A united front is an alliance of groups against their common enemies, figuratively evoking unification of separate geographic fronts and/or unification of separate armies into a front—the name refers to a political and/or military struggle carried out by revolutionaries in revolutionary socialism, communism or anarchism. The basic theory of the united front tactic among socialists was first developed by the Comintern, an international communist organization created by communists in the wake of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. According to the thesis of the 1922 4th World Congress of the Comintern: The united front tactic is an initiative whereby the Communists propose to join with all workers belonging to other parties and groups and all unaligned workers in a common struggle to defend the immediate, basic interests of the working class against the bourgeoisie; the united front allowed workers committed to the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism to struggle alongside non-revolutionary workers.
Through these common struggles, revolutionaries sought to win other workers to revolutionary socialism. The united front perspective is used in contemporary and non-Leninist perspectives. According to Russian communist Leon Trotsky, the roots of the united front go back to the practice of the Bolshevik Party during the 1917 Russian Revolution; the Comintern generalised that experience among the fledgling Communist Parties that were established or grew during the years after 1917. The theory of the united front was elaborated at the 3rd and the 4th Congresses of the Comintern, held from November 5 to December 5, 1922. Revolutionary socialists represented a minority in the working class, the united front offered a method of working with large numbers of non-revolutionary workers and winning them to revolutionary politics; the strategy was used by leader. According to the leaders of the Comintern, the shift from offensive to defensive struggles by workers strengthened the desire for united action within the working class.
The leaders hoped that the united front would allow the revolutionaries to win a majority inside the class: The task of the Communist Party is to lead the proletarian revolution. In order to summon the proletariat for the direct conquest of power and to achieve it the Communist Party must base itself on the overwhelming majority of the working class.... So long as it does not hold this majority, the party must fight to win it; the revolutionaries were told to maintain independence: The existence of independent Communist Parties and their complete freedom of action in relation to the bourgeoisie and counter-revolutionary social democracy.... In the same way the united front tactic has nothing to do with the so-called'electoral combinations' of leaders in pursuit of one or another parliamentary aim; the united front tactic is an initiative whereby the communists propose to join with all workers belonging to other parties and groups and all unaligned workers in a common struggle to defend the immediate, basic interests of the working class against the bourgeoisie.
However, revolutionaries could not go over the heads of the leaders of reformist organizations. They should approach those leaders demanding unity on the bases of a united front; that would pose a dilemma for the reformist leaders: to refuse the invitation and be seen by their followers as an obstacle to unity or to accept the invitation and be required to operate on the terrain of mass struggle on which the revolutionaries would be proved to have superior ideas and methods. The tactic was put into practice in Germany in 1922 and 1923 and, for a time, was effective in winning workers to revolutionary socialism; as Stalinism came to dominate the Comintern, the strategy was dropped. In the period preceding Adolf Hitler's victories in German elections, the Comintern argued that the social democrats were "social fascists" and, rather than the Nazis, represented the real danger. After Hitler's victory, the Comintern argued for popular fronts drawing in forces far beyond the working-class movement.
Trotsky, now exiled from the Soviet Union, argued that the first conclusion was disastrous because it prevented unity against the far right and that the second, by emphasizing popular fronts, was disastrous because the terms of the struggle would be dictated by mainstream liberal parties. He feared. Trotsky continued to argue for a workers' united front against fascism. Trotsky argued that the united front strategy ould have great appeal to workers who wished to fight fascism: The programme of action must be practical objective, to the point, without any of those artificial'claims', without any reservations, so that every average Social Democratic worker can say to himself: what the Communists propose is indispensable for the struggle against fascism. On this basis we must pull the Social Democratic workers along with us by our example, criticize their leaders who will serve as a check and a break. In Chinese history, during the First United Front was the Communist Party of China]] worked with the nationalist Kuomintang.
The Chinese organized a Second United Front to fight the Japanese during World War II. In Vietnam, the Vietcong organized the National Liberation Front to gather widespread support for the independence struggle, first against France and against the United States during the Vietnam War. Trotsky and Trotskyists, such as Harold Isaacs in his The Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution, would argue that they were popular fronts, not united fronts, that were based upon the model
HMS Java was a British Royal Navy 38-gun fifth-rate frigate. She was launched in 1805 as Renommée, described as a 40-gun Pallas-class French Navy frigate, but the vessel carried 46 guns; the British captured her in 1811 in a noteworthy action during the Battle of Tamatave, but she is most famous for her defeat on 29 December 1812 in a three-hour single-ship action against USS Constitution. Java had a crew of about 277 but during her engagement with Constitution her complement was 475. In May 1811, she was part of a three-sail squadron under François Roquebert, comprising Renommée, Clorinde and Néréide, ferrying troops to Mauritius. On 20 May, the French encountered a British squadron comprising Astraea, Phoebe and Racehorse. In the ensuing Battle of Tamatave, Renommée struck; the British captured Néréide five days at Tamatave, Madagascar. Clorinde, commanded by Jacques de Saint-Cricq, escaped; the British brought Renommée into service as Néréide as Madagascar. In July Java was under Captain William Gordon, but not commissioned until August under Captain Henry Lambert, a senior commander who had seen combat on a number of occasions in His Majesty's service.
Java sailed from Portsmouth on 12 November for Bombay to deliver the appointed Governor, Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Hislop, his staff with their baggage, naval stores. She was carrying additional personnel for other ships at the time and included another Royal Navy commander in transit. Captain Lambert of Java was a well-qualified officer. Java had more than a full crew. Still, Java was well supplied and manned, would prove to be well handled and well fought. USS Constitution had an experienced crew manning a heavy frigate carrying 54 cannon: thirty 24-pounder guns and twenty-four 32-pounder carronades, plus two 24-pounder bow chasers. On 13 December 1812, sailing from Boston by way of Cape Verde USS Constitution, under the command of Captain William Bainbridge, accompanied by USS Hornet, commanded by James Lawrence, arrived off the coast of Brazil at St. Salvador. On 26 December Hornet was sent into the port to communicate with the American consul stationed there. On 29 December at 9:00 AM still out at high sea in search of prizes crewmen aloft Constitution sighted strange sails on the distant horizon.
Bainbridge was unsure of the disposition of the ships, but hours as they drew closer he was able to discern that the approaching vessels were large and now assumed them to be British. To ascertain the disposition of the unidentified ships Constitution hoisted private signals at 11:30 AM, while the assumed British vessel hoisted its signals, but neither ship made the correct counter-signal. Constitution tacking the wind made her way from the neutral Portuguese territorial waters with Java giving chase; the following day at 12:30 PM Java hoisted her colors and ensign with Constitution hoisting her colors in reply. With the dispositions of each ship confirmed, Java with the weather gauge to her advantage came about to position herself to rake Constitution. Being French-built, she was comparatively light for a frigate and was faster and more maneuverable than Constitution. In reply Constitution fired a shot across Java's bow with Java returning fire with a full broadside. Java started the battle badly out-matched both in terms of the experience of her crew and the weight of her broadside.
Constitution, with her experienced commander and crew, countered by not shortening sail as was standard. By 2 PM both ships were heading southeast; the opening phase of the action comprised both ships turning to and from attempting to get the better position for which to fire upon and rake the other, but with little success. Bainbridge now wore Constitution to a matching course and opened fire with a broadside at half a mile; this broadside forced Bainbridge to risk raking to close Java. Another broadside from Java carried away Constitution's helm, disabling her rudder and leaving Bainbridge wounded. Both ships resumed firing broadsides but by now Java had a mast and sail falling over her starboard side that prevented most of her guns on that side from firing, which prevented her from laying alongside Constitution; the guns that attempted to fire only managed to set rigging ablaze. Constitution's accuracy of fire and the greater weight of her broadside put the much smaller Java at a large disadvantage.
Within one hour, after several close encounters involving the rigging of each ship getting entangled with the other's, Java's masts collapsed. During this encounter a sharpshooter aloft in Constitution mortally wounded Lambert. Lieutenant Henry Ducie Chads now took over command, assisted by the captain in transit to his ship. Bainbridge used this opportunity to distance Constitution so as to make needed repairs, taking an hour; however clearing the masts and fallen rigging aboard Java had hardly begun when Constitution returned from repairing her damage and took a raking position from which Java could not defend herself. This left Lieutenant Chads no choice. Constitution sent First Lieutenant Parker to take possession of the prize. In the battle, Java suffered 22 men k
Eric Norman Gill is an English former professional footballer who played as a goalkeeper in the Football League for Charlton Athletic and Brighton & Hove Albion, where he spent the majority of his career. He spent six years with Guildford City of the Southern League. Gill was born in London, he joined Charlton Athletic in 1948 at the age of 17, but was unable to dislodge Sam Bartram from the first team, appeared only once for the first team. During his National Service with the Royal Army Ordnance Corps, Gill played Army football, was spotted by Brighton & Hove Albion manager Billy Lane, who signed him for a £400 fee, he soon established himself in the team, set a club record of 247 consecutive senior appearances between February 1953 and February 1958. The run, equalling the Football League record for goalkeeping appearances set by Tottenham Hotspur's Ted Ditchburn, was only ended by an attack of influenza. Gill kept goal for the Brighton team that won the 1957–58 Third Division South title, remained with the club for another two seasons, by which time Dave Hollins had taken over first-team duties.
He made another 225 appearances in the Southern League for Guildford City. He and his wife, ran a hotel in Brighton while he was still playing for the club, he continued in that trade after his retirement from football
In American Ground: Unbuilding the World Trade Center, William Langewiesche describes in detail the cleanup and recovery at Ground Zero following the September 11 attacks. Langewiesche describes the demands of work at the pile; the human and managerial challenges of clearing the tons of rubble while and recovering human remains, the improvisational nature of the work, lead to conflicts between the New York Police and Firefighters. Serialized in The Atlantic, American Ground was published September 11, 2003 by North Point Press. American Ground has been praised for its matter-of-fact tone and detailed thoroughness, has been listed as an essential book about 9/11, and was nominated for the National Book Critics Circle Award. Claims of looting by firefighters provoked angry rebuttals; the Guardian - Air and angles New York Times - Reverse Engineering Los Angeles Times - Heroes are in the details PBS - William Langewiesche, Journalist New York Times - Rebutting a Claim of Tarnished Valor.
Indirect presidential elections were held in Israel on 13 June 2007. The Knesset elected a former Prime Minister and a member of the Kadima party, his opponents were Reuven Rivlin, a former Knesset speaker, of the Likud Party, Colette Avital, of the Labor party. After the first round of voting put Peres in a commanding lead, but just short of the absolute majority required for election and Avital bowed out and Peres was elected in the second round; the deadline for candidates to announce their intention to run was twenty days before the election, i.e. by 25 May. Avital was the first Labor candidate to announce her intention to run, she gained the backing of former Prime Minister Ehud Barak, who at the time was running an successful campaign to regain the leadership of the Labor Party. However, it appeared that most Labor MKs were to back ex-Laborite Shimon Peres, serving as Vice Prime Minister. Peres, was advised not to stand by his campaign adviser, in the belief that he would not win enough votes in a secret ballot, that a defeat would be bad for his image.
This came after the legislation for the "Peres Law", which would replace a secret ballot with an open one, was postponed until after the election by its creator, Kadima's Yoel Hasson. The bill was seen as a means of protecting Peres from another upset defeat, after his loss to then-little known Likud MK Moshe Katsav by a 63–57 vote in the 2000 presidential election. Peres was named as Kadima's official candidate on 28 May, won the support of Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, the influential spiritual leader of Shas. Other persons, considered as possible candidates included Dalia Itzik, Binyamin Ben-Eliezer, Rabbi Yisrael Meir Lau, Meir Shamgar. Rabbi Lau had been warned not to run for the post by Labor MK and former journalist Shelly Yachimovich. Yachimovich stated that were Lau to run, "certain stories from the past may arise, including some that have never been publicized." The election was expected to be a close race between Rivlin. However, the first-round results left Peres only three votes short of a majority, at which point his opponents conceded the race.
Following his election, Peres promptly resigned as Vice Prime Minister, began his seven-year term as President on 15 July 2007. Wikinews:Shimon Peres discusses the future of Israel Presidency of Shimon Peres
The Team: A Season With McLaren is a 7-part TV series produced by John Gau Productions for the BBC during the 1993 Formula One season and first transmitted on BBC2 between 12 November and 24 December 1993. The series followed the team and regular drivers Ayrton Senna and Michael Andretti, as well as test driver Mika Häkkinen, giving a behind-the-scenes insight to the McLaren team; the series consisted of seven episodes, each 30 minutes in length: A Man For All Seasons Mika Häkkinen joins the team in Portugal The Rookie Michael Andretti prepares for the race in Montreal A Few Good Men A look at the hard work of the team mechanics as they rebuild a damaged car in Monaco The Boy From Brazil Working with Ayrton Senna Friendly Persuasion Marketing and Public Relations, focusing on the British Grand Prix The Rules Of The Game The team reacts to FISA's ban on active suspension Good-bye To All That Senna wins his final victory, making McLaren the most successful Grand Prix team in historyThe episodes were narrated by Tim Pigott-Smith