Carmen Alborch Bataller was a Spanish politician and Minister of Culture. Alborch gained a doctorate in law with particular specialty in mercantile law, she directed the Valencia Institute of Modern Art between 1988 and 1993. She became politically active with the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party in 1992 and served as Minister of Culture from 1993 to 1996 in the last government of Felipe González, she was the recipient of the Gran Cruz de Carlos III and the Gran Cruz del Mérito Civil, the Progressive Women's Award. In 1996, Alborch was elected to the Congress of Deputies, she chaired the Committee of Control of RTVE from 1996 until January 2000, the Commission on Women's Rights and Equal Opportunities from May 2004 to January 2008 in the Congress. She authored books including Malas. In addition to numerous television appearances as a politician, Alborch played minor roles in the Spanish television series El círculo a primera hora, El primer café, Los desayunos de TVE. In May 2007, she stood as the PSOE candidate for Mayor of Valencia but lost to the incumbent People's Party Mayor Rita Barberá.
She retired from the lower chamber at the 2008 general election in order to be elected to the Spanish Senate, once again representing Valencia until 2016. Alborch died on 24 October 2018 from cancer, aged 70. Media related to Carmen Alborch at Wikimedia Commons Official website Carmen Alborch on IMDb
Communist Party of Spain
The Communist Party of Spain is a Marxist-Leninist party that, since 1986, is part of the United Left coalition. The PCE was founded after a split in the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party; the PCE was founded by those who opposed the social democratic wing of the PSOE, because it did not support the PSOE's integration in the Communist International founded by Vladimir Lenin two years prior. The PCE was a merger of the Spanish Communist Party (Spanish: Partido Comunista Español and the Spanish Communist Workers' Party; the PCE was first legalized after the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic in April 1931. The republic was the first democratic regime in the history of Spain; the PCE gained a lot of support in the months before the Spanish coup of July 1936, which marked the beginning of the Spanish Civil War, it was a major force during the war as well. The Republicans lost and Franco established a Fascist dictatorship, under which the PCE was one of the most repressed parties, with specific laws banning communist parties, among others.
Under the dictatorship, the PCE was the main opposition to the Francoist dictatorship. At the time, the Communist Party of Spain defended the restoration of a democratic republic, attracting many left-leaning Spaniards who were not communists themselves. In the early years of the dictatorship, many PCE members joined the Spanish Maquis, a group of guerillas who fought against the regime. Years the Maquis' power declined, the PCE abandoned the military strategy. Instead, it chose to interfere in the Vertical Syndicate. A lot of workers clandestinely joined the PCE, who were not communists themselves, but saw the PCE as the only party who could restore democracy in Spain. Franco died on 20 November 1975, two days Juan Carlos I was crowned. Juan Carlos I would lead the Spanish transition to democracy, a time when the PCE became extremely relevant, due to Franco's anti-communist legacy. Prime Minister Adolfo Suárez legalized the PCE on 9 April 1977, a decision, controversial, but ended peacefully.
The PCE contributed to the restoration of democracy in Spain during the lead of Secretary-General Santiago Carrillo. Since 1986, it is part of the United Left coalition. In its statutes, the PCE defines its goals as "democratically participate in a revolutionary transformation of society and its political structures, overcoming the capitalist system and constructing socialism in the Spanish State, as a contribution to the transition to socialism worldwide, with our goals set in the realization of the emancipating ideal of communism", it defines itself as revolutionary, solidary, republican and secularist of the laïcité variety. The youth organization of PCE is the Communist Youth Union of Spain. PCE publishes Mundo Obrero monthly; the PCE was the result of a merger between two organizations: the original Spanish Communist Party and the Spanish Communist Workers' Party. The former was created in April 1920 from portions of the Socialists' youth organization while the latter had been formed from a union of dissident Socialists and members of the General Union of Workers who regarded the original PCE as not properly representative of the working class.
The two parties joined in the new Partido Comunista de España on 14 November 1921. The unified PCE became a member of the Third International and held its first congress in Sevilla in March 1922. In May, Jules Humbert-Droz, the top Comintern official in Western Europe, arrived in Spain to supervise the still fractious party and would continue to do so until the establishment of the republic. By the end of 1922, the party had 5,000 members; the PCE's left-wing engaged in political violence in Bilbao directed against other leftists. A party leader's bodyguard shot and killed a Socialist in November 1922 and organized party militants attempted a general strike in August 1923 that ended in a shootout at the barricaded party headquarters, resulting in twenty communists dead or injured and another seventy arrested. With the advent of the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera in September 1923, political parties, including the PCE, were repressed and rendered powerless though not dissolved; the party continued to publish its weekly newspaper La Antorcha until 1927.
In November 1925, PCE leaders joined with Comintern officials and leaders of the Catalan-separatist Estat Català in endorsing a revolutionary program calling for the following: Abolition of Primo de Rivera's dictatorship and of the monarchy, Creation of a república federativa popular, Recognition of independence for Catalonia, the Basque Country, Morocco, Total freedom of association, Expropriation of large estates and distribution of land to peasants, Organization of workers' councils in industry, Formation of a central committee for revolution consisting of representatives from several parties as well as a military committee, A planned insurrection in Madrid. However, Moscow urged a cautious approach, the CNT and Basque nationalists were reluctant to cooperate with communists, so the plans were never carried out; the PCE continued to suffer from dissension. The party's second secretary general, José Bullejos, purged the party of politically suspect members, was himself arrested in 1928.
In 1930, the arguments over
Spanish Socialist Workers' Party
The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party is a social-democratic political party in Spain. The PSOE has been in government for a longer time than any other political party in modern democratic Spain: from 1982 to 1996 under Felipe González; the PSOE was founded in 1879, which makes it the oldest party active in Spain. The PSOE played a key role during the Second Spanish Republic, being part of coalition government from 1931 to 1933 and from 1936 to 1939, when the Republic was defeated by Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War. A Marxist party, it abandoned Marxism in 1979; the PSOE has had strong ties with the General Union of Workers, a Spanish trade union. For decades, UGT membership was a requirement for PSOE membership. However, since the 1980s UGT has criticized the economic policies of PSOE calling for a general strike against the PSOE government on 14 December 1988; the PSOE is a member of the Party of European Socialists, Progressive Alliance and the Socialist International. In the European Parliament, PSOE's 14 Members of the European Parliament sit in the Socialists and Democrats European parliamentary group.
PSOE was founded by Pablo Iglesias on 2 May 1879 in the Casa Labra tavern in Tetuán Street near the Puerta del Sol at the centre of Madrid. Iglesias was a typesetter who had become in contact in the past with the Spanish section of the International Working Men's Association and with Paul Lafargue; the first program of the new political party was passed in an assembly of 40 people, on 20 July of that same year. The bulk of the growth of the PSOE and its affiliated trade union, the Unión General de Trabajadores was chiefly restricted to the Madrid-Biscay-Asturias triangle up until the 1910s; the obtaining of a seat at the Congress by Pablo Iglesias at the 1910 legislative election, in which the PSOE candidates presented within the broad Republican–Socialist Conjunction, became a development of great symbolical transcendence, gave the party more publicity at the national level. The party and the UGT took a leading role in the general strike of August 1917, in the context of the events of the 1917 Crisis during the conservative government of Eduardo Dato.
The strike was crushed by the army with the result of further undermining of the constitutional order. Sent to the prison of Cartagena, they were released a year after being elected to the Cortes in the 1918 general election. During the 1919−1921 "Crisis of the Internationals" the party experienced tensions between the members endorsing the Socialist International and the advocates for joining the Third International. Two consecutive splits of dissidents willing to join the Komintern, namely the Spanish Communist Party in 1920, the Spanish Communist Workers' Party in 1921, broke away from the PSOE and soon merged to create the Communist Party of Spain; the party was a member of the Labour and Socialist International between 1923 and 1940. After the death of Pablo Iglesias in 1925, Julián Besteiro replaced the at the presidency of the PSOE and the UGT. During the 1923–1930 dictatorship of Primo de Rivera corporativist PSOE and UGT elements were willing to engage into limited collaboration with the regime, against the political stance defended by other socialists such as Indalecio Prieto and Fernando de los Ríos, who instead vouched for a closer collaboration with republican forces.
The last years of the dictatorship saw a divergence emerge among the "corporativists". The opposition of Besteiro to participate in the "Revolutionary Committee" led to his resignation as president both of the party and the trade union in February 1931, he was replaced as president of the party by Remigio Cabello. After the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic on 14 April 1931, three PSOE members were included in the cabinet of the provisional government: Indalecio Prieto, Fernando de los Ríos and Francisco Largo Caballero; the socialist presence remained in the rest of cabinets of the "Social-Azañist Biennium". After the November 1933 general election, which marked a win for the right-of-centre forces, in a climate of increasing polarization and growing unemployment along a desire to mend the mistake of not having sided along the republicans in the election against the united right, Largo Caballero adopted a revolutionary rhetoric. Indalecio Prieto had participated in the aggressive rhetoric, having condemned the heavy-hand repression of the December 1933 anarchist uprising by the government, cheered on by the CEDA parliamentary fraction leaders.
The Socialist Youth of Spain engaged into a shrilling revolutionary rhetoric, while Besteiro opposed the insurrectionary drift of the militancy. The formation of a new cabinet including CEDA ministers in October 1934 was perceived among the Left as a reaction, with the CEDA party being indistinguishable from contemporary Fascism to most workers, while CEDA leader Gil-Robles had vouched for the establishment of a corporative state in the 1933 electoral campaign. Having the UGT called for a general strike in the country for 5 October, the strike developed into a full-blown insurrection
Workers' Party (Spain)
Workers' Party is a communist political party which operates in Spain. It was founded in 1979 through the merger of the Party of Labour of Spain and the Workers Revolutionary Organisation; the Catalan branch of PT was known as Partit dels Treballadors de Catalunya. It published Yesca; the old PT was short-lived. In 1980, a severe internal crisis erupted, the party last contested elections in 1987. In February 2009, it reactivated, becoming an active political organization again. Party website
Valencian Union was a regionalist political party in the Valencian Community, Spain. The party had not been represented in the Valencian autonomous parliament since 1999, it scored 0.95% of the total votes in the 2007 elections, well below the 5% threshold for representation. The party had councillors on several local councils, obtaining its best results in the Valencia province; the party was associated with the blaverist part of Valencianist movement by claiming that the Valencian language is different from the Catalan language and opposing the concept of Països Catalans and Catalan nationalism in the Valencian Community. The party held right-wing stances on issues such as economics, it formed an electoral alliance with the larger right wing Partido Popular in the General elections of 1982 and 2004, the Elections for the Autonomous Parlement in 1983. It was formed on 30 August 1982 with the stated purpose of "defending Valencian identity" and ran for the first time in the Spanish general election, 1982.
It participated as part of the larger Spain-wide right-wing block Alianza Popular and won a seat held by Miguel Ramón Izquierdo. This coalition was kept for the 1983 elections to the Valencian autonomous Parliament. UV took part by itself in the 1986 general election. Miguel Ramón Izquierdo retained his seat in the Cortes Generales. In 1987, it entered the Corts Valencianes, it doubled its presence at the Cortes Generales when two of its candidates won in the 1989 general election. One of the seats was won by Vicente González Lizondo. UV reached its height in the Valencian regional elections of 1991, when it became the third largest party in the Valencian Community, overtaking the traditional third party in the territory; this election elevated UV to its all-time record, 10.5% of the total votes, with this figure remarkably higher in its electoral stronghold, the Valencian speaking areas in the Valencia province. The turning point of UV's history took place in the regional elections of 1995. At those elections, UV achieved 7.1% of the total votes and fell back to fourth place among the parties with representation in the Corts Valencianes.
But, despite having had remarkably worse results than those of their high point in 1991, UV gained an unprecedented influence at the center of the Valencian political scene, because the results of this election deprived the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party of an absolute majority. The new situation allowed both opposition parties, the Partido Popular, short of a majority, UV to agree on a coalition government to oust the PSOE from regional rule after the latter had served 12 consecutive years in office. From 1995 through to the next regional elections in 1999, a rising PP manoeuvered to ideologically absorb its smaller government partner UV. At the same time, the party received a fatal blow when leader Vicente González Lizondo died in 1997 after suffering a heart attack while on duty at the Corts. With UV being based on a reactive idea such as blaverism rather than on a consistent ideological set of policies, the loss of its founder and leader was a setback from which it has not recovered.
During these years, a number of medium and prominent UV ranks defected from the party and joined the PP. In 1999 – at the first elections after UV's support had been crucial in forming a government – the party suffered a serious blow when its vote share of 4.76% was just short of the 5% threshold necessary to win seats at the Corts. In those elections, the PP, which had received the lion's share of former UV votes, achieved an absolute majority in the Corts, thus completing its electoral strategy for hegemony in the Valencian Community. UV's vote share further declined in the 2007 regional elections. For the 2004 general election, the party revived its electoral pact with the Partido Popular and obtained a seat in the Spanish Senate held by José María Chiquillo. UV was plagued by a number of schisms of small groups of members who left to form their own parties such as Opció Nacionalista Valenciana, Unió de Progrés per la Comunitat Valenciana, Iniciativa de Progrés per la Comunitat Valenciana, Identidad del Reino de Valencia, Renovació Valencianista or Partido Regional de la Comunidad Valenciana.
Some of these, given their small numbers, have either been readmitted in UV or, have joined the PP. The rest went on to form Coalició Valenciana, a party assuming the staunch rightwing image which UV has tried to depart from during the 2000s. Coalició Valenciana reached 0.72% of the total votes at the 2007 regional elections, well below the 5% threshold to enter the regional parliament, but a narrow gap when compared to UV's own 0.95%. Following acriminious internal elections, Chiquillo quit the party and went on to join the PP, thus generating a severe internal crisis which weakened the party still further. Joaquín Ballester Sanz, a councillor for the town of Paterna succeeded Chiquillo as the Party leader. At the end of April 2006, Ballester Sanz resigned and in the leadership election in May the mayor of Náquera, José Manuel Miralles became the new leader. At the 2007 elections to the Corts Valencianes, UV achieved 0.95% of the total votes. The party announced that it would not run –neither by itself, nor repeating an electoral pact with the PP– for the 2008 general election.
This decision was dubbed by its proponents as "hard, but necessary for UVs survival as a political party". In 2011, the party announc
José María Chiquillo Barber
José María Chiquillo Barber is a Spanish politician who has served as Senator for Valencia province as part of the People's Party since 2004. Married with two children, Chiquillo worked as a lawyer and worked for Valencia city council from 1988 to 1989. In 1983 he joined a right wing regional party, he was second placed candidate on the party's list for the Spanish general election, 1993 in Valencia province. As Unió Valenciana lost one of their two seats in that election he failed to be elected but, as first substitute for the party, replaced Vicente González Lizondo after the latter's death in 1994, he lost his seat at the 2000 election. However for the 2004 general election, he formed an electoral pact with the PP, under which UV did not contest the election and Chiquillo was included in the PP list for the Spanish Senate as an independent, being elected to the Senate in March 2004; this proved controversial with the membership and led to a split in the party, with opponents accusing Chiquillo of having become "a puppet of the PP."Chiquillo resigned from UV and formed a new party in April 2005: Unió de Progrés per a la Comunitat Valenciana.
This grouping subsequently became inactive and in March 2008 Chiquillo was elected to the Senate as a PP member. He has served as a PP spokesman in that body
Valencian Nationalist Bloc
The Valencian Nationalist Bloc is a Valencian nationalist party in the Valencian Country, Spain. It is the largest party in the Coalició Compromís; the Bloc was formed in 1998 as a result of the federation of several parties in a coalition formed for the 1995 regional elections. That group of parties was headed by Unitat del Poble Valencià, the main predecessor of the current Bloc, together with other smaller parties locally based, such as the Valencian Nationalist Party or Alcoi Nationalists; the Bloc has defined itself as a left-wing party. This position shifted to a centrist or center-left position in the late nineties, as part of a strategy to appeal to a broader audience known as tercera via; this strategy proved unsuccessful due to their failure to attract enough of the regionalist vote in the 2003 regional elections. For the 2007 Valencian regional elections to the Corts Valencianes, the Valencian regional parliament, the Bloc returned to a more left wing agenda as it ran in coalition with EUPV, the Valencian branch of Izquierda Unida, a coalition whose main member is the Communist Party.
This coalition operated under the name of Compromís pel País Valencià. Compromís' results did not achieve their goal of growing and forming a front alongside the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party to oust the Partido Popular from the regional government, but allowed Bloc to enter the autonomous Parliament and secured EUPV representation as well. However, a schism occurred soon after within the EUPV between the two more nationalist and social democratic MPs on the one side and the more communist and less nationalist remaining three members on the other; the former MPs were expelled from EUPV and went on to create a new party Iniciativa del Poble Valencià IdPV. In turn, they allied themselves with the Bloc, thus gaining a majority for the nationalists in the coalition, while creating a climate of frigid relations between EUPV and Bloc for the remainder of the term, making the renewal of the pact for future polls unlikely in the short term. For the 2008 General election the Bloc ran in coalition with other left wing and green parties, as Iniciativa del Poble Valencià.
However, despite the fact that the list was headed by a sitting deputy, Isaura Navarro, their vote fell relative to 2004. For the 2011 Valencian Regional elections, they stood in an electoral alliance with Iniciativa del Poble Valencià and other Green parties in a new coalition called Coalició Compromís; this coalition won a record of six seats in the Valencian parliament, won the first seat in history for a Valencian Nationalist force in the Spanish national parliament at the 2011 Spanish General Election. The Bloc only runs elections held in the Valencian Community. Including its Unitat del Poble Valencià former era, until 2011 it had polled at around 4% of the votes in elections for the Valencian regional parliament, with lower figures when running at Spanish general elections in Valencia. Since 2011, it has been represented by Coalició Compromís, became the third political force in the Land of Valencia, with 3 of 6 seats of Coalició Compromís in the Valencian parliament, about 385 seats in municipal councils and one seat in the Spanish parliament.
Bloc has been represented at the Valencian parliament three times, twice by means of a coalition with the Valencian branch of United Left. Their first participation in this coalition was in 1987, under Bloc's "Unitat del Poble Valencià" former name. According to the coalition pact, UPV was allotted two out of the six MPs. Internal tensions within the coalition and within the UPV, led to its disbanding; these events were the start of the process which led to the demise of UPV and its refoundation as BLOC. Still, both parties agreed to repeat their coalition for the 2007 regional elections, in order to secure if only joint representation, something, at stake if they participated by themselves; this renewed coalition, called Compromís pel País Valencià, indeed achieved representation with seven MPs, two of which corresponded to Bloc according to the coalition pact rules. Internal dissent plagued again the coalition, this time predating on its EUPV component, which has split since. In 2011, the BLOC created a coalition Coalició Compromís, running alongside Iniciativa del Poble Valencià and the Green, both partners in the previous coalition.
Coalició Compromís got 6 seats in the Valencian Parlement in the 2011 elections, consolidating itself as the third political force in the Land of Valencia. Support for the Bloc is higher at the local level, with about 20 mayors. Thus, it is the distant third major Valencian political party at the municipal level, far from the major parties, PP and PSPV-PSOE; the party is nearly absent in a number of areas in the Valencian Community while it is a major political agent in others, namely in its historic stronghold at the contiguous area formed by the northernmost part of Alicante province and the southernmost part of Valencia province. For the 1999 European Parliament election the Bloc allied with the Catalonia-based Convergence and Union and the Majorca Socialist Party with Bloc leader Enric Morera fifth on the list; the coalition won two seats, however Morera became a Euro MP in April 2004The Bloc joined the Galeusca coalition in the 2004 European Parliament electio