Social democracy is a political and economic ideology that supports economic and social interventions to promote social justice within the framework of a liberal democratic polity and a capitalist economy. The protocols and norms used to accomplish this involve a commitment to representative and participatory democracy, measures for income redistribution and regulation of the economy in the general interest and welfare state provisions. Social democracy thus aims to create the conditions for capitalism to lead to greater democratic and solidaristic outcomes. Due to longstanding governance by social democratic parties and their influence on socioeconomic policy development in the Nordic countries, in policy circles social democracy has become associated with the Nordic model in the latter part of the 20th century. Social democracy originated as a political ideology that advocated an evolutionary and peaceful transition from capitalism to socialism using established political processes in contrast to the revolutionary approach to transition associated with orthodox Marxism.
In the early post-war era in Western Europe, social democratic parties rejected the Stalinist political and economic model current in the Soviet Union, committing themselves either to an alternative path to socialism or to a compromise between capitalism and socialism. In this period, social democrats embraced a mixed economy based on the predominance of private property, with only a minority of essential utilities and public services under public ownership; as a result, social democracy became associated with Keynesian economics, state interventionism and the welfare state while abandoning the prior goal of replacing the capitalist system with a qualitatively different socialist economic system. With the rise of popularity for neoliberalism and the New Right by the 1980s, most social democratic parties have incorporated Third Way ideology, which aims to fuse liberal economics with social democratic welfare policies. Modern social democracy is characterized by a commitment to policies aimed at curbing inequality, oppression of underprivileged groups and poverty, including support for universally accessible public services like care for the elderly, child care, health care and workers' compensation.
The social democratic movement has strong connections with the labour movement and trade unions which are supportive of collective bargaining rights for workers as well as measures to extend decision-making beyond politics into the economic sphere in the form of co-determination for employees and other economic stakeholders. During late 19th and early 20th centuries, social democracy was a movement that aimed to replace private ownership with social ownership of the means of production, taking influences from both Marxism and the supporters of Ferdinand Lassalle. By 1868–1869, Marxism had become the official theoretical basis of the first social democratic party established in Europe, the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany. In the early 20th century, the German social democratic politician Eduard Bernstein rejected the ideas in classical and orthodox Marxism that proposed a specific historical progression and revolution as a means to achieve social equality, advanced the position that socialism should be grounded in ethical and moral arguments for social justice and egalitarianism, was to be achieved through gradual legislative reform.
Influenced by Bernstein, following the split between reformists and revolutionary socialists in the Second International social democratic parties rejected revolutionary politics in favor of parliamentary reform while remaining committed to socialization. In this period, social democracy became associated with reformist socialism. Under the influence of politicians like Carlo Rosselli in Italy, social democrats began disassociating themselves from Marxism altogether and embraced liberal socialism, appealing to morality instead of any consistent systematic, scientific or materialist worldview. Social democracy made appeals to communitarian and sometimes nationalist sentiments while rejecting the economic and technological determinism characteristic of both Marxism and economic liberalism. By the post-World War II period, most social democrats in Europe had abandoned their ideological connection to Marxism and shifted their emphasis toward social policy reform in place of transition from capitalism to socialism.
The origins of social democracy have been traced to the 1860s, with the rise of the first major working-class party in Europe, the General German Workers' Association founded by Ferdinand Lassalle. 1864 saw the founding of the International Workingmen's Association known as the First International. It brought together socialists of various stances and occasioned a conflict between Karl Marx and the anarchists led by Mikhail Bakunin over the role of the state in socialism, with Bakunin rejecting any role for the state. Another issue in the First International was the role of reformism. Although Lassalle was not a Marxist, he was influenced by the theories of Marx and Friedrich Engels and he accepted the existence and importance of class struggle. However, unlike Marx's and Engels's The Communist Manifesto, Lassalle promoted class struggle in a more moderate form. While Marx viewed the state negatively as an instrument of class rule that should only exist temporarily upon the rise to power of the proletariat and dismantled, Lassalle accepted the state.
Lassalle viewed the state as a means through which workers could enhance their interests and transform the society to create an economy based on worker-run cooperatives. Lassalle's strategy was electoral and reformist, with Lassalleans contending that the working c
Collectivist anarchism is a revolutionary anarchist doctrine that advocates the abolition of both the state and private ownership of the means of production as it instead envisions the means of production being owned collectively and controlled and managed by the producers themselves. For the collectivization of the means of production, it was envisaged that workers will revolt and forcibly collectivize the means of production. Once collectivization takes place, money would be abolished to be replaced with labour notes and workers' salaries would be determined in democratic organizations of voluntary membership based on job difficulty and the amount of time they contributed to production; these salaries would be used to purchase goods in a communal market. This contrasts with anarcho-communism, where wages would be abolished and where individuals would take from a storehouse of goods "to each according to his need". Notwithstanding the title, Mikhail Bakunin's collectivist anarchism is seen as a blend of individualism and collectivism.
Collectivist anarchism is most associated with Bakunin, the anti-authoritarian sections of the International Workingmen's Association and the early Spanish anarchist movement. Giuseppe Fanelli met Bakunin at Ischia in 1866. In October 1868, Bakunin sponsored Fanelli to travel to Barcelona to share his libertarian visions and recruit revolutionists to the International. Fanelli's trip and the meeting he organised during his travels provided the catalyst for the Spanish exiles, the largest workers' and peasants' movement in modern Spain and the largest anarchist movement in modern Europe. Fanelli's tour took him first to Barcelona, where he stayed with Elie Recluse. Recluse and Fanelli were at odds over Recluse's friendships with Spanish republicans and Fanelli soon left Barcelona for Madrid. Fanelli stayed in Madrid until the end of January 1869, conducting meetings to introduce Spanish workers, including Anselmo Lorenzo, to the First National. In February 1869, Fanelli left journeying home via Barcelona.
While there, he met with painter Josep Lluís Pellicer and his cousin Rafael Farga i Pellicer along with others who were to play an important role establishing the International in Barcelona as well as the Alliance section. In 1870, Bakunin led a failed uprising in Lyon on the principles exemplified by the Paris Commune, calling for a general uprising in response to the collapse of the French government during the Franco-Prussian War, seeking to transform an imperialist conflict into social revolution, or what Vladimir Lenin termed revolutionary defeatism. In his Letters to A Frenchman on the Present Crisis, Bakunin argued for a revolutionary alliance between the working class and the peasantry, advocated a system of militias with elected officers as part of a system of self-governing communes and workplaces and argued the time was ripe for revolutionary action, saying that "we must spread our principles, not with words but with deeds, for this is the most popular, the most potent, the most irresistible form of propaganda.
These ideas and corresponded strikingly with the program of the Paris Commune in 1871, much of, developed by followers of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon as Marxists were entirely absent from the Commune. Bakunin was a strong supporter of the Paris Commune, brutally suppressed by the French government, he saw the Paris Commune as above all a "rebellion against the State" and commended the Communards for rejecting not only the state, but revolutionary dictatorship. In a series of powerful pamphlets, he defended the Paris Commune and the International against the Italian nationalist Giuseppe Mazzini, thereby winning over many Italian republicans to the International and the cause of revolutionary socialism; the collectivist anarchists at first used the term collectivism to distinguish themselves from the mutualism of the followers of Proudhon and the state socialists associated with Karl Marx. In his 1867 essay "Federalism and Anti-Theologism", Bakunin wrote that "we shall always protest against anything that may in any way resemble communism or state socialism", which Bakunin regarded as fundamentally authoritarian.
Bakunin's disagreements with Marx which led to the attempt by the Marx party to expel him at the Hague Congress in 1872 illustrated the growing divergence between the anti-authoritarian sections of the International, which advocated the direct revolutionary action and organization of the workers and peasants in order to abolish the state and capitalism. Bakunin was "Marx's flamboyant chief opponent" and "presciently warned against the emergence of a communist authoritarianism that would take power over working people"; the anti-authoritarian majority which included most sections of the International created their own International at the St. Imier Congress, adopted a revolutionary anarchist program and repudiated the Hague resolutions, rescinding Bakunin's alleged expulsion. Although Bakunin accepted elements of Marx's class analysis and theories regarding capitalism, acknowledging "Marx's genius", he thought Marx's analysis was one-sided and that Marx's methods would compromise the social revolution.
More Bakunin criticized authoritarian socialism which he associated with Marxism and the concept of dictatorship of the proletariat which he adamantly refused. Indeed, Bakunin's maxim was that "f you took the most ardent revolutionary, vested him in absolute power, within a year he would be worse than the Tsar himself; the anti-authoritarian sections of the International proclaimed at the St. Imier Congress that "the aspirations of the proletariat can have no purpose o
Magonism is an anarchist, or more anarcho-communist, school of thought precursor of the Mexican Revolution of 1910. It is based on the ideas of Ricardo Flores Magón, his brothers Enrique and Jesús, other collaborators of the Mexican newspaper Regeneración, as Práxedis Guerrero, Librado Rivera and Anselmo L. Figueroa; the Mexican government and the press of the early 20th century called as magonistas people and groups who shared the ideas of the Flores Magón brothers, who inspired the overthrow of the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz and performed an economic and political revolution. The fight against tyranny encouraged by the Flores Magón contravened official discourse of Porfirian Peace by which the protesters were rated as the Revoltosos Magonistas to isolate any social basis and preserve the image of peace and progress imposed by force. Both of Flores Magón's brothers, like other members of the Mexican Liberal Party, used the term magonista to refer to the libertarian movement that promoted.
The same Ricardo Flores Magón affirmed: Liberal Party members are not magonistas, they are anarchists!. In his literary work Verdugos y Víctimas, one of the characters responds indignantly when he was arrested and judged: I'm not a magonist, I am an anarchist. An anarchist has no idols. Magonist thinking was influenced by anarchist philosophers such as Mikhail Bakunin and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, others such as Élisée Reclus, Charles Malato, Errico Malatesta, Anselmo Lorenzo, Emma Goldman, Fernando Tarrida del Mármol and Max Stirner, they were influenced by the works of Marx and Ibsen. However, the most influential works were the ones of Peter Kropotkin The Conquest of Bread and Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution, at the same time they were influenced by the Mexican liberal tradition of the 19th century and the self-government system of the indigenous people. Indigenous peoples, since the Spanish conquest of Mexico, searched to preserve the practice of direct democracy, decision-making in assembly, rotation of administrative charges, the defense of communal property, mutual aid as the community exploitation and rational use of natural resources, shared anarchist principles raised by the magonists.
The direct influence of indigenous thought in magonism were the teachings of Teodoro Flores, mestizo Nahua, father of the Flores Magón brothers, the coexistence of other members of the PLM with indigenous groups during periods of organization and insurrection of PLM, between 1905 and 1910, such as the Popoluca in Veracruz, the Yaqui and Mayo in Sonora, the Cocopah in Baja California. Fernando Palomares, a Mayo indigenous, was one of the most active members of the Liberal Party who took part in the Cananea strike and libertarian campaign of 1911 in Mexicali and Tijuana. After the end of the armed phase of Mexican Revolution, after the death of Ricardo Flores Magón in 1922, began the rescue of magonist thought due to trade unionists in Mexico and the United States. In the post-revolutionary Mexico, the figures of Flores Magón brothers was recollected by governments, considering them precursors of the revolution. Both the insurrection of 1910 as social rights enshrined in the Mexican Constitution of 1917 was due to the magonistas, which since 1906 took up arms and drafted an economic and social program.
However, although the demands that led to the revolution in theory were resolved in the Constitution and in the speeches of the revolutionary governments, there was no significant change in the lives of the most vulnerable populations. The magonistas considered not fighting to change the administrators of the state, but to abolish them. For this reason, the survived magonistas continued to spread anarchist propaganda. Librado Rivera was persecuted and imprisoned during the government of Plutarco Elías Calles and Enrique Flores Magón, who believed that the Mexican social revolution is not yet over, could enjoy security until the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas; the Mexican Anarchist Federation, founded in 1941 and active for about 40 years, edited the newspaper Regeneración and spread Magonist thought. In the 1980s Magonism survived among some youth anarcho-punk groups; the Biblioteca Social Reconstruir, founded in 1980 by the Spanish anarchist in exile Ricardo Mestre and located in Mexico City, was a library where to find anarchist literature and works on Ricardo Flores Magón or copies of Regeneración.
In 1994, when the Zapatista Army of National Liberation took up arms in Chiapas, claimed the ideas of the Flores Magón brothers. In 1997, indigenous organizations, social groups of libertarians and municipal councils of the state of Oaxaca, declared the "Citizen Year of Ricardo Flores Magón" from 21 November to 16 September 1998. In August 2000, driven by indigenous organizations in the State of Oaxaca and libertarian groups in Mexico City, the Magonistas Days were held for the 100 years of the founding of the newspaper Regeneración. In the popular uprising of Oaxaca of 2006, took part organizations and youth groups influenced by anarchist magonistas ideals. Rubén Trejo: Magonismo: utopía y revolución, 1910–1913. 2005, Cultura Libre – ISBN 970-9815-00-8 M. Ballesteros, J. C. Beas, B. Maldonado: Magonismo y Movimiento Indígena en México. 2003, Ce-Acatl AC An overview about the magonism Ricardo Flores Magón Archive
Lysander Spooner was an American political philosopher, pamphlet writer, abolitionist, individualist anarchist, legal theorist and entrepreneur of the 19th century. He was a strong advocate of the labor movement and anti-authoritarian and individualist anarchist in his political views. Spooner's most famous writing includes the seminal abolitionist book The Unconstitutionality of Slavery and No Treason: The Constitution of No Authority which opposed treason charges against secessionists, he is known for competing with the Post Office with his American Letter Mail Company. However, it was closed after legal problems with the federal government. Spooner was born on a farm in Athol, Massachusetts on January 19, 1808 and died on May 14, 1887 in Boston. Spooner's parents were Dolly Spooner. One of his ancestors, William Spooner, arrived in Plymouth in 1637, he was the second of nine children. His father was a deist and it has been speculated that his father purposely named his two older sons Leander and Lysander after pagan and Spartan heroes, respectively.
Spooner's activism began with his career as a lawyer. Spooner had studied law under the prominent lawyers and abolitionists John Davis Governor of Massachusetts and Senator. However, he never attended college. According to the laws of the state, college graduates were required to study with an attorney for three years while non-graduates were required to do so for five years. With the encouragement of his legal mentors, Spooner set up his practice in Worcester, Massachusetts after only three years, defying the courts, he regarded the three-year privilege for college graduates as a state-sponsored discrimination against the poor and providing a monopoly income to those who met the requirements. He argued that "no one has yet dared advocate, in direct terms, so monstrous a principle as that the rich ought to be protected by law from the competition of the poor". In 1836, the legislature abolished the restriction, he opposed all licensing requirements for lawyers, doctors or anyone else, prevented from being employed by such requirements.
For Spooner, to prevent a person from doing business with a person without a professional license was a violation of the natural right to contract. Thus, Spooner advocated natural law, or what he called the science of justice, wherein acts of initiatory coercion against individuals and their property, including taxation, were considered criminal because they were immoral while the so-called criminal acts that violated only man-made arbitrary legislation were not criminal. After a disappointing legal career and a failed career in real estate speculation in Ohio, Spooner returned to his father's farm in 1840. Being an advocate of self-employment and opponent of government regulation of business, Spooner started his own business called American Letter Mail Company which competed with the Post Office, whose rates were notoriously high in the 1840s. In 1844, Spooner founded the American Letter Mail Company, which had offices in various cities, including Baltimore and New York City. Stamps could be purchased and attached to letters which could be sent to any of its offices.
From here, agents were dispatched who traveled on railroads and steamboats and carried the letters in hand bags. Letters were transferred to messengers in the cities along the routes who delivered the letters to the addressees; this was a challenge to the Post Office's monopoly. As he had done when challenging the rules of the Massachusetts Bar Association, he published a pamphlet titled "The Unconstitutionality of the Laws of Congress Prohibiting Private Mails". Although Spooner had found commercial success with his mail company, legal challenges by the government exhausted his financial resources. A law enacted in 1851 that strengthened the federal government's monopoly put him out of business; the lasting legacy of Spooner's challenge to the postal service was the three-cent stamp, adopted in response to the competition his company provided. Spooner attained his greatest fame as a figure in the abolitionist movement, his most famous work, a book titled The Unconstitutionality of Slavery, was published in 1845.
Spooner's book contributed to a controversy among abolitionists over whether the Constitution supported the institution of slavery. The "disunionist" faction led by William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips argued the Constitution recognized and enforced the oppression of slaves. More Phillips disputed Spooner's notion that any unjust law should be held void by judges. Spooner challenged the claim. Although he recognized that the Founding Fathers had not intended to outlaw slavery when writing the Constitution, Spooner argued that only the meaning of the text, not the private intentions of its writers, was enforceable, he used a complex system of legal and natural law arguments in order to show that the clauses interpreted as supporting slavery did not in fact support it and that several clauses of the Constitution prohibited the states from establishing slavery. Spooner's arguments were cited by other pro-Constitution abolitionists such as Gerrit Smith and the Liberty Party, whose twenty-second plank of the 1849 platform praised Spooner's book The Unconstitutionality of Slavery.
Frederick Douglass a Garrisonian disunionist came to accept the pro-Constitution position and cited Spooner's arguments to explain his change of mind. From the pub
Anarcho-naturism appeared in the late 19th century as the union of anarchist and naturist philosophies. In many of the alternative communities established in Britain in the early 1900s, "nudism, anarchism and free love were accepted as part of a politically radical way of life". In the 1920s, the inhabitants of the anarchist community at Whiteway, near Stroud in Gloucestershire, "shocked the conservative residents of the area with their shameless nudity", it had importance within individualist anarchist circles in Spain, France and Cuba. Anarcho-naturism advocates vegetarianism, free love, hiking and an ecological world view within anarchist groups and outside them. Anarcho-naturism promotes an ecological worldview, small ecovillages, most prominently nudism as a way to avoid the artificiality of the industrial mass society of modernity. Naturist individualist anarchists see the individual in their biological and psychological aspects and try to eliminate social determinations. An important early influence on anarchist naturism was the thought of Henry David Thoreau, Leo Tolstoy and Élisée Reclus.
Thoreau was an American author, naturalist, tax resister, development critic, historian and leading transcendentalist. He is best known for his book Walden, a reflection upon simple living in natural surroundings, his essay, Civil Disobedience, an argument for individual resistance to civil government in moral opposition to an unjust state, his thought is an early influence on green anarchism, but with an emphasis on the individual experience of the natural world, influencing naturist currents. Simple living as a rejection of a materialist lifestyle and self-sufficiency were Thoreau's goals, the whole project was inspired by transcendentalist philosophy. "Many have seen in Thoreau one of the precursors of ecologism and anarcho-primitivism represented today in John Zerzan. For George Woodcock this attitude can be motivated by certain idea of resistance to progress and of rejection of the growing materialism, the nature of American society in the mid-19th century." John Zerzan himself included the text "Excursions" by Thoreau in his edited compilation of anti-civilization writings called Against civilization: Readings and reflections from 1999.
For the influential French anarchist Élisée Reclus, naturism "was at the same time a physical means of revitalization, a rapport with the body different from the hypocrisy and taboos which prevailed at the time, a more convivial way to see life in society, an incentive to respect the planet. Thus naturism develops in France, in particular under the influence of Élizée Reclus, at the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th century among anarchistic communities resulting from utopian socialism."In France important propagandists of anarcho-naturism include Henri Zisly and Émile Gravelle who collaborated in La Nouvelle Humanité, Le Naturien, Le Sauvage, L'Ordre Naturel, La Vie Naturelle. Their ideas were important in individualist anarchist circles in France as well as Spain, where Federico Urales promoted the ideas of Gravelle and Zisly in La Revista Blanca. Zisly's political activity, "primarily aimed at supporting a return to'natural life' through writing and practical involvement, stimulated lively confrontations within and outside the anarchist environment.
Zisly vividly criticized progress and civilization, which he regarded as'absurd and filthy.' He opposed industrialization, arguing that machines were inherently authoritarian, defended nudism, advocated a non-dogmatic and non-religious adherence to the'laws of nature,' recommended a lifestyle based on limited needs and self-sufficiency, disagreed with vegetarianism, which he considered'anti-scientific.'"Richard D. Sonn comments on the influence of naturist views in the wider French anarchist movement: In her memoir of her anarchist years, serialized in Le Matin in 1913, Rirette Maîtrejean made much of the strange food regimens of some of the compagnons, she described the "tragic bandits" of the Bonnot gang as refusing to eat meat or drink wine, preferring plain water. Her humorous comments reflected the practices of the "naturist" wing of individualist anarchists who favored a simpler, more "natural" lifestyle centered on a vegetarian diet. In the 1920s, this wing was expressed by the journal Le Néo-Naturien, Revue des Idées Philosophiques et Naturiennes.
Contributors condemned the fashion of smoking cigarettes by young women. Others distinguished between vegetarians, who foreswore the eating of meat, from the stricter "vegetalians," who ate nothing but vegetables. An anarchist named G. Butaud, who made this distinction, opened a restaurant called the Foyer Végétalien in the nineteenth arrondissement in 1923. Other issues of the journal included vegetarian recipes. In 1925, when the young anarchist and future detective novelist Léo Malet arrived in Paris from Montpellier, he lodged with anarchists who operated another vegetarian restaurant that served only vegetables, with neither fish nor eggs. Nutritional concerns coincided with other means of encouraging health bodies, such as nudism and gymnastics. For a while in the 1920s, after they were released from jail for antiwar and birth-control activities and Eugène Humbert retreated to the relative safety of the "integral living" movement that promoted nude sunbathing and physical fitness, which were seen as integral aspects of health in the Greek sense of gymnos, meaning nude.
This back-to-nature, primitivist current was not a monopoly of the left.
Anarcha-feminism called anarchist feminism, anarcho-feminism, and/or anarchx-feminism, combines anarchism with feminism. It views patriarchy and traditional gender roles as a manifestation of involuntary coercive hierarchy that should be replaced by decentralized free association, they believe that the struggle against patriarchy is an essential part of class conflict and the anarchist struggle against the state and capitalism. In essence, the philosophy sees anarchist struggle as a necessary component of feminist struggle and vice versa. L. Susan Brown claims that "as anarchism is a political philosophy that opposes all relationships of power, it is inherently feminist". Contrary to popular belief and contemporary association with radical feminism, anarcha-feminism is not an inherently militant outlook, it is described to be an anti-authoritarian, anti-capitalist, anti-oppressive philosophy, with the goal of creating an "equal ground" between all genders. The term "anarcha-feminism" suggests the social freedom and liberty of women, without needed dependence upon other groups or parties.
Mikhail Bakunin opposed patriarchy and the way the law " to the absolute domination of the man". He argued that "qual rights must belong to men and women" so that women could "become independent and be free to forge their own way of life". Bakunin foresaw the end of "the authoritarian juridical family" and "the full sexual freedom of women". On the other hand, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon viewed the family as the most basic unit of society and of his morality and believed that women had the responsibility of fulfilling a traditional role within the family. Since the 1860s, anarchism's radical critique of capitalism and the state has been combined with a critique of patriarchy. Anarcha-feminists thus start from the precept. Authoritarian traits and values—domination, exploitation and competition—are integral to hierarchical civilizations and are seen as "masculine". In contrast, non-authoritarian traits and values—cooperation, sharing and sensitivity—are regarded as "feminine" and devalued. Anarcha-feminists have thus espoused creation of a anarchist society.
They refer to the creation of a society based on cooperation and mutual aid as the "feminization of society". Anarcha-feminism began with late 19th and early 20th century authors and theorists such as anarchist feminists Emma Goldman, Voltairine de Cleyre and Lucy Parsons. In the Spanish Civil War, an anarcha-feminist group, Mujeres Libres, linked to the Federación Anarquista Ibérica, organized to defend both anarchist and feminist ideas. Stirnerist Nietzschean feminist Federica Montseny held that the "emancipation of women would lead to a quicker realization of the social revolution" and that "the revolution against sexism would have to come from intellectual and militant'future-women'". According to this Nietzschean concept of Federica Montseny's, women could "realize through art and literature the need to revise their own roles". In China, the anarcha-feminist He Zhen argued that without women's liberation society could not be liberated. In Argentina, Virginia Bolten is responsible for the publication of a newspaper called La Voz de la Mujer, published nine times in Rosario between January 8, 1896 and January 1, 1897 and was revived in 1901.
A similar paper with the same name was published in Montevideo, which suggests that Bolten may have founded and edited it after her deportation. La Voz de la Mujer described itself as "dedicated to the advancement of Communist Anarchism", its central theme was the multiple natures of women's oppression. An editorial asserted: "We believe that in present-day society and nobody has a more wretched situation than unfortunate women", they said that women were doubly oppressed by men. Its beliefs can be seen upon male power over women, its contributors, like anarchist feminists elsewhere, developed a concept of oppression that focused on gender. They saw marriage as a bourgeois institution which restricted women's freedom, including their sexual freedom. Marriages entered into without love, fidelity maintained through fear rather than desire and oppression of women by men they hated were all seen as symptomatic of the coercion implied by the marriage contract, it was this alienation of the individual's will that the anarchist feminists deplored and sought to remedy through free love and more through social revolution.
An important topic within individualist anarchism is free love. Free love advocates sometimes traced their roots back to Josiah Warren and to experimental communities, which viewed sexual freedom as a clear, direct expression of an individual's self-ownership. Free love stressed women's rights since most sexual laws discriminated against women, such as marriage laws and anti-birth control measures; the most important American free love journal was Lucifer the Lightbearer, edited by Moses Harman and Lois Waisbrooker. Ezra and Angela Heywood's The Word was published from 1872–1890 and in 1892–1893. M. E. Lazarus was an important American individualist anarchist who promoted free love. In Europe, the main propagandist of free love within individualist anarchism was Émile Armand, he proposed the concept of "la camaraderie amoureuse" to speak of free love as the possibility of voluntary sexual encounter between consenting adults. He was a consistent proponent of polyamory. In France, there was feminist activity inside French individualist anarchism as promoted by individualist feminists Marie Küge, Anna Mahé, Rirette Maîtrejean and Sophia Zaïkovska.
Green anarchism is a school of thought within anarchism which puts a particular emphasis on environmental issues. A green anarchist theory is one that extends anarchist ideology beyond a critique of human interactions, includes a critique of the interactions between humans and non-humans as well; this culminates in an anarchist revolutionary praxis, not dedicated to human liberation, but to some form of nonhuman liberation, that aims to bring about an environmentally sustainable anarchist society. Important early influences were Leo Tolstoy and Élisée Reclus. In the late 19th century there emerged anarcho-naturism as the fusion of anarchism and naturist philosophies within individualist anarchist circles in France, Spain and Portugal. Important contemporary currents include anarcho-primitivism, which offers a critique of technology and argues that anarchism is best suited to uncivilised ways of life, Green syndicalism, a Green anarcho-socialist political stance made up of anarcho-syndicalist views, veganarchism: which argues that human liberation and animal liberation are inseparable.
Anarchism started to have an ecological view in the writings of American anarchist and transcendentalist Henry David Thoreau. In his book Walden he advocates simple living and self-sufficiency among natural surroundings in resistance to the advancement of industrial civilization; the work is part personal declaration of independence, social experiment, voyage of spiritual discovery and manual for self-reliance. First published in 1854, it details Thoreau's experiences over the course of two years, two months, two days in a cabin he built near Walden Pond, amidst woodland owned by his friend and mentor Ralph Waldo Emerson, near Concord, Massachusetts; the book compresses the time into a single calendar year and uses passages of four seasons to symbolize human development. By immersing himself in nature, Thoreau hoped to gain a more objective understanding of society through personal introspection. Simple living and self-sufficiency were Thoreau's other goals, the whole project was inspired by transcendentalist philosophy, a central theme of the American Romantic Period.
As Thoreau made clear in his book, his cabin was not in wilderness but at the edge of town, about two miles from his family home. As such "Many have seen in Thoreau one of the precursors of ecologism and anarcho-primitivism represented today in John Zerzan. For George Woodcock this attitude can be motivated by certain idea of resistance to progress and of rejection of the growing materialism, the nature of American society in the mid 19th century." John Zerzan himself included the text "Excursions" by Thoreau in his edited compilation of writings called Against civilization: Readings and reflections from 1999. Élisée Reclus known as Jacques Élisée Reclus, was a renowned French geographer and anarchist. He produced his 19-volume masterwork La Nouvelle Géographie universelle, la terre et les hommes, over a period of nearly 20 years. In 1892, he was awarded the prestigious Gold Medal of the Paris Geographical Society for this work, despite his having been banished from France because of his political activism.
According to Kirkpatrick Sale: His geographical work researched and unflinchingly scientific, laid out a picture of human-nature interaction that we today would call bioregionalism. It showed, with more detail than anyone but a dedicated geographer could absorb, how the ecology of a place determined the kinds of lives and livelihoods its denizens would have and thus how people could properly live in self-regarding and self-determined bioregions without the interference of large and centralized governments that always try to homogenize diverse geographical areas. For the authors of An Anarchist FAQ Reclus "argued that a "secret harmony exists between the earth and the people whom it nourishes, when imprudent societies let themselves violate this harmony, they always end up regretting it." No contemporary ecologist would disagree with his comments that the "truly civilised man understands that his nature is bound up with the interest of all and with that of nature. He repairs the damage caused by his predecessors and works to improve his domain."Reclus advocated nature conservation and opposed meat-eating and cruelty to animals.
He was a vegetarian. As a result, his ideas are seen by some historians as anticipating the modern social ecology and animal rights movements. Shortly before his death, Reclus completed L'Homme et la terre. In it, he added to his previous greater works by considering humanity's development relative to its geographical environment. Reclus was an early proponent of naturism. In the late 19th century Anarchist naturism appeared as the union of anarchist and naturist philosophies, it had importance within individualist anarchist circles in Spain, France and Cuba. Anarcho-naturism advocated vegetarianism, free love, nudism and an ecological world view within anarchist groups and outside them. Anarcho-naturism promoted an ecological worldview, small ecovillages, most prominently nudism as a way to avoid the artificiality of the industrial mass society of modernity. Naturist individualist anarchists saw the individual in his biological and psychological aspects and tried to eliminate social determinations.
Important promoters of this were Henri Zisly and Emile Gravelle who collaborated in La Nouvelle Humanité fo