Mandarin is a group of related varieties of Chinese spoken across most of northern and southwestern China. The group includes the basis of Standard Mandarin or Standard Chinese; because Mandarin originated in North China and most Mandarin dialects are found in the north, the group is sometimes referred to as the Northern dialects. Many local Mandarin varieties are not mutually intelligible. Mandarin is placed first in lists of languages by number of native speakers. Mandarin is by far the largest of the seven or ten Chinese dialect groups, spoken by 70 percent of all Chinese speakers over a large geographical area, stretching from Yunnan in the southwest to Xinjiang in the northwest and Heilongjiang in the northeast; this is attributed to the greater ease of travel and communication in the North China Plain compared to the more mountainous south, combined with the recent spread of Mandarin to frontier areas. Most Mandarin varieties have four tones; the final stops of Middle Chinese have disappeared in most of these varieties, but some have merged them as a final glottal stop.
Many Mandarin varieties, including the Beijing dialect, retain retroflex initial consonants, which have been lost in southern dialect groups. The capital has been within the Mandarin area for most of the last millennium, making these dialects influential; some form of Mandarin has served as a national lingua franca since the 14th century. In the early 20th century, a standard form based on the Beijing dialect, with elements from other Mandarin dialects, was adopted as the national language. Standard Chinese is the official language of the People's Republic of China and Taiwan and one of the four official languages of Singapore, it is used as one of the working languages of the United Nations. It is one of the most used varieties of Chinese among Chinese diaspora communities internationally; the English word "mandarin" meant an official of the Ming and Qing empires. Since their native varieties were mutually unintelligible, these officials communicated using a Koiné language based on various northern varieties.
When Jesuit missionaries learned this standard language in the 16th century, they called it "Mandarin", from its Chinese name Guānhuà, or "language of the officials". In everyday English, "Mandarin" refers to Standard Chinese, called "Chinese". Standard Chinese is based on the particular Mandarin dialect spoken in Beijing, with some lexical and syntactic influence from other Mandarin dialects, it is the official spoken language of the People's Republic of China, the de facto official language of the Republic of China, one of the four official languages of the Republic of Singapore. It functions as the language of instruction in Mainland China and in Taiwan, it is one of the six official languages of the United Nations, under the name "Chinese". Chinese speakers refer to the modern standard language as Pǔtōnghuà in Mainland China, Guóyǔ in Taiwan, or Huáyǔ in Singapore, Malaysia and Philippines,but not as Guānhuà. Linguists use the term "Mandarin" to refer to the diverse group of dialects spoken in northern and southwestern China, which Chinese linguists call Guānhuà.
The alternative term Běifānghuà, or "Northern dialects", is used less and less among Chinese linguists. By extension, the term "Old Mandarin" or "Early Mandarin" is used by linguists to refer to the northern dialects recorded in materials from the Yuan dynasty. Native speakers who are not academic linguists may not recognize that the variants they speak are classified in linguistics as members of "Mandarin" in a broader sense. Within Chinese social or cultural discourse, there is not a common "Mandarin" identity based on language. Speakers of forms of Mandarin other than the standard refer to the variety they speak by a geographic name—for example Sichuan dialect, Hebei dialect or Northeastern dialect, all being regarded as distinct from the standard language; the hundreds of modern local varieties of Chinese developed from regional variants of Old Chinese and Middle Chinese. Traditionally, seven major groups of dialects have been recognized. Aside from Mandarin, the other six are Wu, Xiang in central China, Min and Yue on the southeast coast.
The Language Atlas of China distinguishes three further groups: Jin, Huizhou in the Huizhou region of Anhui and Zhejiang, Pinghua in Guangxi and Yunnan. After the fall of the Northern Song and during the reign of the Jin and Yuan dynasties in northern China, a common speech developed based on the dialects of the North China Plain around the capital, a language referred to as Old Mandarin. New genres of vernacular literature were based on this language, including verse and story forms, such as the qu and sanqu poetry; the rhyming conventions of the new verse were codified in a rime dictionary called the Zhongyuan Yinyun. A radical departure from the rime table tradition that had evolved over the previous centuries, this dictionary contains a wealth of information on the phonology of Old Mandarin. Further sources are the'Phags-pa script based on the Ti
Serbo-Croatian is a South Slavic language and the primary language of Serbia, Croatia and Herzegovina, Montenegro. It is a pluricentric language with four mutually intelligible standard varieties. South Slavic dialects formed a continuum; the turbulent history of the area due to expansion of the Ottoman Empire, resulted in a patchwork of dialectal and religious differences. Due to population migrations, Shtokavian became the most widespread dialect in the western Balkans, intruding westwards into the area occupied by Chakavian and Kajkavian. Bosniaks and Serbs differ in religion and were often part of different cultural circles, although a large part of the nations have lived side by side under foreign overlords. During that period, the language was referred to under a variety of names, such as "Slavic" in general or "Serbian", "Croatian", ”Bosnian”, "Slavonian" or "Dalmatian" in particular. In a classicizing manner, it was referred to as "Illyrian"; the process of linguistic standardization of Serbo-Croatian was initiated in the mid-19th-century Vienna Literary Agreement by Croatian and Serbian writers and philologists, decades before a Yugoslav state was established.
From the beginning, there were different literary Serbian and Croatian standards, although both were based on the same Shtokavian subdialect, Eastern Herzegovinian. In the 20th century, Serbo-Croatian served as the official language of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, as one of the official languages of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; the breakup of Yugoslavia affected language attitudes, so that social conceptions of the language separated on ethnic and political lines. Since the breakup of Yugoslavia, Bosnian has been established as an official standard in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there is an ongoing movement to codify a separate Montenegrin standard. Serbo-Croatian thus goes by the names Serbian, Croatian and sometimes Montenegrin and Bunjevac. Like other South Slavic languages, Serbo-Croatian has a simple phonology, with the common five-vowel system and twenty-five consonants, its grammar evolved from Common Slavic, with complex inflection, preserving seven grammatical cases in nouns and adjectives.
Verbs exhibit imperfective or perfective aspect, with a moderately complex tense system. Serbo-Croatian is a pro-drop language with flexible word order, subject–verb–object being the default, it can be written in Serbian Cyrillic or Gaj's Latin alphabet, whose thirty letters mutually map one-to-one, the orthography is phonemic in all standards. Throughout the history of the South Slavs, the vernacular and written languages of the various regions and ethnicities developed and diverged independently. Prior to the 19th century, they were collectively called "Illyric", "Slavic", "Slavonian", "Bosnian", "Dalmatian", "Serbian" or "Croatian". Since the XIX century the term Illyric was used quite often. Although the word Illyrian was used on a few occasions before, the widespread usage of the term began after Ljudevit Gaj and several other prominent linguists met at Ljudevit Vukotinović's house to discuss the issue in 1832; the term Serbo-Croatian was first used by Jacob Grimm in 1824, popularized by the Viennese philologist Jernej Kopitar in the following decades, accepted by Croatian Zagreb grammarians in 1854 and 1859.
At that time and Croat lands were still part of the Ottoman and Austrian Empires. The language was called variously Serbo-Croat, Croato-Serbian and Croatian, Croatian and Serbian, Serbian or Croatian, Croatian or Serbian. Unofficially and Croats called the language "Serbian" or "Croatian" without implying a distinction between the two, again in independent Bosnia and Herzegovina, "Bosnian", "Croatian", "Serbian" were considered to be three names of a single official language. Croatian linguist Dalibor Brozović advocated the term Serbo-Croatian as late as 1988, claiming that in an analogy with Indo-European, Serbo-Croatian does not only name the two components of the same language, but charts the limits of the region in which it is spoken and includes everything between the limits. Today, use of the term "Serbo-Croatian" is controversial due to the prejudice that nation and language must match, it is still used for lack of a succinct alternative, though alternative names have emerged, such as Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian, seen in political contexts such as the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.
Old Church Slavonic was adopted as the language of the liturgy. This language was adapted to non-liturgical purposes and became known as the Croatian version of Old Slavonic; the two variants of the language and non-liturgical, continued to be a part of the Glagolitic service as late as the middle of the 19th century. The earliest known Croatian Church Slavonic Glagolitic manuscripts are the Glagolita Clozianus and the Vienna Folia from the 11th century; the beginning of written Serbo-Croatian can be traced from the 10th century and on when Serbo-Croatian medieval texts were written in five scripts: Latin, Early Cyrillic, Bosnian Cyrillic, Arebica, the last principally by Bosniak nobility. Serbo-Croatian competed with the more established literary languages of Latin
The term phonation has different meanings depending on the subfield of phonetics. Among some phoneticians, phonation is the process by which the vocal folds produce certain sounds through quasi-periodic vibration; this is the definition used among those who study laryngeal anatomy and physiology and speech production in general. Phoneticians in other subfields, such as linguistic phonetics, call this process voicing, use the term phonation to refer to any oscillatory state of any part of the larynx that modifies the airstream, of which voicing is just one example. Voiceless and supra-glottal phonations are included under this definition; the phonatory process, or voicing, occurs when air is expelled from the lungs through the glottis, creating a pressure drop across the larynx. When this drop becomes sufficiently large, the vocal folds start to oscillate; the minimum pressure drop required to achieve phonation is called the phonation threshold pressure, for humans with normal vocal folds, it is 2–3 cm H2O.
The motion of the vocal folds during oscillation is lateral, though there is some superior component as well. However, there is no motion along the length of the vocal folds; the oscillation of the vocal folds serves to modulate the pressure and flow of the air through the larynx, this modulated airflow is the main component of the sound of most voiced phones. The sound that the larynx produces is a harmonic series. In other words, it consists of a fundamental tone accompanied by harmonic overtones, which are multiples of the fundamental frequency. According to the source–filter theory, the resulting sound excites the resonance chamber, the vocal tract to produce the individual speech sounds; the vocal folds will not oscillate if they are not sufficiently close to one another, are not under sufficient tension or under too much tension, or if the pressure drop across the larynx is not sufficiently large. In linguistics, a phone is called voiceless. In speech, voiceless phones are associated with vocal folds that are elongated tensed, placed laterally when compared to vocal folds during phonation.
Fundamental frequency, the main acoustic cue for the percept pitch, can be varied through a variety of means. Large scale changes are accomplished by increasing the tension in the vocal folds through contraction of the cricothyroid muscle. Smaller changes in tension can be effected by contraction of the thyroarytenoid muscle or changes in the relative position of the thyroid and cricoid cartilages, as may occur when the larynx is lowered or raised, either volitionally or through movement of the tongue to which the larynx is attached via the hyoid bone. In addition to tension changes, fundamental frequency is affected by the pressure drop across the larynx, affected by the pressure in the lungs, will vary with the distance between the vocal folds. Variation in fundamental frequency is used linguistically to produce tone. There are two main theories as to how vibration of the vocal folds is initiated: the myoelastic theory and the aerodynamic theory; these two theories are not in contention with one another and it is quite possible that both theories are true and operating to initiate and maintain vibration.
A third theory, the neurochronaxic theory, was in considerable vogue in the 1950s, but has since been discredited. The myoelastic theory states that when the vocal cords are brought together and breath pressure is applied to them, the cords remain closed until the pressure beneath them, the subglottic pressure, is sufficient to push them apart, allowing air to escape and reducing the pressure enough for the muscle tension recoil to pull the folds back together again; the pressure builds up once again until the cords are pushed apart, the whole cycle keeps repeating itself. The rate at which the cords open and close, the number of cycles per second, determines the pitch of the phonation; the aerodynamic theory is based on the Bernoulli energy law in fluids. The theory states that when a stream of breath is flowing through the glottis while the arytenoid cartilages are held together, a push-pull effect is created on the vocal fold tissues that maintains self-sustained oscillation; the push occurs during glottal opening, when the glottis is convergent, the pull occurs during glottal closing, when the glottis is divergent.
Such an effect causes a transfer of energy from the airflow to the vocal fold tissues which overcomes losses by dissipation and sustain the oscillation. The amount of lung pressure needed to begin phonation is defined by Titze as the oscillation threshold pressure. During glottal closure, the air flow is cut off until breath pressure pushes the folds apart and the flow starts up again, causing the cycles to repeat; the textbook entitled Myoelastic Aerodynamic Theory of Phonation by Ingo Titze credits Janwillem van den Berg as the originator of the theory and provides detailed mathematical development of the theory. This theory states that the frequency of the vocal fold vibration is determined by the chronaxie of the recurrent nerve, not by breath pressure or muscular tension. Advocates of this theory thought that every single vibration of the vocal folds was due to an impulse from the recurrent laryngeal nerves and that the acoustic center in the brain regulated the speed of vocal fold vibration.
Speech and voice scientists have long since left this theory as the muscles have been shown to not be able to contract fast enough to accomplish the vibration. In addition, persons with paralyzed vocal folds can produce phonation, whic
Cantonese is a variety of Chinese spoken in the city of Guangzhou and its surrounding area in Southeastern China. It is the traditional prestige variety and standard form of Yue Chinese, one of the major subgroups of Chinese. In mainland China, it is the lingua franca of the province of Guangdong and neighbouring areas such as Guangxi, it is the official language of Hong Kong and Macau. Cantonese is widely spoken amongst Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia and throughout the Western world. While the term Cantonese refers to the prestige variety, it is used in a broader sense for the entire Yue subgroup of Chinese, including related but mutually unintelligible languages and dialects such as Taishanese; when Cantonese and the related Yuehai dialects are classified together, there are about 80 million total speakers. Cantonese is viewed as a vital and inseparable part of the cultural identity for its native speakers across large swaths of Southeastern China, Hong Kong and Macau, as well as in overseas communities.
Although Cantonese shares a lot of vocabulary with Mandarin, the two varieties are mutually unintelligible because of differences in pronunciation and lexicon. Sentence structure, in particular the placement of verbs, sometimes differs between the two varieties. A notable difference between Cantonese and Mandarin is; this results in the situation in which a Cantonese and a Mandarin text may look similar but are pronounced differently. In English, the term "Cantonese" can be ambiguous. Cantonese proper is the variety native to the city of Canton, the traditional English name of Guangzhou; this narrow sense may be specified as "Canton language" or "Guangzhou language". However, "Cantonese" may refer to the primary branch of Chinese that contains Cantonese proper as well as Taishanese and Gaoyang. In this article, "Cantonese" is used for Cantonese proper. Speakers called this variety "Canton speech" or "Guangzhou speech", although this term is now used outside Guangzhou. In Guangdong and Guangxi, people call it "provincial capital speech" or "plain speech".
Academically called "Canton prefecture speech". In Hong Kong and Macau, as well as among overseas Chinese communities, the language is referred to as "Guangdong speech" or "Canton Province speech", or as "Chinese". In mainland China, the term "Guangdong speech" is increasingly being used amongst both native and non-native speakers. Given the history of the development of the Yue languages and dialects during the Tang dynasty migrations to the region, in overseas Chinese communities, it is referred to as "Tang speech", given that the Cantonese people refer to themselves as "people of Tang". Due to its status as a prestige dialect among all the dialects of the Yue branch of Chinese varieties, it is called "Standard Cantonese"; the official languages of Hong Kong are English, as defined in the Hong Kong Basic Law. The Chinese language has many different varieties. Given the traditional predominance of Cantonese within Hong Kong, it is the de facto official spoken form of the Chinese language used in the Hong Kong Government and all courts and tribunals.
It is used as the medium of instruction in schools, alongside English. A similar situation exists in neighboring Macau, where Chinese is an official language alongside Portuguese; as in Hong Kong, Cantonese is the predominant spoken variety of Chinese used in everyday life and is thus the official form of Chinese used in the government. The Cantonese spoken in Hong Kong and Macau is mutually intelligible with the Cantonese spoken in the mainland city of Guangzhou, although there exist some minor differences in accent and vocabulary. Cantonese first developed around the port city of Guangzhou in the Pearl River Delta region of southeastern China. Due to the city's long standing as an important cultural center, Cantonese emerged as the prestige dialect of the Yue varieties of Chinese in the Southern Song dynasty and its usage spread around most of what is now the provinces of Guangdong and Guangxi. Despite the cession of Macau to Portugal in 1557 and Hong Kong to Britain in 1842, the ethnic Chinese population of the two territories originated from the 19th and 20th century immigration from Guangzhou and surrounding areas, making Cantonese the predominant Chinese language in the territories.
On the mainland, Cantonese continued to serve as the lingua franca of Guangdong and Guangxi provinces after Mandarin was made the official language of the government by the Qing dynasty in the early 1900s. Cantonese remained a dominant and influential language in southeastern China until the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949 and its promotion of Standard Chinese as the sole official language of the nation throughout the last half of the 20th century, although its influence still remains strong within the region. While the Chinese government vehemently discourages the official use of all forms of Chinese except Standard Chinese, Cantonese enjoys a higher standing than other Chinese langua
Esperanto is the most spoken constructed international auxiliary language. It was created in the late 19th century by a Polish-Jewish ophthalmologist. In 1887, he published a book detailing Unua Libro, under the pseudonym Dr. Esperanto. Esperanto translates to English as "one who hopes". Zamenhof's goal was to create an easy and flexible language that would serve as a universal second language to foster peace and international understanding, to build a community of speakers, as he inferred that one can’t have a language without a community of speakers, his original title for the language was the international language, but early speakers grew fond of the name Esperanto and began to use it as the name for the language in 1889. In 1905, Zamenhof published Fundamento de Esperanto as a definitive guide to the language; that year, he organized the first World Esperanto Congress, an ongoing annual conference, in Boulogne-sur-Mer, France. The first congress ratified the Declaration of Boulogne, which established several foundational premises for the Esperanto movement.
One of its pronouncements is that Fundamento de Esperanto is the only obligatory authority over the language. Another is that the Esperanto movement is a linguistic movement and that no further meaning can be ascribed to it. Zamenhof proposed to the first congress that an independent body of linguistic scholars should steward the future evolution of Esperanto, foreshadowing the founding of the Akademio de Esperanto, in part modeled after the Académie française, established soon thereafter. Since 1905, congresses have been held in various countries every year, with the exceptions of years during the World Wars. In 1908, a group of young Esperanto speakers led by Hector Hodler established the Universal Esperanto Association, in order to provide a central organization for the global Esperanto community. Esperanto grew both as a language and as a linguistic community. Despite speakers facing persecution in regimes such as Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union under Stalin, Esperanto speakers continued to establish organizations and publish periodicals tailored to specific regions and interests.
In 1954, the United Nations granted official support to Esperanto as an international auxiliary language in the Montevideo Resolution. Several writers have contributed to the growing body of Esperanto literature, including William Auld, who received the first nomination for the Nobel Prize in Literature for a literary work in Esperanto in 1999, followed by two more in 2004 and 2006. Esperanto-language writers are officially represented in PEN International, the worldwide writers association, through Esperanto PEN Centro. Esperanto has continued to develop in the 21st century; the advent of the Internet has had a significant impact on the language, as learning it has become accessible on platforms such as Duolingo and as speakers have networked on platforms such as Amikumu. With two million speakers, a small portion of whom are native speakers, it is the most spoken constructed language in the world. Although no country has adopted Esperanto Esperantujo is the collective name given to places where it is spoken, the language is employed in world travel, cultural exchange, literature, language instruction and radio broadcasting.
While its advocates continue to hope for the day that Esperanto becomes recognized as the international auxiliary language, an increasing number have stopped focusing on this goal and instead view the Esperanto community as a "stateless diasporic linguistic minority" based on freedom of association, with a culture worthy of preservation based on its own merit. Some have chosen to learn Esperanto due to its purported help in third language acquisition. Zamenhof had three goals, as he wrote in Unua Libro: "To render the study of the language so easy as to make its acquisition mere play to the learner." "To enable the learner to make direct use of his knowledge with people of any nationality, whether the language be universally accepted or not. "To find some means of overcoming the natural indifference of mankind, disposing them, in the quickest manner possible, en masse, to learn and use the proposed language as a living one, not only in last extremities, with the key at hand."According to the database Ethnologue, up to two million people worldwide, to varying degrees, speak Esperanto, including about 1,000 to 2,000 native speakers who learned Esperanto from birth.
The Universal Esperanto Association has more than 5500 members in 120 countries. Its usage is highest in Europe, East Asia, South America. Lernu! is one of the most popular on-line learning platforms for Esperanto. In 2013, the "lernu.net" site reported 150,000 registered users and had between 150,000 and 200,000 visitors each month. Lernu has 274,800 registered users, who are able to view the site's interface in their choice of 21 languages — Catalan, Chinese Danish, Esperanto, French, German, Hungarian, Norwegian, Portuguese, Serbian, Slovak and Ukrainian.
German orthography is the orthography used in writing the German language, phonemic. However, it shows many instances of spellings that are historic or analogous to other spellings rather than phonemic; the pronunciation of every word can be derived from its spelling once the spelling rules are known, but the opposite is not the case. Today, German orthography is regulated by the Rat für deutsche Rechtschreibung, composed of representatives from most German-speaking countries; the modern German alphabet consists of the twenty-six letters of the ISO basic Latin alphabet plus four special letters. ^ In the spelling alphabet, for ⟨ch⟩, Charlotte is used. For the trigraph ⟨sch⟩, Schule is used. German uses three letter-diacritic combinations using the umlaut and one ligature which are considered distinct letters of the alphabet; the capital ẞ was declared an official letter of the German alphabet on 29 June 2017. In the past, long s was used as well, as in many other European languages. While the Council for German Orthography considers Ä/ä, Ö/ö, Ü/ü, ẞ/ß distinct letters, disagreement on how to categorize and count them has led to a dispute over the exact number of letters the German alphabet has, the number ranging between 26 and 30.
The diacritic letters ä, ö and ü are used to indicate the presence of umlauts. Before the introduction of the printing press, frontalization was indicated by placing an e after the back vowel to be modified, but German printers developed the space-saving typographical convention of replacing the full e with a small version placed above the vowel to be modified. In German Kurrent writing, the superscripted e was simplified to two vertical dashes, which have further been reduced to dots in both handwriting and German typesetting. Although the two dots of umlaut look like those in the diaeresis, the two have different origins and functions; when it is not possible to use the umlauts the characters Ä, Ö, Ü, ä, ö, ü should be transcribed as Ae, Oe, Ue, ae, oe, ue following the earlier postvocalic-e convention. However, such transcription should be avoided if possible with names. Names exist in different variants, such as "Müller" and "Mueller", with such transcriptions in use one could not work out the correct spelling of the name.
Automatic back-transcribing is not only wrong for names. Consider, for example, das neue Buch; this should never be changed to das neü Buch, as the second e is separate from the u and does not belong in the same syllable. The word neü does not exist in German. Furthermore, in northern and western Germany, there are family names and place names in which e lengthens the preceding vowel, as in the former Dutch orthography, such as Straelen, pronounced with a long a, not an ä. Similar cases are Bernkastel-Kues. In proper names and ethnonyms, there may appear a rare ë and ï, which are not letters with an umlaut, but a diaeresis, used as in French to distinguish what could be a digraph, for example, ai in Karaïmen, eu in Alëuten, ie in Ferdinand Piëch, oe in Clemens von Loë and Bernhard Hoëcker, ue in Niuë. A diaeresis may be used in some well-known names, i.e.: Italiën. To separate the au diphthong, as well as some others, which are graphically composed of umlaut-holding letters, the acute accent is sometimes used.
Swiss typewriters and computer keyboards do not allow easy input of uppercase letters with umlauts because their positions are taken by the most frequent French diacritics. Uppercase umlauts were dropped. Geographical names in particular are supposed to be written with A, O, U plus e except "Österreich"; the omission can cause some inconvenience since the first letter of every noun is capitalized in German. Unlike in Hungarian, the exact shape of the umlaut diacritics – when handwritten – is not important, because they are the only ones in the language, they will be understood whether they look like dots, acute accents, vertical bars, a horizontal bar, a breve, a tiny N or e, a tilde, such variations are used in stylized writing. In the past, the breve was traditionally used in some scripts to distinguish a u from an n, as was the ring. In rare cases the n was underlined; the breved u was common in some Kurrent-derived handwritings. The eszett or scharfes S represents; the German spelling reform of 1996 somewhat reduced usage of this letter in Austria.
It is not used in Liechtenstein. As the ß derives from a ligature of lowercase letters, it is used in the middle or the end of a word; the proper transcription when it cannot be used, is ss. This transcription can give rise to ambiguities, albeit rarely. For all caps usage, an uppercase ß was added to the German alphabet in 2017. In 2008, it was included in Unicode 5.1 as U+1E9E, since 2010
Manner of articulation
In articulatory phonetics, the manner of articulation is the configuration and interaction of the articulators when making a speech sound. One parameter of manner is stricture, that is, how the speech organs approach one another. Others include those involved in the r-like sounds, the sibilancy of fricatives; the concept of manner is used in the discussion of consonants, although the movement of the articulators will greatly alter the resonant properties of the vocal tract, thereby changing the formant structure of speech sounds, crucial for the identification of vowels. For consonants, the place of articulation and the degree of phonation of voicing are considered separately from manner, as being independent parameters. Homorganic consonants, which have the same place of articulation, may have different manners of articulation. Nasality and laterality are included in manner, but some phoneticians, such as Peter Ladefoged, consider them to be independent. Manners of articulation with substantial obstruction of the airflow are called obstruents.
These are prototypically voiceless, but voiced obstruents are common as well. Manners without such obstruction are called sonorants. Voiceless sonorants are uncommon, but are found in Welsh and Classical Greek, in Standard Tibetan, the "wh" in those dialects of English that distinguish "which" from "witch". Sonorants may be called resonants, some linguists prefer that term, restricting the word'sonorant' to non-vocoid resonants. Another common distinction is between continuants. From greatest to least stricture, speech sounds may be classified along a cline as stop consonants, fricative consonants and vowels. Affricates behave as if they were intermediate between stops and fricatives, but phonetically they are sequences of a stop and fricative. Over time, sounds in a language may move along this cline toward less stricture in a process called lenition, or towards more stricture in a process called fortition. Sibilants are distinguished from other fricatives by the shape of the tongue and how the airflow is directed over the teeth.
Fricatives at coronal places of articulation may be sibilant or non-sibilant, sibilants being the more common. Flaps are similar to brief stops. However, their articulation and behavior are distinct enough to be considered a separate manner, rather than just length; the main articulatory difference between flaps and stops is that, due to the greater length of stops compared to flaps, a build-up of air pressure occurs behind a stop which does not occur behind a flap. This means that when the stop is released, there is a burst of air as the pressure is relieved, while for flaps there is no such burst. Trills involve the vibration of one of the speech organs. Since trilling is a separate parameter from stricture, the two may be combined. Increasing the stricture of a typical trill results in a trilled fricative. Trilled affricates are known. Nasal airflow may be added as an independent parameter to any speech sound, it is most found in nasal occlusives and nasal vowels, but nasalized fricatives and approximants are found.
When a sound is not nasal, it is called oral. Laterality is the release of airflow at the side of the tongue; this can be combined with other manners, resulting in lateral approximants, lateral flaps, lateral fricatives and affricates. Stop, an oral occlusive, where there is occlusion of the oral vocal tract, no nasal air flow, so the air flow stops completely. Examples include English /p t k/ and /b d ɡ/. If the consonant is voiced, the voicing is the only sound made during occlusion. What we hear as a /p/ or /k/ is the effect that the onset of the occlusion has on the preceding vowel, as well as the release burst and its effect on the following vowel; the shape and position of the tongue determine the resonant cavity that gives different stops their characteristic sounds. All languages have stops. Nasal, a nasal occlusive, where there is occlusion of the oral tract, but air passes through the nose; the shape and position of the tongue determine the resonant cavity that gives different nasals their characteristic sounds.
Examples include English /m, n/. Nearly all languages have nasals, the only exceptions being in the area of Puget Sound and a single language on Bougainville Island. Fricative, sometimes called spirant, where there is continuous frication at the place of articulation. Examples include etc.. Most languages have fricatives, though many have only an /s/. However, the Indigenous Australian languages are completely devoid of fricatives of any kind. Sibilants are a type of fricative where the airflow is guided by a groove in the tongue toward the teeth, creating a high-pitched and distinctive sound; these are by far the most common fricatives. Fricatives at coronal places of articulation are though not always, sibilants. English sibilants include /s/ and /z/. Lateral fricatives are a rare type of fricative, where the frication occurs on one or both sides of the edge of th