A monarchy is a form of government in which a single person holds supreme authority in ruling a country performing ceremonial duties and embodying the country's national identity. Although some monarchs are elected, in most cases, the monarch's position is inherited and lasts until death or abdication. In these cases, the royal family or members of the dynasty serve in official capacities as well; the governing power of the monarch may vary from purely symbolic, to partial and restricted, to autocratic. Monarchy was the most common form of government until the 20th century. Forty-five sovereign nations in the world have monarchs acting as heads of state, sixteen of which are Commonwealth realms that recognise Queen Elizabeth II as their head of state. Most modern monarchs are constitutional monarchs, who retain a unique legal and ceremonial role, but exercise limited or no political power under the nation's constitution. In some nations, such as Brunei, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Eswatini, the hereditary monarch has more political influence than any other single source of authority in the nation, either by tradition or by a constitutional mandate.
The word "monarch" comes from the Greek language word μονάρχης, monárkhēs which referred to a single, at least nominally absolute ruler. In current usage the word monarchy refers to a traditional system of hereditary rule, as elective monarchies are quite rare; the form of societal hierarchy known as chiefdom or tribal kingship is prehistoric. The Greek term monarchia is classical, used by Herodotus; the monarch in classical antiquity is identified as "king" or "ruler" or as "queen". From earliest historical times, with the Egyptian and Mesopotamian monarchs, as well as in reconstructed Proto-Indo-European religion, the king held sacral functions directly connected to sacrifice, or was considered by their people to have divine ancestry; the role of the Roman emperor as the protector of Christianity was conflated with the sacral aspects held by the Germanic kings to create the notion of the "divine right of kings" in the Christian Middle Ages. The Chinese and Nepalese monarchs continued to be considered living Gods into the modern period.
Since antiquity, monarchy has contrasted with forms of democracy, where executive power is wielded by assemblies of free citizens. In antiquity, some monarchies were abolished in favour of such assemblies in Rome, Athens. In Germanic antiquity, kingship was a sacral function, the king was directly hereditary for some tribes, while for others he was elected from among eligible members of royal families by the thing; such ancient "parliamentarism" declined during the European Middle Ages, but it survived in forms of regional assemblies, such as the Icelandic Commonwealth, the Swiss Landsgemeinde and Tagsatzung, the High Medieval communal movement linked to the rise of medieval town privileges. The modern resurgence of parliamentarism and anti-monarchism began with the temporary overthrow of the English monarchy by the Parliament of England in 1649, followed by the American Revolution of 1776 and the French Revolution of 1789. One of many opponents of that trend was Elizabeth Dawbarn, whose anonymous Dialogue between Clara Neville and Louisa Mills, on Loyalty features "silly Louisa, who admires liberty, Tom Paine and the USA, lectured by Clara on God's approval of monarchy" and on the influence women can exert on men.
Much of 19th-century politics featured a division between anti-monarchist Radicalism and monarchist Conservativism. Many countries abolished the monarchy in the 20th century and became republics in the wake of either World War I, World War II, the Palestine War, or the Cold War. Advocacy of republics is called republicanism. In the modern era, monarchies are more prevalent in small states than in large ones. Monarchies are associated with political or sociocultural hereditary reign, in which monarchs reign for life and the responsibilities and power of the position pass to their child or another member of their family when they die. Most monarchs, both and in the modern day, have been born and brought up within a royal family, the centre of the royal household and court. Growing up in a royal family, future monarchs are trained for their expected future responsibilities as monarch. Different systems of succession have been used, such as proximity of blood and agnatic seniority. While most monarchs have been male, many female monarchs have reigned in history.
Rule may be hereditary in practice without being considered a monarchy: there have been some family dictatorships, some political families in many democracies. The principal advantage of hereditary monarchy is the immediate continuity of leadership; some monarchies are non-hereditary. In an elective monarchy, monarchs are elected, or appointed by some body for life or a defined period, but once appointed they serve as any other monarch. Four elective monarchies exist today: Cambodia, Malaysia and th
José de la Serna, 1st Count of the Andes
José de la Serna e Hinojosa, 1st Count of the Andes, LCSF was a Spanish general and colonial official. He was the last Spanish viceroy of Peru to exercise effective power, he entered the army at a young age and saw his first service in the defense of Ceuta against the Moors in 1784. He saw service against the French in Catalonia, against the British under Admiral José de Mazarredo, in the second siege of Zaragoza. During the latter battle he was taken to France as a prisoner, he soon escaped. Thereafter he traveled in Switzerland and the Orient returning to Spain in 1811. In Spain he fought under Wellington in the Spanish War of Independence against the French, until the expulsion of the latter in 1813. In 1816, having risen to the rank of major general, he was appointed to take command of the Spanish forces in Peru battling the insurgents, he arrived in Callao on September 22, 1816 and proceeded directly to Alto Perú. He took charge of the army in Cotagaita on November 12, 1816. Viceroy Joaquín de la Pezuela ordered De la Serna to attack Argentine insurgents in the province of Tucumán, but De la Serna opposed this plan, citing insufficient forces.
De la Serna had advanced as far as Salta when the Spanish were surprised by the appearance in February 1817 of José de San Martín's Army of the Andes in Chile. San Martín had made an 21-day crossing of the mountains from Argentina, he conquered Chile, De la Serna's army in Alto Perú was reduced to defensive warfare against various rebel groups in different parts of the country. Serna's relations with Viceroy De la Pezuela further deteriorated. De la Serna asked to be relieved so that he could retire to Spain. Permission was received in May 1819, in September he resigned the command of the army to General José Canterac, he had partisans in Lima, upon his arrival there they demonstrated in favor of his remaining in Peru to face the threatened invasion of San Martín from Chile. De la Pezuela agreed to promote De la Serna to lieutenant general and name him president of a council of war. San Martin landed in Pisco, on September 7, 1819. De la Serna, through secret negotiations, was named commander-in-chief of the army gathered at Aznapuquio to protect the capital against San Martin's advance.
He was ordered by the viceroy to march to Chancay. On January 29, 1821, the principal officers of the camp, partisans of De la Serna, petitioned the viceroy to resign in favor of De la Serna. De la Pezuela refused, ordered De la Serna to subdue the mutiny, but De la Serna claimed to be unable to do so; the viceroy turned over executive authority on the evening of the same day. The results of this coup were recognized by Spain. A Spanish commissioner, Captain Manuel Abreu, arrived in Lima while San Martín was threatening the capital, he brought orders to the viceroy to negotiate for a peaceful settlement. De la Serna sent him on to meet with San Martín. Negotiations did begin on May 3, 1821 with representatives from both sides; the negotiations brought no agreement. The stumbling block was independence; the insurgents demanded it, Spain insisted on submission to the king. On June 25, hostilities began again. De la Serna was forced to abandon the capital on July 6, 1821. San Martín entered the capital four days and was received by the common people with jubilation.
On July 15, 1821 the Act of Independence of Peru was signed at the city hall in Lima. De la Serna retired to Jauja, to Cuzco, he brought with him the first printing press in Cuzco, on, published the famous newspaper El Depositario. On August 24 De la Serna sent General Canterac with a force of 4,000 men to relieve Callao. Callao was forced to surrender on September 19, 1821, due to lack of supplies. In Cuzco dissension broke out in the Royalist army. General Olañeta refused obedience and maintained an independent Royalist force in Alto Perú. Canterac was defeated on August 1824 by Simón Bolívar at Junín. De la Serna was now resolved to risk everything to crush the revolt, he left Cuzco in October with a well-disciplined army of 1,600 cavalry. He met the insurgent army in the mountain plain of Ayacucho on December 8, the following day was defeated by General Antonio José de Sucre. De la Serna was taken prisoner; the Royalist army had 2,000 dead and wounded and lost 3,000 prisoners, with the remainder of the army dispersed.
General Canterac, the second in command, signed an honorable capitulation the next day, December 9, 1824. De la Serna, who on the date of the battle had been created conde de los Andes by King Ferdinand VII, was released soon afterward and sailed for Europe. In all but name, the Spanish Viceroyalty of Peru was at an end. In Spain, De la Serna was welcomed at court and his administration was approved, he was named captain general of Granada. He died childless in 1832 in Cádiz. Short biography at Encarta The Battle of Ayacucho, order of battle
Ferdinand VII of Spain
Ferdinand VII was twice King of Spain: in 1808 and again from 1813 to his death. He was known to his detractors as the Felon King. After being overthrown by Napoleon in 1808 he linked his monarchy to counter-revolution and reactionary policies that produced a deep rift in Spain between his forces on the right and liberals on the left. Back in power in 1814, he reestablished the absolutist monarchy and rejected the liberal constitution of 1812. A revolt in 1820 led by Rafael de Riego forced him to restore the constitution thus beginning the Liberal Triennium: a three year period of liberal rule. In 1823 the Congress of Verona authorized a successful French intervention restoring him to absolute power for the second time, he jailed many of its editors and writers. Under his rule, Spain lost nearly all of its American possessions, the country entered into civil war on his death, his reputation among historians is low. Historian Stanley Payne writes: He proved in many ways the basest king in Spanish history.
Cowardly, grasping and vengeful, seemed incapable of any perception of the commonwealth. He thought only in terms of his power and security and was unmoved by the enormous sacrifices of Spanish people to retain their independence and preserve his throne. Ferdinand was the eldest surviving son of Maria Luisa of Parma. Ferdinand was born in the palace of El Escorial near Madrid. In his youth Ferdinand occupied the position of an heir apparent, excluded from all share in government by his parents and their favourite advisor and Prime Minister, Manuel Godoy. National discontent with the government produced a rebellion in 1805. In October 1807, Ferdinand was arrested for his complicity in the El Escorial Conspiracy in which the rebels aimed at securing foreign support from the French Emperor Napoleon; when the conspiracy was discovered, Ferdinand submitted to his parents. Following a popular riot at Aranjuez Charles IV abdicated in March 1808. Ferdinand turned to Napoleon for support, he abdicated on 6 May 1808 and thereafter Napoleon kept Ferdinand under guard in France for six years at the Château de Valençay.
Historian Charles Oman records that the choice of Valençay was a practical joke by Napoleon on his former foreign minister Talleyrand, the owner of the château, for his lack of interest in Spanish affairs. While the upper echelons of the Spanish government accepted his abdication and Napoleon's choice of his brother Joseph Bonaparte as king of Spain, the Spanish people did not. Uprisings broke out throughout the country. Provincial juntas were established to control regions in opposition to the new French king. After the Battle of Bailén proved that the Spanish could resist the French, the Council of Castile reversed itself and declared null and void the abdications of Bayonne on 11 August 1808. On 24 August, Ferdinand VII was proclaimed king of Spain again, negotiations between the Council and the provincial juntas for the establishment of a Supreme Central Junta were completed. Subsequently, on 14 January 1809, the British government acknowledged Ferdinand VII as king of Spain. Five years after experiencing serious setbacks on many fronts, Napoleon agreed to acknowledge Ferdinand VII as king of Spain on 11 December 1813 and signed the Treaty of Valençay, so that the king could return to Spain.
The Spanish people, blaming the policies of the Francophiles for causing the Napoleonic occupation and the Peninsular War by allying Spain too to France, at first welcomed Fernando. Ferdinand soon found that in the intervening years a new world had been born of foreign invasion and domestic revolution. In his name Spain fought for its independence and in his name as well juntas had governed Spanish America. Spain was no longer the absolute monarchy. Instead he was now asked to rule under the liberal Constitution of 1812. Before being allowed to enter Spanish soil, Ferdinand had to guarantee the liberals that he would govern on the basis of the Constitution, only gave lukewarm indications he would do so. On 24 March the French handed him over to the Spanish Army in Girona, thus began his procession towards Madrid. During this process and in the following months, he was encouraged by conservatives and the Church hierarchy to reject the Constitution. On 4 May he ordered its abolition and on 10 May had the liberal leaders responsible for the Constitution arrested.
Ferdinand justified his actions by claiming that the Constitution had been made by a Cortes illegally assembled in his absence, without his consent and without the traditional form. Ferdinand promised to convene a traditional Cortes, but never did so, thereby reasserting the Bourbon doctrine that sovereign authority resided in his person only. Meanwhile, the wars of independence had broken out in the Americas, although many of the republican rebels were divided and royalist sentiment was strong in many areas, the Manila galleons and the Spanish treasure fleets - tax revenues from the Spanish Empire - were interrupted. Spain was all but bankrupt. Ferdinand's restored autocracy was guided by a small camarilla of his favorites, although his government seemed unstable. Whimsical and ferocious by turns, he changed his ministers every few months. "The king," wrote Friedrich von Gentz in 1814, "himself enters the houses of his prime ministers, arrests them, hands them over to their cruel enemies.
Antonio José de Sucre
Antonio José de Sucre y Alcalá, known as the "Gran Mariscal de Ayacucho", was a Venezuelan independence leader who served as the fourth President of Peru and the second President of Bolivia. Sucre was one of Simón Bolívar's closest friends and statesmen; the city of Sucre, Bolivia's capital, is named for him, as is a state of Venezuela and a department of Colombia. Both the old and new airports of Ecuador's capital Quito are named after him; the aristocratic Sucre family traces its roots back to origins in Flanders. It arrived in Venezuela through Charles de Sucre y Franco Perez, a Flemish nobleman, son of Charles Adrian de Sucre, Marquess of Peru and Buenaventura Carolina Isabel Garrido y Pardo, a Spanish noblewoman. Charles de Sucre y Pardo served as a soldier in Catalonia in 1698 and was named Governor of Cartagena de Indias and Captain General of Cuba. On December 22, 1779, Charles de Sucre y Pardo arrived in Cumaná, having been named Governor of New Andalucia, which includes present-day Sucre State.
In 1814, Antonio José de Sucre joined the fight for South America independence from Spain. The Battle of Pichincha took place on May 24, 1822, on the slopes of the Pichincha volcano, near Quito in what is now Ecuador; the encounter, fought in the context of the Spanish American wars of independence, pitted a Patriot army under Sucre against a Royalist army commanded by Field Marshal Melchor Aymerich. The defeat of the Royalist forces brought about the liberation of Quito and secured the independence of the provinces belonging to the Real Audiencia de Quito, or Presidencia de Quito, the Spanish colonial administrative jurisdiction from which the Republic of Ecuador would emerge; as of late 1824, Royalists still had control of most of southern Peru as well as Real Felipe Fort in the port of Callao. On December 9, 1824, the Battle of Ayacucho took place at Pampa de La Quinua, near the town of Quinua, between Royalist and Patriot forces. Sucre, as Simón Bolívar's lieutenant, led the Patriot forces to victory over the Viceroy José de la Serna, wounded.
After the battle, second commander-in-chief José de Canterac signed the final capitulation of the Royalist army on his behalf. As a result, he was promoted, at the request of the Peruvian Congress, to Marshal and as General in Chief by the Colombian legislature. After the victory at Ayacucho, following precise orders from Bolívar, nominated as Ayacucho's Grand Marshal, entered Upper Peru territory on February 25, 1825. Besides having orders of installing an independent administration, his role was limited to giving an appearance of legality to the process that Upper Peruvians themselves had begun already. Royalist general Pedro Antonio Olañeta stayed in Potosí, where he received by January the "Union" Infantry Battalion coming from Puno under the command of colonel José María Valdez. Olañeta summoned a War Council, which agreed to continue the resistance in the name of Ferdinand VII. Next, Olañeta distributed his troops between Cotagaita fortress with the "Chichas" Battalion. in charge of colonel Medinacelli, while Valdez was sent to Chuquisaca with the "Union" Infantry Battalion and loyalist militias, Olañeta himself marched toward Vitichi, with 60,000 pieces of gold from the Coin House in Potosí.
But for the Spanish military personnel in Upper Peru, it was too little too late, as since 1821 all out guerilla warfare had raged in this part of the continent. However, in Cochabamba the First Battalion of the Infantry Regiment "Ferdinand VII", led by colonel José Martínez and side with the independence movement, only to be followed by the Second Battalion, "Ferdinand VII" Infantry Regiment in Vallegrande, resulting in the forced resignation of Brigadier Francisco Aguilera on February 12. Royalist colonel José Manuel Mercado occupied Santa Cruz de la Sierra on February 14, as Chayanta stayed in the hands of lieutenant colonel Pedro Arraya, with the cavalry squadrons "Santa Victoria" and "Dragones Americanos", in Chuquisaca the cavalry squadron "Dragones de la Frontera" under colonel Francisco López claimed victory for the independence forces on February 22. At this point, the majority of royalist troops of Upper Peru refused to continue fighting against the powerful army of Sucre and switched allegiances.
Colonel Medinacelli with 300 soldiers revolted against Olañeta, on April 2 of 1825 they faced each other in the Battle of Tumusla, which ended with the death of Olañeta. A few days on April 7, general José Mario Valdez surrendered in Chequelte to general Urdininea, putting an end to the war in Upper Peru and signalling victory to the local independence movement, active since 1811. After the Constituent Assembly in Chuquisaca was reconvened by Marshal Sucre, on July 8 of 1825, later concluded, it was determined the complete independence of Upper Peru under the republican form; the Assembly president José Mariano Serrano, together with a commission, wrote down the "Independence Act of the Upper Peruvian Departments" which carries the date of August 6, 1825, in honor of the Battle of Junín won by Bolivar. Independence was declared by 7 representatives from Charcas, 14 from Potosí, 12 from La Paz, 13 from Cochabamba and 2 from Santa Cruz; the act of Independence, wrote by the president of the Congress, states in its expositive part: "The world knows that the land of Upper Peru has been, in the American continent, the altar where the free people shed the first blood, the land where the last of the tyrants’ tombs lays.
Today, the Upper Peruvian departments protest in the face of the whole
The "Marcha Real" is the national anthem of Spain. It is one of only four national anthems in the world. One of the oldest in the world, the Spanish national anthem was first printed in a document dated 1761 and entitled Libro de la Ordenanza de los Toques de Pífanos y Tambores que se tocan nuevamente en la Ynfantª Española, by Manuel de Espinosa. There, it is entitled "La Marcha Granadera". According to the document, Manuel de Espinosa de los Monteros is the composer. There is a misconception that its author was Frederick II of a great lover of music; that started in 1861. In 1864, the colonel Antonio Vallecillo published the story in the diary El Espíritu Público, claiming the supposed Prussian origin of Marcha Real popular. According to Vallecillo, the anthem was a gift from Frederick II to the soldier Juan Martín Álvarez de Sotomayor, serving in the Prussian Court to learn the military tactics developed by Frederick II's army, under orders of King Charles III. In 1868, the history is published in Los Sucesos, changing the destinatary of the gift with Pedro Pablo Abarca de Bolea, Count of Aranda.
The myth was picked up in different publications of 1884 and 1903 until it was included in 1908 in the Enciclopedia Espasa. According to the tradition in 1770, Charles III declared the "Marcha de Granaderos" as the official Honor March, that formalized the habit of playing it in public and solemn acts, it became the official anthem during Isabel II's reign. After the 1868 Revolution, General Prim convoked a national contest to create an official state anthem, but it was declared deserted, advising the jury that "Marcha de Granaderos" was considered as such. By Alfonso XIII's time, it was established by a Royal Circular Order that interpreted the harmonization of the march done by Bartolomé Pérez Casas, Major Music of the Royal Corps of Halberdier Guards. During the Second Republic, Himno de Riego was adopted as official anthem, but after the Spanish Civil War, "Marcha Real" returned to be used as anthem, sometimes sung with the verses written by the poet José María Pemán in 1928; the actual symphonic version of the "Marcha Real" that replaces the Pérez Casas one belongs to maestro Francisco Grau and is the official one after the Royal Decree of 10 October 1997, when the Kingdom of Spain bought the author rights of the Marcha Real belonging to Pérez Casas's heirs.
According to the Royal Decree 1560/1997, it should be in the key of B-flat major and a tempo of 76 bpm, with a form of AABB and a duration of 52 seconds. Under the Trienio Liberal, the First Spanish Republic and the Second Spanish Republic, "Himno de Riego" replaced "Marcha Real" as the national anthem of Spain. At the conclusion of the Spanish Civil War, Francisco Franco restored "Marcha Real" as the country's national anthem, under its old title of "Marcha Granadera"; the current official version of "Marcha Real", as described in Royal Decree 1560/1997, is a sixteen-bar long phrase, divided in two sections, each one is made up of four repeated bars. Tempo is set to ♩= 76 and key to B-flat; the long, complete version is the honors music for the King, while a shorter version without the repetitions is performed for the Princess of Asturias, the President of the Government of Spain, or during sporting events. There are three official arrangements: one for orchestra, another for military band, a third for organ, written by Francisco Grau Vegara and requested by the Government of Spain.
All in all, there are six different official adaptations, for each length. They all were recorded by the Spanish National Orchestra and the Spanish Royal Guard Band as an official recording and released on compact disc for a limited period of time; as the harmonisation of "Marcha Real" was written by Pérez Casas in the early 20th century, the copyright has not yet expired. The government bought it from Pérez Casas' estate in 1997 for 130 million pesetas to avoid future legal problems; until it expires, the copyright belongs to the Ministry of Culture and collecting societies charge copyright fees, which has led to criticism. As a result, many different harmonisations have been devised by performers to avoid paying. Nonetheless, the rights to the 1997 Francisco Grau revision were transferred to the government at no charge, but they were not placed in the public domain. Though the Marcha Real has no lyrics, words have been used for it in the past. One version was used during another during the Francoist State.
The national anthem has been played without words since 1978, when the lyrics, approved by General Francisco Franco were abandoned. After witnessing a rendition of "You'll Never Walk Alone" at Anfield in 2007, the President of the Spanish Olympic Committee, Alejandro Blanco, said he felt inspired to seek lyrics to "La Marcha Real" ahead of Madrid's bid to host the 2016 Olympic Games; that same year Telecinco, enticed by the COE, organized a National contest and posted 25 different lyrics on their website which they thought best matched COE's requirements. The winner was chosen after 40,000 people voted; the lyrics by Enrique Hernández-Luike, magazine publisher and poet, spoke of freedom and the Constitution. The winni
Colombia the Republic of Colombia, is a sovereign state situated in the northwest of South America, with territories in Central America. Colombia shares a border to the northwest with Panama, to the east with Venezuela and Brazil and to the south with Ecuador and Peru, it shares its maritime limits with Costa Rica, Honduras, Jamaica and the Dominican Republic. Colombia is a unitary, constitutional republic comprising thirty-two departments, with the capital in Bogota. Colombia has been inhabited by various indigenous peoples since 12,000 BCE, including the Muisca and the Tairona, along with the Inca Empire that expanded to the southwest of the country; the Spanish arrived in 1499 and by the mid-16th century conquered and colonized much of the region, establishing the New Kingdom of Granada, with Santafé de Bogotá as its capital. Independence from Spain was achieved in 1819, but by 1830 the "Gran Colombia" Federation was dissolved, with what is now Colombia and Panama emerging as the Republic of New Granada.
The new nation experimented with federalism as the Granadine Confederation, the United States of Colombia, before the Republic of Colombia was declared in 1886. Panama seceded in 1903. Beginning in the 1960s, the country suffered from an asymmetric low-intensity armed conflict and rampant political violence, both of which escalated in the 1990s. Since 2005, there has been significant improvement in security and rule of law. Colombia is one of the most ethnically and linguistically diverse countries in the world, with its rich cultural heritage reflecting influences by indigenous peoples, European settlement, forced African migration, immigration from Europe and the Middle East. Urban centres are located in the highlands of the Andes mountains and the Caribbean coast. Colombia is among the world's 17 megadiverse countries, the most densely biodiverse per square kilometer. Colombia is a middle power and regional actor in Latin America, it is part of the CIVETS group of six leading emerging markets and a member of the UN, the WTO, the OAS, the Pacific Alliance, other international organizations.
Colombia's diversified economy is the fourth largest in Latin America, with macroeconomic stability and favorable long-term growth prospects. The name "Colombia" is derived from the last name of Christopher Columbus, it was conceived by the Venezuelan revolutionary Francisco de Miranda as a reference to all the New World, but to those portions under Spanish rule. The name was adopted by the Republic of Colombia of 1819, formed from the territories of the old Viceroyalty of New Granada; when Venezuela and Cundinamarca came to exist as independent states, the former Department of Cundinamarca adopted the name "Republic of New Granada". New Granada changed its name in 1858 to the Granadine Confederation. In 1863 the name was again changed, this time to United States of Colombia, before adopting its present name – the Republic of Colombia – in 1886. To refer to this country, the Colombian government uses the terms Colombia and República de Colombia. Owing to its location, the present territory of Colombia was a corridor of early human migration from Mesoamerica and the Caribbean to the Andes and Amazon basin.
The oldest archaeological finds are from the Pubenza and El Totumo sites in the Magdalena Valley 100 kilometres southwest of Bogotá. These sites date from the Paleoindian period. At Puerto Hormiga and other sites, traces from the Archaic Period have been found. Vestiges indicate that there was early occupation in the regions of El Abra and Tequendama in Cundinamarca; the oldest pottery discovered in the Americas, found at San Jacinto, dates to 5000–4000 BCE. Indigenous people inhabited the territory, now Colombia by 12,500 BCE. Nomadic hunter-gatherer tribes at the El Abra, Tibitó and Tequendama sites near present-day Bogotá traded with one another and with other cultures from the Magdalena River Valley. Between 5000 and 1000 BCE, hunter-gatherer tribes transitioned to agrarian societies. Beginning in the 1st millennium BCE, groups of Amerindians including the Muisca, Zenú, Tairona developed the political system of cacicazgos with a pyramidal structure of power headed by caciques; the Muisca inhabited the area of what is now the Departments of Boyacá and Cundinamarca high plateau where they formed the Muisca Confederation.
They farmed maize, potato and cotton, traded gold, blankets, ceramic handicrafts and rock salt with neighboring nations. The Tairona inhabited northern Colombia in the isolated mountain range of Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta; the Quimbaya inhabited regions of the Cauca River Valley between the Western and Central Ranges of the Colombian Andes. Most of the Amerindians practiced agriculture and the social structure of each indigenous community was different; some groups of indigenous people such as the Caribs lived in a state of permanent war, but others had less bellicose attitudes. The Incas expanded their empire onto the southwest part of the country. Alonso de Ojeda reached the Guajira Peninsula in 1499. Spanish explorers, led by Rodrigo de Bastidas, made the first exploration
Bolivian War of Independence
The Bolivian war of independence began in 1809 with the establishment of government juntas in Sucre and La Paz, after the Chuquisaca Revolution and La Paz revolution. These Juntas were defeated shortly after, the cities fell again under Spanish control; the May Revolution of 1810 ousted the viceroy in Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires sent three military campaigns to the Charcas, headed by Juan José Castelli, Manuel Belgrano and José Rondeau, but the royalists prevailed over each one. However, the conflict grew into a guerrilla war, the War of the Republiquetas, preventing the royalists from strengthening their presence. After Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre defeated the royalists in northern South America, Sucre led a campaign, to defeat the royalists in Charcas for good when the last royalist general, Pedro Antonio Olañeta, suffered death and defeat at the hands of his own defected forces at the battle of Tumusla. Bolivian independence was proclaimed on August 6 of 1825. Charcas is sometimes referred to as the Upper Peru.
This region fell under the authority of Spanish colonial rule in the sixteenth century. It was placed directly under the rule of the Viceroyalty of Peru, however this location proved to be too distant for effective ruling so Phillip II established the Audiencia of Charcas, an autonomous governing body under the purview of the viceroy of Peru; this governing was composed of oidores or judges and a governor with the title of president of the Audiencia. The Audiencia was given authority to make final decisions when a viceroy was absent; the Audiencia was centered in Chuquisaca, which started out as an indigenous community and became known by its post-independence name, Sucre. This was the center of administration as well as cultural activities for Charcas; the Archbishop of Charcas lived there and one of the prominent universities in Bolivia, was founded there. The Audiencia was a great honor for the Charcas. Oidores came directly from Spain and tended to be proud making everyone bow to them, they were incredibly ignorant about the peoples needs and problems.
As Spanish settlements expanded to the south, the jurisdiction of the Audiencia of Charcas grew to include not only present day Bolivia, but Argentina, Uruguay and parts of Peru. In 1776, the Audiencia of Charcas was placed under the authority of the viceroy of Buenos Aires in the newly created Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata and most trade was redirected to Buenos Aires; this change was against Peruvian desires because they had wanted to keep Charcas for its enormous wealth in the mines of Potosí. For the next few decades, the question of the political and economic ties with Charcas was fought over by Peru and Río de la Plata. On May 25, 1809 the citizens of Sucre participated in the first outbreak, part of the initiation of the war of independence in Bolivia. In 1784 the Spanish rulers created the intendancy system. Four main intendancies were constructed in La Paz, Potosí, Chuquisaca; this system gave authority to a few and educated men who were directly responsible to the King of Spain.
This system was implemented to increase to revenue as well as stop specific problems that had resulted from other authorities misusing their power. The system limited the power of the Audiencia; the Bolivian people were divided into three main categories, Criollos and the indigenous population. In authority over all of these people were the Peninsulares, who were influential people who had come from Spain to assume a leadership position in the church or government, in one of the Spanish colonies. All the rest of Bolivian people had a social status beneath this elite class; the Criollos were people of pure Spanish descent, born in Latin America. The Criollos were envious of the power the Peninsulares held and this attitude formed part of the basis for the reason for war of independence. Under the Criollos on the social strata were the Mestizos, who were a mix of Spanish and Indigenous descent; the main reason these two people mixed was because of the lack of Spanish women in the region. At the bottom of the hierarchy was the biggest social class, the indigenous people, who spoke Aymara and Quechua.
These people did not know what was going on politically in the country, however they offered a large force of fighting men for both the patriots and the royalists in the war. In the War of Independence they proved to be unpredictable and would, at times, turn on the army at any provocation; these people would fight for whoever controlled that area, whether loyalists, patriots, or royalists. The majority of the time it was the Republiquetas that controlled the rural areas were the Natives lived. Although they would fight for whomever, these people favored the patriots because they were part native, where as the other armies were of pure Spanish descent; the real intention of the Indigenous people was to reestablish the Incan empire and so wanted a form of government different from all three of the other groups. These groups all contented for the Natives' assistance in order to win the war, however not one army thought of liberating these people. Independence was not a new idea in the minds of the people of the Charcas.
This concept had begun to take root long before and signs of discontent with current form of government were beginning to show. The individuals in every class of the Bolivian population had become dissatisfied, the Criollos, the Mestizos, as well as the Indigenous people, they were all feeling the effects of increased Spanish taxes and trade restrictions. Indigenous rebellions started in 1730 in Cochabamba and