National Press Club (United States)
The National Press Club is a professional organization and business center for journalists and communications professionals. It is located in Washington, D. C, its membership consists of journalists, former journalists, government information officers, those considered to be regular news sources. It has gatherings with invited speakers from public life as well as a venue open to the public to host business meetings, news conferences, industry gatherings and social events. Founded in 1908, the club has been visited by many U. S. presidents, many since Warren Harding have been members – most have spoken from the club's podium. Others who have appeared at the club include monarchs, prime ministers and premiers, members of Congress, Cabinet officials, scholars, business leaders, athletes; the Club's emblem is the Owl, in deference to wisdom and nights spent working. On March 12, 1908, 32 newspapermen met at the Washington Chamber of Commerce to discuss starting a club for journalists. At the meeting they agreed to meet again on March 29 in the F Street parlor of the Willard Hotel to frame a constitution for the National Press Club.
The Club founders laid down a credo which promised "to promote social enjoyment among the members, to cultivate literary taste, to encourage friendly intercourse among newspapermen and those with whom they were thrown in contact in the pursuit of their vocation, to aid members in distress and to foster the ethical standards of the profession." With $300, the founding members moved into its first club quarters on the second floor of 1205 F Street NW. By 1909, the club had outgrown its new quarters and moved above Rhodes Tavern at the corner of 15th and F Streets. Once again the club moved to the Albee Building at 15th and G Streets. In 1925, National Press Club President Henry L. Sweinhart, appointed a special building committee to plan for a permanent club headquarters; the Ebbitt Hotel was demolished, the Ebbitt Grill moved to the Albee building. The new National Press Building, at 14th and F Streets NW, was completed in August 1927, included retail space and office space intended for Washington news bureaus, with the club occupying the 13th and 14th floors.
In order to increase their funding, the club made a deal with movie studio 20th Century Fox to build a theater as part of the building. In 1932, Bascom N. Timmons, who established an independent news bureau in Washington, D. C. became president of the Press Club. He worked to save the press club building in New York City from foreclosure by persuading President Franklin Roosevelt to sign an amendment to the federal bankruptcy law that blocked pending foreclosure and kept the building open; the National Press Building was renovated from 1984 to 1985, in conjunction with the development of the adjacent The Shops at National Place. Beginning in 2004, a 10-year, $15 million second renovation occurred. In 2011, the building was sold to Quadrangle Development Corp. and AEW Core Property Trust for $167.5 million. The owners placed the building, assessed at $237.5 million, up for sale in August 2014. During the Great Depression, the Club struggled financially as it was beginning to be recognized as an influential group.
It managed to find additional funding from wealthy individuals. Regular weekly luncheons for speakers began in 1932 with an appearance by president-elect Franklin D. Roosevelt. Since the Club has hosted an average of 70 luncheons each year with prominent people. Over the years Nikita Khrushchev, Soong Mei-ling, Golda Meir, Indira Gandhi, Muhammad Ali, Charles de Gaulle, Robert Redford, Boris Yeltsin, Elizabeth Taylor, Nelson Mandela, Yasser Arafat, Dalai Lama, Angelina Jolie, George Carlin, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Elizabeth Warren have all spoken at the club; the National Press Club was founded by white male journalists. Female journalists founded a Women's National Press Club in 1919, African-American journalists founded the Capital Press Club in 1944; the first African-American male journalist was accepted for National Press Club membership in 1955. In December 1970, members of the Women's National Press Club voted to allow men into their club and renamed it the Washington Press Club; the next month, the National Press Club voted 227 to 56 to admit women.
In 1972, journalist Gloria Steinem, a feminist leader and founder of Ms. magazine, was the first woman to speak at the National Press Club, although first lady Eleanor Roosevelt attended lunch at the all-male club in 1938. In 1985, the Washington Press Club and the National Press Club merged under the banner of the National Press Club; the Washington Press Club Foundation continues as a nonprofit organization to promote equality and excellence among journalists in print and broadcast media. It has a Women in Journalism Oral History Project, arranges journalism internships for women and minorities in partnership with Washington DC-based news bureaus, since 1945 an Annual Congressional Dinner, its signature fundraising event. Speaking at the National Press Club to mark his retirement, CBS commentator Eric Sevareid called the club the "sanctum sanctorum of American journalists" and said "It's the Westminster Hall, it's Delphi, it's Mecca, the Wailing Wall for everybody in this country having anything to do with the news business.
The Broadcast Operations Center opened in 2006. Located on the 4th floor of the National Press Building, a full-service video production with facilities for webcast and video conference solutions, video production capabilities, global transmission portals, web enabled multimedia; the National Press Club rents space to other organizations. The National Press Club Journali
Uganda–United States relations
Uganda – United States relations are bilateral relations between Uganda and the United States. According to the 2012 U. S. Global Leadership Report, 79% of Ugandans approve of U. S. leadership, with 11% disapproving and 10% uncertain. Although U. S.–Ugandan relations were strained during the rule of Idi Amin in the 1970s, relations improved after Amin's fall. In mid-1979, the United States reopened its embassy in Kampala. Relations with successor governments were cordial, although Milton Obote and his administration rejected strong U. S. criticism of Uganda's human rights situation. Bilateral relations between the United States and Uganda have been good since Museveni assumed power, the United States has welcomed his efforts to end human rights abuses and to pursue economic reform. Uganda is a strong supporter of the Global War on Terror; the United States is helping Uganda achieve export-led economic growth through the African Growth and Opportunity Act and provides a significant amount of development assistance.
At the same time, the United States is concerned about continuing human rights problems and the pace of progress toward the establishment of genuine political pluralism. U. S. development assistance in Uganda has the overall goal of reducing mass poverty. Most U. S. program assistance is focused in the areas of health and agriculture. Both the U. S. Agency for International Development and the Centers for Disease Control have major programs to fight the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Other programs promote trade and investment, curb environmental degradation, encourage the peaceful resolution of local and international conflicts, promote honest and open government; the United States provides large amounts of humanitarian assistance to populations without access to adequate food supplies because of conflict and other factors. U. S. Peace Corps Volunteers are active in primary teacher training and HIV/AIDS programs; the Department of State carries out cultural exchange programs, brings Fulbright lecturers and researchers to Uganda, sponsors U.
S. study and tour programs for a wide variety of officials from government, non-governmental organizations and the private sector. Through Ambassador's Self-Help Fund, local groups in poor areas receive assistance for small projects with a high level of community involvement. U. S.-Ugandan relations benefit from significant contributions to health care, nutrition and park systems from U. S. missionaries, non-governmental organizations, private universities, HIV/AIDS researchers, wildlife organizations. Expatriate Ugandans living in the U. S. promote stronger links between the two countries. Relations have since improved under the Donald Trump administration. Principal U. S. Officials include Ambassador Scott H. DeLisi, Deputy Chief of Mission Patricia Mahoney, Public Affairs Officer Daniel Travis, USAID Director Leslie Reed; the U. S. maintains an embassy in Uganda. Relations between the two countries have been shaken when, on June 19, 2014, the Obama administration cut funding to Uganda in addition to canceling a planned military exercise with their armed forces in response to Uganda's outlawing of homosexuality that February, met with worldwide condemnation from the Western world.
On June 20, the Ugandan government accused the U. S. of "blackmail". Ugandan Americans Foreign relations of Uganda Foreign relations of the United States This article incorporates public domain material from the United States Department of State website https://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/index.htm. History of Uganda - U. S. relations Media related to Relations of Uganda and the United States at Wikimedia Commons
Republic of the Congo–United States relations
Republic of the Congo–United States relations are the international relations between the Republic of the Congo and the United States of America. The Republic of the Congo was recognized by the United States on the day of its independence, 15 August 1960. Diplomatic relations between the United States and Congo were broken during the most radical Congolese-Marxist period, 1965-77; the U. S. Embassy reopened in 1977 with the restoration of relations, which remained distant until the end of the socialist era; the late 1980s were marked by a progressive warming of Congolese relations with Western countries, including the United States. Congolese President Denis Sassou-Nguesso made a state visit to Washington in 1990, where he was received by President George H. W. Bush. Emmanuel Damongo-Dadet served as the first Congolese Ambassador to the United States during the early 1960s. With the advent of democracy in 1991, Congo's relations with the United States improved and were cooperative; the United States has supported Congolese democratization efforts, contributing aid to the country's electoral process.
The Congolese Government demonstrated an active interest in deepening and broadening its relations with the United States. Transition Prime Minister Andre Milongo made an official visit to Washington in 1992, where President Bush received him at the White House. Then-presidential candidate Pascal Lissouba travelled to Washington in 1992, meeting with officials, including Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Herman J. Cohen. After his election in August 1992, President Lissouba expressed interest in expanding U. S.-Congo links, seeking increased U. S. development aid, university exchanges, greater U. S. investment in Congo. With the outbreak of the 1996 war, the U. S. Embassy was evacuated; the Embassy was closed, its personnel became resident in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo. In 2001, Embassy-suspended operations were lifted, Embassy personnel were allowed to travel to Brazzaville for periods of extended temporary duty from the U. S. Embassy in Kinshasa; as a result, U. S.-Congo bilateral relations were reinvigorated.
In 2003 and 2004, this practice continued, a site for construction of a new Embassy was acquired in July 2004. Diplomatic activities and programs were carried out in a temporary bank location until January 2009, when a new functioning Embassy was opened. Relations between the United States and the government of President Denis Sassou-Nguesso are positive and cooperative; the U. S. Embassy accredited to Congo is in Republic of the Congo; this article incorporates public domain material from the United States Department of State website https://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/index.htm. History of Republic of the Congo - U. S. relations
Djibouti–United States relations
Djibouti – United States relations are bilateral relations between Djibouti and the United States. In April 1977, the United States established a consulate general in Djibouti and, upon independence in June 1977, raised the status of its mission to an embassy; the first U. S. ambassador to the Republic of Djibouti arrived in October 1980. Over the past decade, the United States has been a principal provider of humanitarian assistance for famine relief and has sponsored health care, good governance and security assistance programs. Djibouti has allowed the U. S. military, as well as other nations' militaries, access to its airport facilities. The Djiboutian Government has been supportive of U. S. and Western interests during the Gulf crisis of 1990-91 and after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. In 2002, Djibouti agreed to host a U. S. military presence at Camp Lemonnier, a former French Foreign Legion base outside the capital that now houses four thousand personnel. U. S. service members provide humanitarian support and development as well as security and counterterrorism assistance to people and governments of the Horn of Africa and Yemen.
As a victim of past international terrorist attacks, President Guelleh continues to take a proactive position against terrorism. "The fact that we welcome the U. S. forces in our country show our support for international peace and for peace in our region as well," Said Guelleh. "We do that all for peace in the world and for peace in Africa." In 2014, the U. S. reached a long term agreement with the government of Djibouti to continue utilizing Camp Lemonnier. The U. S. military uses airstrips in more remote parts of the country for drone operations. Outside of the base agreement, President Barack Obama pledged to increase financial aid to Djibouti, including helping to expand skills training and foreign aid. Principal U. S. officials include: Ambassador – Larry André Jr. Foreign relations of the United States Foreign relations of Djibouti History of Djibouti - U. S. relations Embassy of U. S. A. - Djibouti This article incorporates public domain material from the United States Department of State website https://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/index.htm
South Africa–United States relations
The United States and South Africa maintain bilateral relations with one another. The United States and South Africa have been economically linked to one another since the late 18th century which has continued into the 21st century. U. S. and South Africa relations faced periods of strain throughout the 20th century due to the segregationist, white rule in South Africa, from 1948-1994. Following apartheid in South Africa, the U. S. and South Africa have developed a strategically and economically beneficial relationship with one another. The United States has maintained an official presence in South Africa since 1799, when an American consulate was opened in Cape Town; the U. S. Embassy is located in Pretoria, Consulates General are in Johannesburg and Cape Town. In 1929, the United States and South Africa established official diplomatic relations. However, following WWII, both the United States and South Africa had political affairs that impacted their relations with all of the world; the United States had entered into the Cold War with the Soviet Union.
With the Nationalist Party in power, this meant that the segregationist policies, impacting South Africa had become lawful, the Apartheid Era had begun. Due to this, the United States policies towards South Africa were altered. Following the Apartheid Era, the United States and South Africa have maintained bilateral relations; the Apartheid Era began under the rule of the Nationalist Party, elected into power 1948. Throughout the Apartheid Era, United States foreign policy was influenced by the Cold War. During the early period of apartheid in South Africa, the United States maintained friendly relations with South Africa, which may be attributed to the anti-communist ideals held by the National Party. However, over the course of the 20th century, the United States and South Africa relations were impacted by the apartheid system in place under the Nationalist Party. At times, the United States maintained bilateral relations with South Africa. Throughout the Apartheid Era, economic ties between the United States and South Africa played a prominent role in their relations with one another.
From the 1950’s to the 1980’s, United States exports to, imports from, direct investment in South Africa as a whole increased. South Africa was seen as an important trade partner because it provided the United States with access to various mineral resources— like chromium, vanadium— vital for the U. S. steel industry. Aside from trade and investment, South Africa provided a strategic location for a naval base and access to much of the African continent. In addition, the United States had a NASA missile tracking station located in South Africa, which became controversial in American politics due to segregation being practiced on the stations in compliance with apartheid policy. Following the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960, the United States relations with South Africa began to undergo changes. In 1963, under the Kennedy Administration, the United States voluntarily placed an arms embargo on South Africa in cooperation with the United Nations Security Council Resolution 181. After President Kennedy's assassination and under the Johnson Administration, the United States policy towards South Africa was impacted by the Civil Rights Movement taking place at home.
In regards to the African struggles in Africa, President Johnson shared that: The foreign policy of the United States is rooted in its life at home. We will not permit human rights to be restricted in our own country, and we will not support policies abroad which are based on the rule of minorities or the discredited notion that men are unequal before the law. We will not live by a double standard—professing abroad what we do not practice at home, or venerating at home what we ignore abroad; the primary political action taken by the Johnson Administration was the implementation of National Security Action Memorandum 295 in 1963. This, in short, aimed to promote change in apartheid policy in South Africa whilst still maintaining economic relations. In 1968, the Johnson Administration created a National Policy Paper which discussed the U. S. political objectives of balancing a bilateral economic relationship with South Africa, while promoting the end of apartheid in South Africa. Under the Nixon Administration and the Ford Administration, although controversial, most scholars agree that these administrations failed to combat apartheid policy in South Africa.
The Carter Administration is known for its confrontational strategy against apartheid and white rule in South Africa. However, although the Carter Administration advocated for human rights in South Africa, most scholars agree that it was unsuccessful in creating change in South Africa; the Carter Administration feared that divestment of American companies in South Africa could have worsened the conditions for the black majority, while strengthening the position of the white minority in South Africa. This resulted in the Carter Administration refraining from placing sanctions—often promoted by the anti-apartheid movement—on South Africa, lead to growth in investments in South Africa. Throughout the Johnson, Nixon and Carter administrations, the United States anti-apartheid movement as well as divestment from South Africa campaigns gained support from the American public; the growth of the anti-apartheid movement as well as the divestment campaign lead to increased pressure o
1983 Beirut barracks bombings
On October 23, 1983, two truck bombs struck buildings in Beirut, housing American and French service members of the Multinational Force in Lebanon, a military peacekeeping operation during the Lebanese Civil War. The attack killed 307 people: 241 U. S. and 58 French military personnel, six civilians, two attackers. The first suicide bomber detonated a truck bomb at the building serving as a barracks for the 1st Battalion 8th Marines, killing 220 Marines, 18 sailors and 3 soldiers, making this incident the deadliest single-day death toll for the United States Marine Corps since the Battle of Iwo Jima in World War II, the deadliest single-day death toll for the United States Armed Forces since the first day of the Tet Offensive in the Vietnam War, the deadliest terrorist attack on American citizens in general prior to the September 11 attacks, the deadliest terrorist attack on American citizens overseas. Another 128 Americans were wounded in the blast. An elderly Lebanese man, a custodian/vendor, known to work and sleep in his concession stand next to the building, was killed in the first blast.
The explosives used were estimated to be equivalent to as much as 9,500 kg of TNT. Minutes a second suicide bomber struck the nine-story Drakkar building, a few kilometers away, where the French contingent was stationed, it was the single worst French military loss since the end of the Algerian War. The wife and four children of a Lebanese janitor at the French building were killed, more than twenty other Lebanese civilians were injured. A group called Islamic Jihad claimed responsibility for the bombings and said that the aim was to force the MNF out of Lebanon. According to Caspar Weinberger United States Secretary of Defense, there is no knowledge of who did the bombing. While Israeli analyst Shimon Shapira points the finger at Hezbollah and Iran, they have all continued to deny any involvement in any of the bombings. There is no consensus on whether Hezbollah existed at the time of bombing; the attacks led to the withdrawal of the international peacekeeping force from Lebanon, where they had been stationed following the Palestine Liberation Organization withdrawal in the aftermath of Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon.
In 2004, it was reported in Western media that an alleged Iranian militant group called the Committee for the Commemoration of Martyrs of the Global Islamic Campaign had erected a monument in a cemetery in Tehran to commemorate the 1983 bombings and its "martyrs". 6 June 1982 – Israel undertook military action in Southern Lebanon: Operation "Peace for Galilee." 23 August 1982 – Bachir Gemayel was elected to be Lebanon's president. 25 August 1982 – A MNF of 400 French, 800 Italian soldiers and 800 Marines of the 32d Marine Amphibious Unit were deployed in Beirut as part of a peacekeeping force to oversee the evacuation of Palestine Liberation Organization guerrillas. 10 September 1982 – The PLO retreats from Beirut under MNF protection. Subsequently, the 32d MAU was ordered out of Beirut by the President of the United States. 14 September 1982 – Lebanon's President, Bachir Gemayel, was assassinated. 16 September to 18 September 1982 – The Sabra and Shatila massacres. 21 September 1982 – Bachir Gemayel's brother, Amine Gemayel, was elected to be Lebanon's president.
29 September 1982 – The 32d MAU was redeployed to Beirut rejoining 2,200 French and Italian MNF troops in place. 30 October 1982 – The 32d MAU was relieved by the 24th MAU. 15 February 1983 – The 32d MAU, redesignated as the 22d MAU, returned to Lebanon to relieve the 24th MAU. 18 April 1983 – The U. S. Embassy bombing in Beirut killed 63, of whom 17 were Americans. 17 May 1983 – May 17 Agreement of 1983 30 May 1983 – The 24th MAU relieved the 22d MAU. On June 6, 1982, the Israel Defense Forces initiated Operation "Peace for Galilee" and invaded Lebanon in order to create a 40 km buffer zone between the PLO and Syrian forces in Lebanon and Israel; the Israeli invasion was tacitly approved by the U. S. and the U. S. provided overt military support to Israel in the form of arms and materiel. The U. S.' support for Israel's invasion of Lebanon taken in conjunction with U. S. support for Lebanese President Bachir Gemayel and the Lebanese Armed Forces alienated many. Bachir Gemayel was the elected president, but he was a partisan Maronite Christian and covert associate of Israel.
These factors served to disaffect the Lebanese Muslim and Druze communities. This animosity was made worse by the Phalangist, a right-wing Maronite-Lebanese militia force associated with President Gemayel; the Phalangist militia was responsible for multiple, bloody attacks against the Muslim and Druze communities in Lebanon and for the 1982 atrocities committed in the PLO refugee camps and Shatila by Lebanese Forces, while the IDF provided security and looked on. The Phalangist militia's attacks on Sabra and Shatila were purportedly a response to the September 14, 1982, assassination of President-elect Bachir Gemayel. Amine Gemayel, Bachir's brother, succeeded Bachir as the elected president of Lebanon, Amine continued to represent and advance Maronite interests. All of this, according to British foreign correspondent Robert Fisk, served to generate ill will against the MNF among Lebanese Muslims and among the Shiites living in the slums of West Beirut. Lebanese Muslims believed the MNF, the Americans in particular, were unfairly siding with the Maronite Christians in their att
United States invasion of Grenada
The United States invasion of Grenada began on 25 October 1983. The invasion, led by the United States, of the Caribbean island nation of Grenada, which has a population of about 91,000 and is located 160 kilometres north of Venezuela, resulted in a U. S. victory within a matter of days. Codenamed Operation Urgent Fury, it was triggered by the internal strife within the People's Revolutionary Government that resulted in the house arrest and the execution of the previous leader and second Prime Minister of Grenada Maurice Bishop, the establishment of a preliminary government, the Revolutionary Military Council with Hudson Austin as Chairman; the invasion resulted in the appointment of an interim government, followed by democratic elections in 1984. The country has remained a democratic nation since then. Grenada gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1974; the Marxist-Leninist New Jewel Movement seized power in a coup in 1979 under Maurice Bishop, suspending the constitution and detaining a number of political prisoners.
Among Bishop's core principles were workers' rights, women's rights, the struggle against racism and Apartheid. Under Bishop's leadership, the National Women's Organization was formed which participated in policy decisions along with other social groups. Women were given equal pay and paid maternity leave, sex discrimination was made illegal. Organisations for education, health care, youth affairs were established. In 1983, an internal power struggle began over Bishop's moderate foreign policy approach, on 19 October, hard-line military junta elements captured and executed Bishop and his partner Jacqueline Creft, along with three cabinet ministers and two union leaders. Subsequently, following appeals by the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States and the Governor-General of Grenada, Paul Scoon, the Reagan Administration in the U. S. decided to launch a military intervention. U. S. President Ronald Reagan's justification for the intervention was in part explained as "concerns over the 600 U. S. medical students on the island" and fears of a repeat of the Iran hostage crisis.
The U. S. invasion began six days after Bishop's death, on the morning of 25 October 1983, just two days and several hours after the bombing of the U. S. Marine barracks in Beirut; the invading force consisted of the U. S. Army's Rapid Deployment Force. S. Marines. S. Army Delta Force. S. Navy SEALs, ancillary forces totaling 7,600 U. S.troops, together with Jamaican forces, troops of the Regional Security System. USAF Pararescue and TACP personnel from the 21St Tass, Shaw AFB were attached to various other Special Operations Units during the Grenada conflict; the invasion force defeated Grenadian resistance after a low-altitude airborne assault by Rangers on Point Salines Airport at the south end of the island, a Marine helicopter and amphibious landing on the north end at Pearls Airport. The military government of Hudson Austin was deposed and replaced by a government appointed by Governor-General Paul Scoon; the invasion was criticized by many countries including Canada. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher disapproved of the mission and the lack of notice she received, but publicly supported the intervention.
The United Nations General Assembly, on 2 November 1983 with a vote of 108 to 9, condemned it as "a flagrant violation of international law". Conversely, it enjoyed broad public support in the United States and over time, a positive evaluation from the Grenadian population, who appreciated the fact that there had been few civilian casualties, as well as the return to democratic elections in 1984; the U. S. awarded more than 5,000 medals to its soldiers for valor. The date of the invasion is now a national holiday in Grenada, called Thanksgiving Day, which commemorates the freeing, after the invasion, of several political prisoners who were subsequently elected to office. A truth and reconciliation commission was launched in 2000 to re-examine some of the controversies of the era. For the U. S. the invasion highlighted issues with communication and coordination between the different branches of the United States military when operating together as a joint force, contributing to investigations and sweeping changes in the form of the Goldwater-Nichols Act and other reorganizations.
Sir Eric Gairy had led Grenada to independence from the United Kingdom in 1974. His term in office coincided with civil strife in Grenada; the political environment was charged and although Gairy—head of the Grenada United Labour Party—claimed victory in the general election of 1976, the opposition did not accept the result as legitimate. The civil strife took the form of street violence between Gairy's private army, the Mongoose Gang, gangs organized by the New Jewel Movement. In the late 1970s the NJM began planning to overthrow the government. Party members began to receive military training outside of Grenada. On 13 March 1979, while Gairy was out of the country, the NJM—led by Maurice Bishop—launched an armed revolution and overthrew the government, establishing the People's Revolutionary Government; the Bishop government began constructing the Point Salines International Airport with the help of Britain, Libya and other nations. The airport had been first proposed by the British government in 1954, when Grenada was still a British colony.
It had been designed by Canadians, underwritten by the British government, built by a London firm. The U. S. government acc