Vim is a clone, with additions, of Bill Joy's vi text editor program for Unix. Vim's author, Bram Moolenaar, based it upon the source code for a port of the Stevie editor to the Amiga and released a version to the public in 1991. Vim is designed for use both from a command-line interface and as a standalone application in a graphical user interface. Vim is free and open-source software and is released under a license that includes some charityware clauses, encouraging users who enjoy the software to consider donating to children in Uganda; the license is compatible with the GNU General Public License through a special clause allowing distribution of modified copies "under the GNU GPL version 2 or any version". Since its release for the Amiga, cross-platform development has made it available on many other systems. In 2006, it was voted the most popular editor amongst Linux Journal readers. Vim's forerunner, was created by Tim Thompson for the Atari ST in 1987 and further developed by Tony Andrews and G.
R. Walter. Basing his work on Stevie, Bram Moolenaar began working on Vim for the Amiga computer in 1988, with the first public release in 1991. At the time of its first release, the name "Vim" was an acronym for "Vi IMitation", but this changed to "'Vi IMproved" late in 1993. Like vi, Vim's interface is not based on menus or icons but on commands given in a text user interface. Vi tends to allow a typist to keep their fingers on the home row, which can be an advantage for a touch typist. Vim has a built-in tutorial for beginners called vimtutor. It's installed along with Vim, but it exists as a separate executable and can be run with a shell command. There is the Vim Users' Manual that details Vim's features and a FAQ; this manual can be found online. Vim has a built-in help facility that allows users to query and navigate through commands and features. Vim has 12 different editing modes; the basic modes are: Normal mode - used for editor commands. This is the default mode, unless the insertmode option is specified.
Visual mode - similar to normal mode, but used to highlight areas of text. Normal commands are run on the highlighted area, which for an instance can be used to move or edit a selection. Select mode - works to visual mode. However, if a printable character, carriage return, or newline is entered, Vim inserts the character, starts insert mode. Insert mode - similar to editing in most modern editors. In insert mode, buffers can be modified with the text inserted. Command-line or Cmdline mode - supports a single line input at the bottom of the Vim window. Normal commands, some other specific letters corresponding to different actions activate this mode. Ex mode - to Cmdline mode, it takes a single line input at the bottom of the window. However, in Cmdline mode, entering a command exits the mode when the command is executed. Entering a command in Ex mode doesn't cause the mode to change. Vim is customizable and extensible, making it an attractive tool for users that demand a large amount of control and flexibility over their text editing environment.
Text input is facilitated by a variety of features designed to increase keyboard efficiency. Users can execute complex commands with "key mappings," which can be extended; the "recording" feature allows for the creation of macros to automate sequences of keystrokes and call internal or user-defined functions and mappings. Abbreviations, similar to macros and key mappings, facilitate the expansion of short strings of text into longer ones and can be used to correct mistakes. Vim features an "easy" mode for users looking for a simpler text editing solution. There are many plugins available that will extend or add new functionality to Vim, such as linters, integration with Git, showing colors in CSS; these complex scripts are written in Vim's internal scripting language, but can be written in some other languages as well. There are projects bundling together complex scripts and customizations and aimed at turning Vim into a tool for a specific task or adding a major flavour to its behaviour. Examples include Cream, which makes Vim behave like a click-and-type editor, or VimOutliner, which provides a comfortable outliner for users of Unix-like systems.
Vim has a vi compatibility mode. However in compatibility mode, Vim is not compatible with vi as defined in the Single Unix Specification and POSIX. Vim has been described as "very much compatible with Vi"; some of Vim's enhancements include completion and merging of files, a comprehensive integrated help system, extended regular expressions, scripting languages including support for plugins, a graphical user interface, limited integrated development environment-like features, mouse interaction, editing of compressed or archived files in gzip, bzip2, tar format and files over network protocols such as SSH, FTP, HTTP, session state pre
Sahar Khodayari known as Blue Girl, was an Iranian woman known for setting herself on fire in front of the Islamic Revolutionary Court of Tehran on 2 September 2019. She was protesting a possible sentence of six months in prison for having tried to enter a public stadium to watch a football game, against the national ban against women at such events, she died a week of her injuries. Khodayari's self-immolation has generated much debate in Iran about the government's restrictions on women; the country has been chosen to host select qualifier games for the 2022 FIFA World Cup. FIFA has said that Iran must allow women into the stadium to see those international football matches. Iran guaranteed such entry for the first time after one month after her death. Khodayari has since become a symbol of protest against the Islamic Republic's oppression against women. Sahar Khodayari was born in 1990 to a family in Salm, Kiar County and Bakhtiari Province, Iran, her family includes a sister. The family lived in Tehran.
Khodayari graduated from university in computer sciences. As a young woman she became a fan of the game of football, she was identified as "Blue Girl" on social media, after the colors of her favorite club, Esteghlal FC, based in Tehran. In March 2019 Khodayari tried to enter Azadi Stadium for a match of AFC Champions League between Esteghlal and Al-Ain FC; because women in Iran have been prohibited since 1981 from attending football matches, she disguised herself as a man to enter undetected. But the security guards arrested her for violating the prohibition, she was held for three nights in jail before pending her court case. According to Amnesty International, Sahar Khodayari was ordered six months to attend a Revolutionary Court in Tehran on 2 September 2019 to give a reason for her attempt to enter Azadi football stadium, she was charged with “openly committing a sinful act by… appearing in public without a hijab” and “insulting officials”. While no verdict was delivered in her case because the judge was unavailable, she was told she might face a six-month jail sentence.
After Khodayari left the court, she poured petrol on herself and set herself on fire outside the courthouse in self-immolation. She died in hospital one week due to the third-degree burns that she had suffered. According to DW, the six-month jail sentence had been affirmed. On October 2019, Iranian women were allowed to attend a soccer match in Iran for the first time in 40 years. Gholam Hossein Ismaili, the spokesman of Judicial system of Iran, claimed that Sahar Khodayari had not been convicted nor sentenced to 6 months imprisonment, as was reported, he said that the media had published "rumor", not true. In an interview with the state-owned TV, before her family was told not to speak to the media, her sister had said that Khodayari was receiving treatment for mental illness. There were rumors; because of this, authorities might have reduced charges against her. Ali Karimi said that Iranians should "boycott soccer stadiums to protest Khodayari’s death." FIFA made a statement about Khodayari's death: "We are aware of that tragedy and regret it."
Iran has been chosen as a site for qualifier matches for the 2022 World Cup, FIFA has said the country must provide for free entry of women to those international matches. Amnesty International said, "What happened to Sahar Khodayari is heart-breaking and exposes the impact of the Iranian authorities' appalling contempt for women's rights in the country." A spokesman for the U. S. Department of State said: "The death of blue girl, Sahar Khodayari, is another proof for the fact that the Iranian people are the greatest victims of the Islamic regime." On 12 September 2019 an arrest warrant was issued for Saba Kamali, an Iranian actress, after her post on Instagram in support for the death of the Blue Girl. She had published an imaginary dialogue with Husayn ibn Ali questioning the relevance of the ceremonial Ashura event compared to Iran's discriminatory laws. According to france24, Iranian football fans reacted with shock and anger following Khodayari's death. By using #BanIRSportsFederations, Iranians called for the Islamic regime's sports federations to be banned from participating in world sport.
Some local football stars and known figures, international players and football authorities responded to Khodayari's death with public statements. Homa Darabi Offside Girls of Enghelab Street Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women
Ghajar is an Alawite-Arab village on the Hasbani River on the border between Lebanon and the Israeli-occupied portion of the Golan Heights, internationally considered to be de jure part of Syria. In 2018 it had a population of 2,607. Control over Ghajar has changed hands many times. Three hundred years ago, the village was known as Taranjeh, it was renamed Ghajar under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, when the land was seized from the "villagers" by Kurds and forcibly sold. According to "local" legend, the Kurdish governor of Ghajar tried to ride his horse onto the tomb of a local holy man, Sheikh al-Arba'in; the horse refused and the following day a fire broke out, destroying the governor's shield and sword. The Kurds fled and sold it back. In 1932, the residents of Ghajar, predominantly Alawites, were given the option of choosing their nationality and overwhelmingly chose to be a part of Syria, which has a sizable Alawite minority. Prior to the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Ghajar was considered part of Syria and its residents were counted in the 1960 Syrian census.
When Israel occupied the Golan Heights from Syria in 1967, Ghajar remained a no-man's land for two and a half months. The Alawi villagers petitioned the Golan's Israeli governor to be attached to the occupied territory, as part of the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, rather than Lebanon, because they considered themselves to be Syrians, like the majority of the native residents of the Golan at that time. Israel agreed to include Ghajar in its occupied territory of the Syrian Golan Heights and the residents accordingly accepted living under Israeli rule. In 1981, most Alawi villagers accepted Israeli citizenship under the Golan Heights Law which annexed the occupied Syrian territory to Israel, but the unilateral annexation was not recognized by the international community. After Operation Litani in 1978, Israel turned over its positions inside Lebanon to the South Lebanon Army and inaugurated its Good Fence policy; the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon was created after the incursion, following the adoption of Security Council Resolution 425 in March 1978 to confirm Israeli withdrawal from Southern Lebanon, restore international peace and security, help the government of Lebanon restore its effective authority in the area.
Ghajar expanded northward into Lebanese territory, subsuming the Wazzani settlement north of the border. In 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon. In 2000, following the campaign promise and election of Ehud Barak as Prime Minister, Israel withdrew their troops from Lebanon. In an attempt to demarcate permanent borders between Israel and Lebanon, the United Nations drew up what became known as the Blue Line. Due to Ghajar's location, wedged between Lebanon and the Israeli-controlled Golan Heights, the northern half of the village came under Lebanese control and the southern part remained under Israeli control; this arrangement created much resentment among the residents. Despite the Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, tension mounted as Hezbollah made attempts to kidnap Israeli soldiers in the Ghajar area. In 2005, Hezbollah launched a missile on Ghajar and infiltrated it, but withdrew after being repelled by the Israelis. Following another attack in July 2006, Israel invaded southern Lebanon and re-occupied the northern half of Ghajar during the 2006 Lebanon War.
Following a month of intense fighting, UNSC Resolution 1701 was unanimously approved to resolve the conflict, it was accepted by combatants on both sides. Among other things, the resolution demanded the full cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of Israeli forces, the disarming of Hezbollah, the deployment of Lebanese and UNIFIL soldiers, the establishment of full control by the government of Lebanon. In April 2009, the Lebanese paper Daily Star reported the IDF had agreed to withdraw from northern Ghajar at a meeting at Ras al-Naqoura. On 13 May, the government of Israel suspended talks to await the outcome of the Lebanese Parliamentary elections, fearing a Hezbollah victory. In the wake of reports in December 2009 of a possible withdrawal of Israeli troops, 2,200 Ghajar residents took to the streets in protest. On November 2010, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu informed the UN Secretary General of Israeli intentions to unilaterally withdraw from Ghajar, after failing to come to an agreement with Lebanon and place security matters into the hands of UNIFIL.
On 17 November 2010, Security Cabinet of Israel voted in favor of withdrawal from northern half of Ghajar. As the Syrian Civil War erupted, Israel halted redeployment along the border. Moreover, residents of Ghajar object to division of the village. Residents on both sides of the village have Israeli citizenship, they work and travel within Israel, but those living on the Lebanese side have difficulties receiving services from Israel. There is an Israel Defense Forces checkpoint at the entrance to the village, a fence surrounding the entire village, but no fence or barrier dividing the two sides of the village; the UN has physically marked the recognized border and Israeli soldiers remain on the Lebanese side of Ghajar despite the decision of the Israeli cabinet on 3 December 2006, to hand it over to UNIFIL. Israel says that the Lebanese army rejected a UN-brokered proposal in which the Lebanese Army would protect the vicinity north of the village, while UNIFIL would be deployed in the village itself.
A perimeter fence has been built along the northern edge of the village in Lebanese territory up to 800 meters north of the Blue Line. UNIFIL military observers patrol the area continuously. In its October 2007 report on the implementa