Konaré is a former President of Mali for two five-year terms, was Chairperson of the African Union Commission from 2003 to 2008. Alpha Oumar Konaré, fourth son of a Bambara teacher and a Fula homemaker, was born in Kayes, where he went to primary school, he went on to attend Bamako's Lycée Terrasson des Fougères, the Collège de Maristes of Dakar, the Collège Moderne of Kayes and, between 1962 and 1964, the École Normale Secondaire of Katibougou. He completed his advanced studies in history at the École Normale Supérieure in Bamako and at the University of Warsaw between 1971 and 1975, he began his professional career as a tutor in Kayes a lycée teacher at Markala and Bamako. In 1974, he did research at the Institut des Sciences Humaines du Mali from 1975 to 1978, acted as head of historic patrimony and ethnography at the Ministry of Youth, Sports and Culture. In 1980, he was named researcher at the Institut Supérieur de Formation en Recherche Appliquée, Professor at the History/Geography department at the Ecole Normale Supérieure of Bamako.
In the course of his career, he headed several professional organizations, including the Association of Historians and Geographers of Mali, the West African Association of Archaeologists, the Union of West African Researchers. Between 1981 and 1992, Konaré served as a consultant for the United Nations Educational and Cultural Organization and the United Nations Development Programme. Between 1989 and 1992 he was president of ICOM. Konaré was involved in politics as early as the age of twenty, when he was elected the 1967 Secretary General of the Sudanese Union/African Democratic Rally of the École Normale Supérieure of Bamako. Following the coup d'état of General Moussa Traoré, he became an activist for the Marxist-Leninist, clandestine Malian Party for Work. In 1978, however, he accepted a post in Moussa Traoré's government as Minister of Youth, Sports and Culture. Though he resigned in 1980, his term was marked by the formation of many Malian sports organizations, he went on to found and direct the cultural review "Jamana" in 1983, as well as the cultural cooperative of the same name.
In 1989 he founded the daily newspaper "Les échos," and in 1991 began "Radio Bamakan," Mali's first free radio station. In 1990, he participated in the creation of the umbrella movement Alliance for Democracy in Mali, which united the PMT with a number of other anti-Traoré groups. With the 1991 fall of Moussa Traoré, Konaré helped transform ADEMA into ADEMA/PASJ, an official political party, served as its delegate to the 1991 National Conference of Mali. By the end of the democratic transition instituted by Amadou Toumani Touré, he was elected as Mali's first cleanly elected president in 1992, receiving 69.01% of the vote in the second round against US-RDA candidate Tiéoulé Mamadou Konaté. He was re-elected for a second term in the 1997 presidential election despite a boycott of the ballot in protest of his annulment of legislative elections, he was sworn in on 8 June 1997, his terms are noted for the restoration of democracy in spite of the 1997 difficulties, his management of the Tuareg Rebellion in the north, his decentralization of the government.
However, corruption remained a significant problem under Konaré's administration. Konaré publicly rendered homage to Mali's first president, Modibo Keïta, created a memorial to him in Bamako. Opposed to the death penalty, he commuted the death sentences of Moussa Traoré and his wife to life in prison in 2002, he is remembered as the man who brought the continent's most prestigious football tournament, the African Cup of Nations, to Mali in 2002. On the international stage, Konaré worked for integration in the West African region, he served as president of Economic Community of West African States in 1999, of the West African Monetary Union in 2000. Term limited to two presidential terms by the constitution, Konaré left office in 2002 and was succeeded by Amadou Toumani Touré. To date, he is the only Malian president to leave office at the end of his term. On 10 July 2003, he was elected as Chairman of the Commission of the African Union at a summit in Maputo, he was the only candidate. 35 countries voted in Konaré's favor.
Konaré raised the ire of civil society in Zimbabwe when, during a visit to Harare on 14 October 2006, in his capacity as Chairperson of the AU Commission, he declined invitations to meet with representatives of non-governmental organizations to discuss the situation in Zimbabwe. On 25 January 2007, Konaré said that he did not intend to seek another term as Chairman of the AU Commission. On 1 February 2008, Jean Ping of Gabon was elected to succeed him. Media related to Alpha Oumar Konaré at Wikimedia Commons "CURRICULUM VITAE of H. E. ALPHA OUMAR KONARE, Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union"
Mali the Republic of Mali, is a landlocked country in West Africa, a region geologically identified with the West African Craton. Mali is the eighth-largest country in Africa, with an area of just over 1,240,000 square kilometres; the population of Mali is 18 million. Its capital is Bamako; the sovereign state of Mali consists of eight regions and its borders on the north reach deep into the middle of the Sahara Desert, while the country's southern part, where the majority of inhabitants live, features the Niger and Senegal rivers. The country's economy centers on mining; some of Mali's prominent natural resources include gold, being the third largest producer of gold in the African continent, salt. Present-day Mali was once part of three West African empires that controlled trans-Saharan trade: the Ghana Empire, the Mali Empire, the Songhai Empire. During its golden age, there was a flourishing of mathematics, astronomy and art. At its peak in 1300, the Mali Empire covered an area about twice the size of modern-day France and stretched to the west coast of Africa.
In the late 19th century, during the Scramble for Africa, France seized control of Mali, making it a part of French Sudan. French Sudan joined with Senegal in 1959. Shortly thereafter, following Senegal's withdrawal from the federation, the Sudanese Republic declared itself the independent Republic of Mali. After a long period of one-party rule, a coup in 1991 led to the writing of a new constitution and the establishment of Mali as a democratic, multi-party state. In January 2012, an armed conflict broke out in northern Mali, in which Tuareg rebels took control of a territory in the north, in April declared the secession of a new state, Azawad; the conflict was complicated by a military coup that took place in March and fighting between Tuareg and rebels. In response to territorial gains, the French military launched Opération Serval in January 2013. A month Malian and French forces recaptured most of the north. Presidential elections were held on 28 July 2013, with a second-round run-off held on 11 August, legislative elections were held on 24 November and 15 December 2013.
The name Mali is taken from the name of the Mali Empire. The name was derived from the Mandinka or Bambara word mali, meaning "hippopotamus", but it came to mean "the place where the king lives"; the word carries the connotation of strength. Guinean writer Djibril Niane suggests in Sundiata: An Epic of Old Mali that it is not impossible that Mali was the name given to one of the capitals of the emperors. 14th-century Moroccan traveler Ibn Battuta reported that the capital of the Mali Empire was called Mali. One Mandinka tradition tells that the legendary first emperor Sundiata Keita changed himself into a hippopotamus upon his death in the Sankarani River, that it's possible to find villages in the area of this river, termed "old Mali", which have Mali for a name; this name could have been that of a city. In old Mali, there is one village called Malika which means "New Mali."Another theory suggests that Mali is a Fulani pronunciation of the name of the Mande peoples. It is suggested that a sound shift led to the change, whereby in Fulani the alveolar segment /nd/ shifts to /l/ and the terminal vowel denasalises and raises, thus "Manden" shifts to /Mali/.
Mali was once part of three famed West African empires which controlled trans-Saharan trade in gold, salt and other precious commodities. These Sahelian kingdoms had rigid ethnic identities; the earliest of these empires was the Ghana Empire, dominated by the Soninke, a Mande-speaking people. The empire expanded throughout West Africa from the 8th century until 1078, when it was conquered by the Almoravids; the Mali Empire formed on the upper Niger River, reached the height of power in the 14th century. Under the Mali Empire, the ancient cities of Djenné and Timbuktu were centers of both trade and Islamic learning; the empire declined as a result of internal intrigue being supplanted by the Songhai Empire. The Songhai people originated in current northwestern Nigeria; the Songhai had long been a major power in West Africa subject to the Mali Empire's rule. In the late 14th century, the Songhai gained independence from the Mali Empire and expanded subsuming the entire eastern portion of the Mali Empire.
The Songhai Empire's eventual collapse was the result of a Moroccan invasion in 1591, under the command of Judar Pasha. The fall of the Songhai Empire marked the end of the region's role as a trading crossroads. Following the establishment of sea routes by the European powers, the trans-Saharan trade routes lost significance. One of the worst famines in the region's recorded history occurred in the 18th century. According to John Iliffe, "The worst crises were in the 1680s, when famine extended from the Senegambian coast to the Upper Nile and'many sold themselves for slaves, only to get a sustenance', in 1738–1756, when West Africa's greatest recorded subsistence crisis, due to drought and locusts killed half the population of Timbuktu." Mali fell under the control of France during the late 19th century. By 1905, most of the area was under firm French control as a part of French Sudan. In early 1959, French Sudan and Senegal united to become the Mali Federation; the Mali Federation gained independence from France on 20 June 1960.
Senegal withdrew from the federation in August 1960, which allowed the Sudanes
Ali Farka Touré
Ali Ibrahim "Ali Farka" Touré was a Malian singer and multi-instrumentalist, one of the African continent's most internationally renowned musicians. His music is regarded as representing a point of intersection of traditional Malian music and its North American cousin, the blues; the belief that the latter is derived from the former is reflected in Martin Scorsese's quoted characterization of Touré's tradition as constituting "the DNA of the blues". Touré was ranked number 76 on Rolling Stone's list of "The 100 Greatest Guitarists of All Time" and number 37 on Spin magazine's "100 Greatest Guitarists of All Time". Touré was born in 1939 in the village of Kanau, on the banks of the Niger River in Gourma-Rharous Cercle in the northwestern Malian region of Tombouctou, his family belonged to the Arma community and moved to the nearby village of Niafunké when he was still an infant. His father died serving in the French Army in 1940, he was the tenth son of his mother but the only one to survive past infancy.
"The name I was given was Ali Ibrahim, but it's a custom in Africa to give a child a strange nickname if you have had other children who have died", Touré was quoted as saying in a biography on his Record Label, World Circuit Records. His nickname, "Farka", chosen by his parents, means "donkey", an animal admired for its tenacity and stubbornness: "Let me make one thing clear. I'm the donkey that nobody climbs on!" Ethnically, he was part Fula. As the first African bluesman to achieve widespread popularity on his home continent, Touré was known as "the African John Lee Hooker". Musically, the many superpositions of guitars and rhythms in his music were similar to John Lee Hooker's hypnotic blues style, he sang in one of several African languages Songhay, Tamasheq or Bambara as on his breakthrough album, Ali Farka Touré, which established his reputation in the world music community. His first North American concert was in British Columbia. 1994's Talking Timbuktu, a collaboration with Ry Cooder, sold promisingly well in Western markets, but was followed by a hiatus from releases in America and Europe.
He reappeared in 1999 with the release of Niafunké, a more traditional album focusing on African rhythms and beats. Touré was the uncle of popular Malian musician Afel Bocoum; some of Ali Farka Touré's songs and tunes have been used in different programmes and documentaries. For instance, his guitar riff on the song "Diaraby", from the album Talking Timbuktu, was selected for the Geo-quiz segment of The World PRI-BBC program, was retained by popular demand when put to a vote of the listeners; this song is used in 1998 as a soundtrack for the film L'Assedio by the Italian director Bernardo Bertolucci. His songs Cinquante six, Goye Kur and Hawa Dolo from the album The Source are used as a soundtrack in the French film Fin août, début septembre directed in 1998 by Olivier Assayas; the song "Lasidan" was featured in the award winning documentary "Sharkwater" by Rob Stewart. In 2002 he appeared with Black American blues and reggae performer Corey Harris, on an album called Mississippi to Mali. Toure and Harris appeared together in Martin Scorsese's 2003 documentary film Feel Like Going Home, which traced the roots of blues back to its genesis in West Africa.
The film features Ali's performances on guitar and njarka. In 2004 Touré became mayor of Niafunké and spent his own money grading the roads, putting in sewer canals and fuelling a generator that provided the impoverished town with electricity. In September 2005, he released the album In the Heart of the Moon, a collaboration with Toumani Diabaté, for which he received a second Grammy award, his last album, was posthumously released in July 2006. It was received with wide acclaim by professionals and fans alike and has been nominated for a Grammy Award in the category "Best Contemporary World Music Album"; the panel of experts from the World Music Chart Europe, a chart voted by the leading World Music specialists around Europe, chose Savane as their Album of the Year 2006, with the album topping the chart for three consecutive months. The album has been listed as No. 1 in the influential Metacritic's "Best Albums of 2006" poll, No. 5 in its all-time best reviewed albums. Ali Farka Touré has been nominated for the BBC Radio 3 awards 2007.
On 6 March 2006, the Ministry of Culture of Mali announced his death at age 66 in Bamako from bone cancer, against which he had been battling for some time. His record label, World Circuit, said that he had recorded several tracks with his son, Vieux Farka Touré, for Vieux's debut album, released in late 2006. In February 2018 Idrissa Soumaoro - Bèrèbèrè was used in Black Panther In the French film l'Auberge espagnole, two characters are seen playing air guitar to "Ai Du". In the movie Unfaithful, Diane Lane and Olivier Martinez slow dance to "Ai Du". In the French film Irma Vep, Maggie Cheung and Nathalie Richard ride an old motorcycle down the quay to Touré's song "Soukoura". In the 2005 travel film Michael Palin: SAHARA, his music is heard in a scene about Nigerian nomads; the World, a radio show distributed by Public Radio International, uses the song "Diaraby" as the theme to their Geoquiz. The song is a collaboration between Ry Cooder; the 2018 Marvel Studios film Black Panther features the song Berebere.
The title "Bèrèbèrè" - meaning "to help each other" in Bambara - Malian guitarist and singer Idrissa Soumaoro illustrates the moment when T'Challa and Nakia walk in the market