Spanish or Castilian is a Romance language that originated in the Castile region of Spain and today has hundreds of millions of native speakers in the Americas and Spain. It is the world's second-most spoken native language, after Mandarin Chinese. Spanish is a part of the Ibero-Romance group of languages, which evolved from several dialects of Vulgar Latin in Iberia after the collapse of the Western Roman Empire in the 5th century; the oldest Latin texts with traces of Spanish come from mid-northern Iberia in the 9th century, the first systematic written use of the language happened in Toledo capital of the Kingdom of Castile, in the 13th century. Beginning in 1492, the Spanish language was taken to the viceroyalties of the Spanish Empire, most notably to the newly-discovered Americas, as well as territories in Africa and the Philippines. Around 75% of modern Spanish vocabulary is derived from Latin and, through Latin, Ancient Greek. Spanish vocabulary has been in contact with Arabic from an early date, having developed during the Al-Andalus era in the Iberian Peninsula.
With around 8% of its vocabulary being Arabic in origin, this language is the second most important influence after Latin. It has been influenced by Basque, Celtiberian, by neighboring Ibero-Romance languages. Additionally, it has absorbed vocabulary from other languages the Romance languages—French, Portuguese, Catalan and Sardinian—as well as from Quechua and other indigenous languages of the Americas. Spanish is one of the six official languages of the United Nations, it is used as an official language by the European Union, the Organization of American States, the Union of South American Nations, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, the African Union and many other international organizations. Despite its large number of speakers, the Spanish language does not feature prominently in scientific writing, with the exception of the humanities, it is estimated that more than 437 million people speak Spanish as a native language, which qualifies it as second on the lists of languages by number of native speakers.
Instituto Cervantes claims that there are an estimated 477 million Spanish speakers with native competence and 572 million Spanish speakers as a first or second language—including speakers with limited competence—and more than 21 million students of Spanish as a foreign language. Spanish is the official or national language in Spain, Equatorial Guinea, 19 countries in the Americas. Speakers in the Americas total some 418 million, it is an optional language in the Philippines as it was a Spanish colony from 1569 to 1899. In the European Union, Spanish is the mother tongue of 8% of the population, with an additional 7% speaking it as a second language. Spanish is the most popular second language learned in the United States. In 2011 it was estimated by the American Community Survey that of the 55 million Hispanic United States residents who are five years of age and over, 38 million speak Spanish at home. According to a 2011 paper by U. S. Census Bureau Demographers Jennifer Ortman and Hyon B. Shin, the number of Spanish speakers is projected to rise through 2020 to anywhere between 39 million and 43 million, depending on the assumption one makes about immigration.
Most of these Spanish speakers will be Hispanic, with Ortman and Shin projecting between 37.5 million and 41 million Hispanic Spanish speakers by 2020. In Spain and in some other parts of the Spanish-speaking world, Spanish is called not only español but castellano, the language from the kingdom of Castile, contrasting it with other languages spoken in Spain such as Galician, Asturian, Catalan and Occitan; the Spanish Constitution of 1978 uses the term castellano to define the official language of the whole Spanish State in contrast to las demás lenguas españolas. Article III reads as follows: El castellano es la lengua española oficial del Estado.... Las demás lenguas españolas serán también oficiales en las respectivas Comunidades Autónomas... Castilian is the official Spanish language of the State.... The other Spanish languages shall be official in their respective Autonomous Communities... The Spanish Royal Academy, on the other hand uses the term español in its publications, but from 1713 to 1923 called the language castellano.
The Diccionario panhispánico de dudas states that, although the Spanish Royal Academy prefers to use the term español in its publications when referring to the Spanish language, both terms—español and castellano—are regarded as synonymous and valid. Two etymologies for español have been suggested; the Spanish Royal Academy Dictionary derives the term from the Provençal word espaignol, that in turn from the Medieval Latin word Hispaniolus,'from—or pertaining to—Hispania'. Other authorities attribute it to a supposed mediaeval Latin *hispaniōne, with the same meaning; the Spanish language evolved from Vulgar Latin, brought to the Iberian Peninsula by the Romans during the Second Punic War, beginning in 210 BC. Several pre-Roman languages —unrelated to Latin, some of them unrelated to Indo-European—were spoken in the Iberian Peninsula; these languages included Basque, Iberian and Gallaecian. The first documents to show traces of what is today regarded as the precursor of modern Spanish are from the 9th century.
Throughout the Middle Ages and into the modern era, the most important influences on the Spanish lexicon came from neighboring Romance languages—Mozarabic (Anda
A political spectrum is a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes that represent independent political dimensions. Most long-standing spectra include a left wing, which referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament after the Revolution. On a left–right spectrum and socialism are regarded internationally as being on the left, Liberalism can mean different things in different contexts: sometimes on the left; those with an intermediate outlook are sometimes classified as centrists. That said and neoliberals are called centrists too. Politics that rejects the conventional left–right spectrum is known as syncretic politics, though the label tends to mischaracterize positions that have a logical location on a two-axis spectrum because they seem randomly brought together on a one-axis left-right spectrum. Political scientists have noted that a single left–right axis is insufficient for describing the existing variation in political beliefs and include other axes.
Though the descriptive words at polar opposites may vary in popular biaxial spectra the axes are split between socio-cultural issues and economic issues, each scaling from some form of individualism to some form of communitarianism. The terms right and left refer to political affiliations originating early in the French Revolutionary era of 1789–1799 and referred to the seating arrangements in the various legislative bodies of France; as seen from the Speaker's seat at the front of the Assembly, the aristocracy sat on the right and the commoners sat on the left, hence the terms right-wing politics and left-wing politics. The defining point on the ideological spectrum was the Ancien Régime. "The Right" thus implied support for aristocratic or royal interests and the church, while "The Left" implied support for republicanism and civil liberties. Because the political franchise at the start of the revolution was narrow, the original "Left" represented the interests of the bourgeoisie, the rising capitalist class.
Support for laissez-faire commerce and free markets were expressed by politicians sitting on the left because these represented policies favorable to capitalists rather than to the aristocracy, but outside parliamentary politics these views are characterized as being on the Right. The reason for this apparent contradiction lies in the fact that those "to the left" of the parliamentary left, outside official parliamentary structures represent much of the working class, poor peasantry and the unemployed, their political interests in the French Revolution lay with opposition to the aristocracy and so they found themselves allied with the early capitalists. However, this did not mean that their economic interests lay with the laissez-faire policies of those representing them politically; as capitalist economies developed, the aristocracy became less relevant and were replaced by capitalist representatives. The size of the working class increased as capitalism expanded and began to find expression through trade unionist, socialist and communist politics rather than being confined to the capitalist policies expressed by the original "left".
This evolution has pulled parliamentary politicians away from laissez-faire economic policies, although this has happened to different degrees in different countries those with a history of issues with more authoritarian-left countries, such as the Soviet Union or China under Mao Zedong. Thus the word "Left" in American political parlance may refer to "liberalism" and be identified with the Democratic Party, whereas in a country such as France these positions would be regarded as more right-wing, or centrist overall, "left" is more to refer to "socialist" or "social-democratic" positions rather than "liberal" ones. For a century, social scientists have considered the problem of how best to describe political variation. In 1950, Leonard W. Ferguson analyzed political values using ten scales measuring attitudes toward: birth control, capital punishment, communism, law, theism, treatment of criminals and war. Submitting the results to factor analysis, he was able to identify three factors, which he named religionism and nationalism.
He defined religionism as belief in God and negative attitudes toward birth control. This system was derived empirically, as rather than devising a political model on purely theoretical grounds and testing it, Ferguson's research was exploratory; as a result of this method, care must be taken in the interpretation of Ferguson's three factors, as factor analysis will output an abstract factor whether an objectively real factor exists or not. Although replication of the nationalism factor was inconsistent, the finding of religionism and humanitarianism had a number of replications by Ferguson and others. Shortly afterward, Hans Eysenck began researching political attitudes in Great Britain, he believed that there was something similar about the National Socialists on the one hand and the communists on the other, despite their opposite positions on the left–right axis. As Hans Eysenck described in his 1956 book Sense and
The Unitarian League referred as the League of the Interior was a league of provinces of Argentina led by José María Paz, established in 1830, aiming to unite the country under unitarian principles. It comprised the provinces of San Luis, La Rioja, Mendoza, San Juan, Tucumán, Córdoba and Santiago del Estero, it was opposed and defeated by the provinces of the Federal Pact
The Cisplatine War known as the Argentine-Brazilian War, was an armed conflict over an area known as Banda Oriental or the "Eastern Bank" in the 1820s between the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata and the Empire of Brazil in the aftermath of the United Provinces' independence from Spain. Led by José Gervasio Artigas, the region known as the Eastern Bank, in the Río de la Plata Basin, revolted against Spanish rule in 1811, against the backdrop of the 1810 May Revolution in Buenos Aires as well as the regional rebellions that followed in response to Buenos Aires' pretense of primacy over other regions of the viceroyalty. In the same context, the Portuguese Empire headquartered in Rio de Janeiro, took measures to solidify its hold on Rio Grande do Sul and to annex the region of the former Eastern Jesuit Missions. From 1814 on, the Eastern Province joined forces with the provinces of Santa Fe and Entre Rios in a loose confederation called the Federal League, which resisted Buenos Aires' authority.
After a series of banditry incidents in territory claimed by the Portuguese Empire, the Rio Grande do Sul, Portugal invaded the Eastern Bank in 1816. Artigas was defeated by the Luso-Brazilian troops in 1820 at the Battle of Tacuarembó; the Portuguese Empire formally annexed the Eastern Bank, under the name Cisplatina, with support from local elites. With the annexation, the Portuguese Empire now enjoyed strategic access to Río de la Plata and control of the estuary's main port, Montevideo. After Brazilian independence, in 1822, the Cisplatina became part of Brazil, it sent delegates to the 1823 Constitutional Convention and, under the 1824 Constitution, enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy, more so than other provinces of the Empire. While welcoming Portuguese intervention in the rogue Eastern province, the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata urged the local populace to rise up against Brazilian authority, giving them political and material support with a view to reestablishing sovereignty over the region.
Rebels led by Fructuoso Rivera and Juan Antonio Lavalleja carried on resistance against Brazilian rule. In 1825, a Congress of delegates from all over the Eastern Bank met in La Florida and declared independence from Brazil, while reaffirming its allegiance to the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata. In response, Brazil declared war on the United Provinces; the two navies which confronted each other in the River Plate and the South Atlantic were in many way opposites. Brazil was a major naval power with 96 warships and small, an extensive coastal trade and a large international trade carried on in British and American ships; the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata had similar international trading links but had few naval pretensions. Its navy consisted of a few gunboats for port defence. Both navies were short of indigenous sailors and relied on British - and, to a lesser extent - American and French officers and men, the most notable of which were the Argentine commander, the Irish born Admiral William Brown, the commander of the Brazilian inshore squadron, the English Commodore James Norton.
The strategy of the two nations reflected their respective positions. The Brazilians imposed a blockade on the River Plate and the trade of Buenos Aires, while the Argentines vainly attempted to defy the blockade using Brown’s squadron while unleashing a swarm of privateers to attack Brazilian seaborne commerce in the South Atlantic from their bases at Ensenada and more distant Carmen de Patagones; the Argentines gained some notable successes - most notably by defeating the Brazilian flotilla on the Uruguay River at the Battle of Juncal and by beating off a Brazilian attack on Carmen de Patagones. But by 1828, the superior numbers of Brazil’s blockading squadrons had destroyed Brown’s naval force at the Monte Santiago and was strangling the trade of Buenos Aires and the government revenue it generated. On land, the Argentine army crossed the River Plate and established its headquarters near the Uruguayan town of Durazno. General Carlos María de Alvear invaded a series of skirmishes followed.
Pedro I of Brazil planned a counteroffensive by late 1826, managed to gather a small army composed of Southern Brazil volunteers and European mercenaries. The recruiting effort was hampered by local rebellions throughout Brazil, which forced the Emperor to relinquish direct command of his Army, return to Rio de Janeiro and bestow command of the troops on Felisberto Caldeira Brant, Marquis of Barbacena; the Brazilian counteroffensive was stopped at the inconclusive Battle of Ituzaingó. While Brazilian troops were prevented from marching on to Buenos Aires, Argentine troops no longer managed to operate in Brazilian territory. Ituzaingó was the only battle of some magnitude in the whole war. A series of smaller clashes ensued, including the Battle of Sarandí, the naval Battles of Juncal and Monte Santiago. Scarcity of volunteers hampered the Brazilian response, by 1828 the war effort had become burdensome and unpopular in Brazil; that year, Rivera reconquered the territory of the former Eastern Jesuit Missions.
Battle of Sarandí: October 12, 1825 Battle of Ituzaingó: February 20, 1827 Battle of Juncal: February 8–9, 1827 Battle of Monte Santiago: April 7–8, 1827 The stalemate in the Cisplatine War was caused by the inability of the Argentine and Uruguayan land forces to capture major cities in Uruguay and Brazil, the severe economic consequences imposed by the Brazilian blockade of Buenos Aires, the lack of manpower for a full-scale Brazilian la
Argentine Civil Wars
The Argentine Civil Wars were a series of civil wars that took place in Argentina from 1814 to 1880. These conflicts were separate from the Argentine War of Independence, though they first arose during this period; the main antagonists were, on a geographical level, Buenos Aires Province against the other provinces of modern Argentina, on a political level, the Federal Party versus the Unitarian Party. The central cause of the conflict was the excessive centralism advanced by Buenos Aires leaders and, for a long period, the monopoly on the use of the Port of Buenos Aires as the sole means for international commerce. Other participants at specific times included Uruguay, which became independent from the United Provinces of Río de la Plata in 1828, the British and French empires, notably in the French blockade of the Río de la Plata of 1838 and in the Anglo-French blockade of the Río de la Plata that ended in 1850. Regionalism had long marked the relationship among the numerous provinces of what today is Argentina, the wars of independence did not result in national unity.
The establishment of the League of the Free Peoples by the Banda Oriental Province, Entre Ríos Province, Corrientes Province, Misiones Province, Córdoba Province, in June 1814 marked the first formal rupture in the United Provinces of South America, created by the 1810 May Revolution. The Battle of Cepeda thwarted the goal of Buenos Aires leaders to govern the country under the Argentine Constitution of 1819, following a series of disorders and a short-lived Constitutional Republic led by Buenos Aires centralist Bernardino Rivadavia in 1826 and 1827, the United Provinces established in 1810 again became divided, the Province of Buenos Aires would emerge as the most powerful among the numerous semi-independent states. An understanding was entered into by Buenos Aires Governor Juan Manuel de Rosas and other Federalist leaders out of need and a shared enmity toward the still vigorous Unitarian Party, who advocated differing forms of centralized government; the latter's 1830 establishment of the Unitarian League by Córdoba leader José María Paz from nine western and northern provinces thus forced Buenos Aires and Entre Ríos Provinces into the Federal Pact of 1831, following which the Unitarian League was dismantled.
The Buenos Aires leader deposed by Rosas in 1829, General Juan Lavalle led a series of rebellions with different alliances against Rosas and the Federal Pact until Lavalle's defeat and assassination in 1841. Since the fall of Rivadavia and the lack of a proper head of state there was a dynamic whereby leaders from the hinterland provinces would delegate certain powers, such as foreign debt payment or the management of international relations to the Buenos Aires leader. In addition, Rosas was granted the sum of public power; these powers enabled Rosas to participate in the protracted Uruguayan Civil War in favor of Manuel Oribe, though unsuccessfully. The Argentine Confederation thus functioned, albeit amid ongoing conflicts, until the 1852 Battle of Caseros, when Rosas was deposed and exiled; the central figure in the overthrow of Rosas, Entre Ríos Governor Justo José de Urquiza, failed to secure Buenos Aires' ratification of the 1852 San Nicolás Agreement, following the Revolution of 11 September 1852, the State of Buenos Aires was declared.
The secessionist state rejected the 1853 Constitution of Argentina, promulgated its own the following year. The most contentious issue remained the Buenos Aires Customs, which remained under the control of the city government and was the chief source of public revenue. Nations with which the Confederation maintained foreign relations, kept all embassies in Buenos Aires; the State of Buenos Aires was bolstered by its numerous alliances in the hinterland, including that of Santiago del Estero Province, as well as among powerful Unitarian Party governors in Salta, Tucumán and San Juan. The 1858 assassination of San Juan's Federalist governor, Nazario Benavídez, by Unitarians inflamed tensions between the Confederation and the State of Buenos Aires, as did a free trade agreement between the chief Confederate port and the Port of Montevideo, which undermined Buenos Aires trade; the election of the intransigent Valentín Alsina further exacerbated disputes, which culminated in the Battle of Cepeda.
Buenos Aires forces, led by General Bartolomé Mitre, were defeated by those led by the President of Argentina, Justo José de Urquiza. Ordered to subjugate Buenos Aires separatists by force, Urquiza instead invited the defeated to a round of negotiations, secured the Pact of San José de Flores, which provided for a number of constitutional amendments and led to other concessions, including an extension on the province's customs house concession and measures benefiting the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires, whose currency was authorized for use as legal tender at the customs house. Mitre abrogated the Pact of San José, leading to renewed civil war; these hostilities culminated in the 1861 Battle of Pavón, to victory on the part of Mitre and Buenos Aires over Urquiza's national forces. President Santiago Derqui, backed by Urquiza, resigned on November 4, 1861. Mitre, who despite victory reaffirmed his commitment to the 1860 constitutional amendments, was elected the republic's first president in 1862.
President Mitre instituted a limited suffrage electoral system known as the voto cantad
Battle of Caseros
The Battle of Caseros was fought near the town of El Palomar, Buenos Aires Province, Argentina, on 3 February 1852, between the Army of Buenos Aires commanded by Juan Manuel de Rosas and the Grand Army led by Justo José de Urquiza. The forces of Urquiza and governor of Entre Ríos, defeated Rosas, who fled to the United Kingdom; this defeat marked a sharp division in the history of Argentina. As provisional Director of the Argentine Confederation, Urquiza sponsored the creation of the Constitution in 1853, became the first constitutional President of Argentina in 1854. Rosas had declared war on Brazil in 1851, which led to the signing of a treaty, on 21 November 1851, among the governments of Entre Ríos, Corrientes and the Brazilian Empire. In compliance with the treaty, Urquiza led a joint army and crossed Morón creek, positioning his forces in Monte Caseros; the Brazilian Empire contributed with 3,500 troops, were the only professional soldiers, but the bulk of the Brazilian Army remained out of the battlefield.
Rosas' forces comprised 12,000 cavalrymen and 60 guns. Among his captains were Jerónimo Costa, who defended Martín García island from the French in 1838. Due to desertion that of General Ángel Pacheco and poor morale, several historians and military analysts reckon that for Rosas the battle was lost before it started. However, his opponent suffered from desertions like that of the Regimiento Aquino, a regiment composed by soldiers loyal to Rosas, who murdered their captain Pedro León Aquino and joined the Rosist army. Urquiza's army was 24,000-men strong, among them 3,500 Brazilians and 1,500 Uruguayans, 50 guns. Only the Brazilians were professional soldiers. Urquiza did not conduct the battle: each chief was free to fight as they saw fit. Urquiza himself led a charge against the enemy left in front of their cavalrymen from Entre Ríos. Meanwhile, the Brazilian infantry, supported by a Uruguayan brigade and an Argentine cavalry squadron seized the Palomar, a circular building near the right of the Rosist line and used for pigeon breeding, extant to this day.
After both flanks collapsed only the center under Chilavert's command continued the fighting, reduced to an artillery duel that lasted until he ran out of ammunition. The armies clashed in Buenos Aires province; the whole battle fled. Urquiza's triumph terminated the 20-year term of Rosas as Governor of Buenos Aires and de facto ruler of Argentina. Within a few days, Urquiza's troops entered the city of Buenos Aires without further resistance; the President of the Superior Tribunal, Vicente López y Planes, was appointed interim governor. Gálvez, Manuel. Vida de Juan Manuel de Rosas. Buenos Aires: Editorial Tor
Empire of Brazil
The Empire of Brazil was a 19th-century state that broadly comprised the territories which form modern Brazil and Uruguay. Its government was a representative parliamentary constitutional monarchy under the rule of Emperors Dom Pedro I and his son Dom Pedro II. A colony of the Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil became the seat of the Portuguese colonial Empire in 1808, when the Portuguese Prince regent King Dom João VI, fled from Napoleon's invasion of Portugal and established himself and his government in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro. João VI returned to Portugal, leaving his eldest son and heir, Pedro, to rule the Kingdom of Brazil as regent. On 7 September 1822, Pedro declared the independence of Brazil and, after waging a successful war against his father's kingdom, was acclaimed on 12 October as Pedro I, the first Emperor of Brazil; the new country was sparsely populated and ethnically diverse. Unlike most of the neighboring Hispanic American republics, Brazil had political stability, vibrant economic growth, constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech, respect for civil rights of its subjects, albeit with legal restrictions on women and slaves, the latter regarded as property and not citizens.
The empire's bicameral parliament was elected under comparatively democratic methods for the era, as were the provincial and local legislatures. This led to a long ideological conflict between Pedro I and a sizable parliamentary faction over the role of the monarch in the government, he faced other obstacles. The unsuccessful Cisplatine War against the neighboring United Provinces of the Río de la Plata in 1828 led to the secession of the province of Cisplatina. In 1826, despite his role in Brazilian independence, he became the king of Portugal. Two years she was usurped by Pedro I's younger brother Miguel. Unable to deal with both Brazilian and Portuguese affairs, Pedro I abdicated his Brazilian throne on 7 April 1831 and departed for Europe to restore his daughter to the Portuguese throne. Pedro I's successor in Brazil was his five-year-old son, Pedro II; as the latter was still a minor, a weak regency was created. The power vacuum resulting from the absence of a ruling monarch as the ultimate arbiter in political disputes led to regional civil wars between local factions.
Having inherited an empire on the verge of disintegration, Pedro II, once he was declared of age, managed to bring peace and stability to the country, which became an emerging international power. Brazil was victorious in three international conflicts under Pedro II's rule, the Empire prevailed in several other international disputes and outbreaks of domestic strife. With prosperity and economic development came an influx of European immigration, including Protestants and Jews, although Brazil remained Catholic. Slavery, widespread, was restricted by successive legislation until its final abolition in 1888. Brazilian visual arts and theater developed during this time of progress. Although influenced by European styles that ranged from Neoclassicism to Romanticism, each concept was adapted to create a culture, uniquely Brazilian. Though the last four decades of Pedro II's reign were marked by continuous internal peace and economic prosperity, he had no desire to see the monarchy survive beyond his lifetime and made no effort to maintain support for the institution.
The next in line to the throne was his daughter Isabel, but neither Pedro II nor the ruling classes considered a female monarch acceptable. Lacking any viable heir, the Empire's political leaders saw no reason to defend the monarchy. After a 58-year reign, on 15 November 1889 the Emperor was overthrown in a sudden coup d'état led by a clique of military leaders whose goal was the formation of a republic headed by a dictator, forming the First Brazilian Republic; the territory which would come to be known as Brazil was claimed by Portugal on 22 April 1500, when the navigator Pedro Álvares Cabral landed on its coast. Permanent settlement followed in 1532, for the next 300 years the Portuguese expanded westwards until they had reached nearly all of the borders of modern Brazil. In 1808, the army of French Emperor Napoleon I invaded Portugal, forcing the Portuguese royal family—the House of Braganza, a branch of the thousand-year-old Capetian dynasty—into exile, they re-established themselves in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro, which became the unofficial seat of the Portuguese Empire.
In 1815, the Portuguese crown prince Dom João, acting as regent, created the United Kingdom of Portugal and the Algarves, which raised the status of Brazil from colony to kingdom. He ascended the Portuguese throne the following year, after the death of his mother, Maria I of Portugal, he returned to Portugal in April 1821, leaving behind his son and heir, Prince Dom Pedro, to rule Brazil as his regent. The Portuguese government moved to revoke the political autonomy that Brazil had been granted since 1808; the threat of losing their limited control over local affairs ignited widespread opposition among Brazilians. José Bonifácio de Andrada, along with other Brazilian leaders, convinced Pedro to declare Brazil's independence from Portugal on 7 September 1822. On 12 October, the prince was acclaimed Pedro I, first Emperor of the newly created Empire of Brazil, a constitutional monarchy; the declaration of independence was opposed throughout Brazil by armed military units loyal to Portugal. The ensuing war of independence was fought across the country, with battles in the northern and southern regions.
The last Portu