A political party is an organized group of people with common views, who come together to contest elections and hold power in the government. The party agrees on some proposed policies and programmes, with a view to promoting the collective good or furthering their supporters' interests. While there is some international commonality in the way political parties are recognized and in how they operate, there are many differences, some are significant. Many political parties have an ideological core, but some do not, many represent ideologies different from their ideology at the time the party was founded. Many countries, such as Germany and India, have several significant political parties, some nations have one-party systems, such as China and Cuba; the United States is in practice a two-party system but with many smaller parties participating and a high degree of autonomy for individual candidates. Political factions have existed in democratic societies since ancient times. Plato writes in his Republic on the formation of political cliques in Classical Athens, the tendency of Athenian citizens to vote according to factional loyalty rather than for the public good.
In the Roman Republic, Polybius coined the term ochlocracy to describe the tendency of politicians to mobilise popular factionalist sentiment against their political rivals. Factional politics remained a part of Roman political life through the Imperial period and beyond, the poet Juvenal coined the phrase "bread and circuses" to describe the political class pandering to the citizenry through diversionary entertainments rather than through arguments about policy. "Bread and circuses" survived as part of Byzantine political life - for example, the Nika revolt during the reign of Justinian was a riot between the "Blues" and the "Greens"—two chariot racing factions at the Hippodrome, who received patronage from different Senatorial factions and religious sects. The patricians who sponsored the Blues and the Greens competed with each other to hold grander games and public entertainments during electoral campaigns, in order to appeal to the citizenry of Constantinople; the first modern political factions, can be said to have originated in early modern Britain.
The first political factions, cohering around a basic, if fluid, set of principles, emerged from the Exclusion Crisis and Glorious Revolution in late 17th century England. The Whigs supported Protestant constitutional monarchy against absolute rule, they were interested in the citizens of United Kingdom being free from the aristocracy and opposed to any tyranny, however they supported the constitutional aristocracy and does not consider the British nobility abusive because of its limits; the leader of the Whigs was Robert Walpole, who maintained control of the government in the period 1721–1742. As the century wore on, the factions began to adopt more coherent political tendencies as the interests of their power bases began to diverge; the Whig party's initial base of support from the great aristocratic families widened to include the emerging industrial interests and wealthy merchants. As well as championing constitutional monarchy with strict limits on the monarch's power, the Whigs adamantly opposed a Catholic king as a threat to liberty, believed in extending toleration to nonconformist Protestants, or dissenters.
A major influence on the Whigs were the liberal political ideas of John Locke, the concepts of universal rights employed by Locke and Algernon Sidney. Although the Tories were out of office for half a century, for most of this period the Tories retained party cohesion, with occasional hopes of regaining office at the accession of George II and the downfall of the ministry of Sir Robert Walpole in 1742, they acted as a united, though unavailing, opposition to Whig corruption and scandals. At times they cooperated with the "Opposition Whigs", Whigs who were in opposition to the Whig government, they regained power with the accession of George III in 1760 under Lord Bute. When they lost power, the old Whig leadership dissolved into a decade of factional chaos with distinct "Grenvillite", "Bedfordite", "Rockinghamite", "Chathamite" factions successively in power, all referring to themselves as "Whigs". Out of this chaos, the first distinctive parties emerged; the first such party was the Rockingham Whigs under the leadership of Charles Watson-Wentworth and the intellectual guidance of the political philosopher Edmund Burke.
Burke laid out a philosophy that described the basic framework of the political party as "a body of men united for promoting by their joint endeavours the national interest, upon some particular principle in which they are all agreed". As opposed to the instability of the earlier factions, which were tied to a particular leader and could disintegrate if removed from power, the party was centred around a set of core principles and remained out of power as a united opposition to government. A coalition including the Rockingham Whigs, led by the Earl of She
Jijiga is a city in the Somali Region of Ethiopia. It became the capital of the Somali Regional State in 1995. Located in the Faafan zone with 60 km west of the border with Somalia, the city has an elevation of 1,609 metres above sea level. Jigjiga and the surrounding lands is inhabited by the Jidwaaq clan of the larger Darood family. In the medieval times, Jigjiga was under the Adal Sultanate domain. Jijiga was mentioned by W. C. Barker in 1842 as one of the mahalla or halting-places of the caravan route between Zeila and Harar. A British hunter Colonel Swayne passed through Jijiga in February 1893, which he described as a stockaded fort with a garrison of 25 men next to a group of wells. According to I. M. Lewis, Sayyid Mohammed Abdullah Hassan's men invaded Jijiga in March 1900. Although the attackers suffered heavy losses, which allowed the Ethiopian authorities to declare a victory, Sayyid Mohammed's men recovered livestock that the Ethiopians had taken from the Somalis and proved that his was a force to be reckoned with.
However, Richard Pankhurst states that Jijiga was founded in 1916 by Fitawrari Tekle Hawariat Tekle Mariyam, who had the town methodically organized in a square grid of streets. During the Second Italo-Ethiopian War, Jijiga served for some time as Dejazmach Nasibu Emmanual's headquarters and a supply center for the Ethiopian army. An Italian force under Colonel Navarra occupied the city on the evening of 5 May 1936. Two days while inspecting a ruined Ethiopian Orthodox church in the city, Marshal Rodolfo Graziani fell into a concealed hole, which he was afterwards convinced was a mantrap. On 17 March 1941, during the East African Campaign of World War II, Jijiga was occupied by the 23rd Nigerian Brigade of the British 1st African Division; this was after the Italian garrison had abandoned the city. Once they had possession of Jijiga, the British were slow in returning the city to the Ethiopians. At first, it was included as part of The Reserved Area, as defined in the Anglo-Ethiopian Agreement of 31 January 1942, which included much of the Haud.
Only after patient pressure from Emperor Haile Selassie, in 1948 the two countries began to discuss an agreement for the evacuation of the British from this territory. Although Ethiopian officers began to take over the administration from British officers in May–July, the protocol agreeing to the transfer was not signed until 24 July of that year. A brief demonstration of overt Somali nationalism occurred in Jijiga when the Somali Youth League raised their flag before their headquarters in defiance of the law and the new Ethiopian administrators. Major Demeka, the governor-designate of the Ogaden Province, requested the British military administration, still in charge, to remove the flag; when the leaders refused to pull down their flag, the police brought it down with a machine gun mounted on an armored car. In the disturbances that followed, one policeman was killed and another wounded while the police opened fire on the crowd and killed 25 of them; the SYL was proscribed shortly afterwards in Ethiopia.
Germame Neway, one of the leaders of the unsuccessful 1960 coup, served as governor over Jijiga in 1959. He had been transferred there for his civic responsibility and concern for the underprivileged while administering a district in Sidamo Province; the obstruction he encountered, not only in Sidamo but in Jijiga, convinced him of the need for radical measures. In the early stage of the Ethiopian Revolution individual units from the Third Division put the local governor under house arrest around 13 April 1974. During the Ogaden War, Jijiga experienced the Battle of Jijiga and was occupied by the Western Somali Liberation Front's Ahmad ibn Ibrihim al-Ghazi division led by Col. Yusuf Dheere with the Somali National Army, from September 1977 until February/March 1978; the Regional government held a conference in this city to promote peace and development between 10–13 March 1996, attended by 535 from the local woredas, as well as the Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister of Ethiopia, Tamirat Layne, the Foreign Minister, Seyoum Mesfin, the presidents of the Tigray and Harari Regional states and representatives from Amhara and the Southern Nations and People's Regions.
On 28 May 2007, during the celebration of Ginbot 20, Jijiga and Degehabur were the scenes of attacks on civilians and government officials. At least 16 people were killed and 67 injured, including Abdulahi Hassan Mohammed, president of the Somali Region, speaking at the ceremony; the Ethiopian government blamed the attack on the Ogaden National Liberation Front. On 29 May 2008, following a heavy downpour the Jijiga River broke its banks and flooded several kebeles in the town and the vicinity; the flooding killed displaced 350 households. On 27 September of that year, a bomb exploded outside a hotel in Jijiga killing four and wounding 20. Local police apprehended. Based on figures from the Central Statistical Agency in 2015, Jijiga has an estimated total population of 250,000 of whom 123,422 are men and 126,578 are women; the current population of this city is 250,000. The 1997 census reported this town had a total population of 65,795 of whom 33,266 were men and 32,529 women; the dominant ethnic group living in the town was Somali, the next 3 largest groups were the Amhara, the Oromo, the Gurage.
This city is the largest set
2005 Ethiopian general election
Ethiopia held general elections on May 15, 2005, for seats in both its national House of Peoples' Representatives and in four regional government councils. Under pressure from the international community, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi promised that this election would be proof that more democracy would come in this multi-ethnic nation. S.-based Carter Center were present to observe the results. This election succeeded in attracting about 90% of the registered voters to the polls. A government ban on protests was imposed throughout the election period. EU observers remarked on the "significantly enlarged freedoms for political campaigning in comparison to previous elections". Political parties campaigned and opposition parties appeared to be active in the rural areas; the observer mission described the atmosphere "during the campaign was calm, culminating in two massive, peaceful rallies in Addis Ababa, one by the EPRDF and one by the opposition."Despite this, opposition parties alleged numerous cases of intimidation, arrests of its supporters.
While the EU observers could not investigate all of the alleged cases, it did confirm those it investigated. International human rights groups cataloged a number of cases of human rights violations. However, the EU observers wrote in their final report, they "recorded no arrests of EPRDF supporters for campaign offences."Towards the close of the campaigning, the language became more vicious, with each side accusing the other of numerous violations of the campaigning rules. "Campaign rhetoric became insulting," the EU observer's report noted continued: The most extreme example of this came from the Deputy Prime Minister, Addisu Legesse, who, in a public debate on 15 April, compared the opposition parties with the Interhamwe militia, which perpetrated the 1994 Rwandan genocide. The Prime Minister made the same comparison on 5 May in relation to the CUD; the EPRDF made the same associations during its free slots on radio and TV. The opposition coalition UEDF used the comparison against the government in a TV spot showing footage of the movie "Hotel Rwanda".
Such rhetoric is unacceptable in a democratic election. Early results showed the opposition with a big lead, sweeping all of the contested seats in the capital Addis both in the race for parliamentary as well as local government. By the afternoon of 16 May, the opposition claimed it was halfway towards winning a majority in the national parliament with only about a third of the constituencies reporting complete results; that day, trailing badly in the preliminary report covering just under 200 seats released by the National Election Board, the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front announced that it had won more than 317 seats out of 547, while conceding that opposition parties won all 23 seats in the capital city Addis Ababa. The two major opposition parties, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy and the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces claimed on that same day that they had won 185 of the 200 seats for which the National Election Board of Ethiopia had released preliminary results.
That was a significant improvement over the 12 seats. By law, the NEBE was required to announce the official results on 8 June. However, the vote tallying process was jeopardized when the opposition claimed that the Addis Ababa vote was rigged and during the evening of 16 May, the Prime Minister declared a state of emergency, outlawed any public gathering, assumed direct command of the security forces, replaced the capital city police with federal police and special forces drawn from elite army units; the NEBE ordered the vote tallying process to stop, an order, not rescinded for nearly a week, yet another action against which the opposition and the independent election monitors objected. The next official report from the NEBE, released on 27 May, showed that the EPRDF had won 209 seats, affiliated parties 12 more; the report indicated. "These results are provisional, these results could change because we are looking into complaints by some of the parties," said NEBE spokesman Getahun Amogne.
Observers from the European Union afterwards "assessed the closing and counting processes negatively in half of urban polling stations observed, a high figure for international observers to record, worse in rural polling stations observed." Counting was slow, a remarkably high number of ballots were ruled invalid, there was a lack of transparency in the results. "Result sheets were only displayed at 29 per cent of rural polling stations observed and 36 per cent of urban polling stations observed at the completion of counting. In 25 per cent of polling stations observed, political party representatives were not provided with a copy of the results."The situation only deteriorated with the following day, according to the observers, starting with a blanket ban, issued after the end of voting, on freedom of assembly in the capital. Media coverage worsened. State media published statements by government/EPRDF personnel claiming victory in the elections, despite the fact that counting was still underway, but refused to publish opposition statements.
Incidents involving students started on the night of 5 June and extended on 6 and 7 June with hundreds being arrested. During a demonstration in Addis Ababa on 8 June, security forces killed at least 36 citizens and in the aftermath arrested thousands of persons linked to the opposition, who were accused of spreading "political unrest"; the CUD lodged complaints in 139 constituencies, the UEDF lodged 89 complaints, while the E
The Somali Regional State, is the largest and easternmost of the nine ethnic divisions of Ethiopia. The state borders the Ethiopian states of Afar, the chartered city Dire Dawa, Oromia to the west, as well as Djibouti to the north, Somalia to the north and south, Kenya to the south-west. Jijiga is the capital of the Somali Regional State; the capital was Gode, until Jijiga became the capital in 1995 on account of political considerations. Other major towns and cities include: Kebri Dahar, Degehabur, Fiiq, Shilavo, Kebri Beyah, Shekosh, Tuli Gulled, Nusdariq, aw Barre; the Somali State covers much of the traditional territory of Ogaden and it formed a large part of the pre-1995 province of Hararghe. The population is predominantly Somali, there have been attempts to incorporate the area into a Greater Somalia. In the 1970s, supported by the United States, invaded Ethiopia, igniting the Ogaden War, which Somalia lost due to timely military intervention from the Soviet Union and its ally Cuba. Despite this defeat, local groups still tried either to become part of independent.
The 2007 Abole oil field raid, in which 72 Chinese and Ethiopian oilfield workers were killed, has led to a series of military reprisals against the rebel group ONLF Ogaden National Liberation Front. Until its first-ever district elections in February 2004, Zonal and woreda administrators, village chairmen were appointed by the Regional government. Senior politicians at the Regional level nominated their clients to the local government positions. In the 2004 local elections, each woreda elected a council including a spokesman, vice-spokesman and vice-administrator; these councils have the responsibility of managing budgets and development activities within their respective districts. Based on the 2007 Census conducted by the Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia, the Somali Region has a total population of 4,445,219, consisting of 2,472,490 men and 1,972,729 women. With an estimated area of 279,252 square kilometers, this region has an estimated density of 15.9 people per square kilometer. For the entire region 685,986 households were counted, which results in an average for the Region of 6.8 persons to a household, with urban households having on average 6 and rural households 6.5 people.
Ethnic groups include Somalis, Oromo, foreign-born Somalis and Gurages. The population was projected to be 5,748,998 in 2017. There are 8 refugee camps and 1 transit center, housing 212,967 refugees from Somalia, located in Somali Region. In the previous census, conducted in 1994, the region's population was reported to be 3,439,860, of which 1,875,996 were males and 1,563,864 were females; the urban residents of the Somali Region numbered 492,710 households, with an average of 6.6 persons per household. The ethnic groups included Somalis, Oromo and Gurages. Somali was the working language and is predominantly spoken within the Region, spoken by 95.9% of the inhabitants. Other major languages included Oromifa and Gurage. 98.7% of the population were Muslim, 0.9% Orthodox Christian, 0.3% are followers of other religions. According to the CSA, as of 2004, 38.98% of the total population had access to safe drinking water, of whom 21.32% were rural inhabitants and 77.21% were urban. Values for other reported common indicators of the standard of living for Somali as of 2005 include the following: 71.8% of the inhabitants fall into the lowest wealth quintile.
Somali was spoken by 98.82% of the inhabitants. Other minor languages included Amharic, Oromifa. Islam accounts for 98.4% of the population, 0.6% Orthodox Christian, 1.0% are followers of all other religions. The CSA of Ethiopia estimated in 2005 that farmers in the Somali Region had a total of 459,720 cattle, 463,000 sheep, 650,970 goats, 91,550 donkey, 165,260 camels, 154,670 poultry of all species, 5,330 beehives. For nomadic inhabitants, the CSA provided two sets of estimates, one based on aerial surveys and the other on more conventional methodology: Somali Region is subdivided into eleven administrative zones: Afder Zone Dollo Zone Erar Zone Dawa Zone Fafan Zone Jarar zone Korahe Zone Liben Zone Nogob Zone Shabelle Zone Sitti Zone The zones are themselves subdivided into districts. Tobias Hagmann, "Beyond clannishness and colonialism: understanding political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Region, 1991- 2004", Journal of Modern African Studies, 43, 509-536. Map of Somali Region at UN-OCHA Map of Somali Region at DPPA of Ethiopia List of Ogaden-Somali Members of Ethiopian Parliament Official Website of Ogaden-Somali region of Ethiopia "Ethiopia: Rains pound Somali region as death toll rises" - UN IRIN "Floods plague Horn of Africa, wash away refugee shelters" - UN News