Ynys Môn (UK Parliament constituency)
Ynys Môn is a constituency of the House of Commons of the Parliament of the United Kingdom. It elects one Member of Parliament by the first past the post system of election; the Ynys Môn Welsh Assembly constituency was created with the same boundaries in 1999. The Laws in Wales Act 1535 provided for a single county seat in the House of Commons for each of twelve historic Welsh counties and two for Monmouthshire. Using the modern year, starting on 1 January, these parliamentary constituencies were authorised in 1536; the Act contains the following provision, which had the effect of enfranchising the shire of Anglesey: And that for this present Parliament, all other Parliaments to be holden and kept for this Realm, one Knight shall be chosen and elected to the same Parliaments for every of the Shires of Brecknock, Radnor and Denbigh, for every other Shire within the said Country of Dominion of Wales. It is not known if Anglesey was represented in the parliaments of 1536 and 1539; the borough constituency of Newborough, soon renamed Beaumaris, returned a member of parliament for the boroughs of Anglesey.
It was abolished in 1885. The official name of the constituency in English was Anglesey, until it was replaced by the Welsh name Ynys Môn. Parliament approved the change; this was purely an alteration of the official name. Geographically, the constituency of Ynys Môn comprises the whole of the main island of Anglesey and the smaller Holy Island. Short Parliament April 1640: John BodvelLong Parliament 1640–1644: John Bodvel – disabled to sit, 5 February 1644 1646–1648: Richard Wood – excluded in Pride's Purge, December 1648Anglesey was unrepresented in Barebone's Parliament First Protectorate Parliament 1654–1655: Col. George Twisleton 1654–1655: William FoxwistSecond Protectorate Parliament 1656–1658: Col. George Twisleton 1656–1658: Griffith BodwrdaThird Protectorate Parliament 1659: Col. George Twisleton Ynys Môn List of Parliamentary constituencies in Gwynedd The House of Commons 1509–1558, by S. T. Bindoff Williams, William Retlaw; the Parliamentary History of the Principality of Wales. Brecknock: E. Davies and Bell.
Pp. 1–8. Retrieved 2008-08-28. F W S Craig, British Parliamentary Election Results, 1918–1949.
2007 National Assembly for Wales election
The 2007 National Assembly election was held on Thursday 3 May 2007 to elect members to the National Assembly for Wales. It was the third general election. On the same day local elections in England and Scotland, the Scottish Parliament election took place; this election was preceded by the previous Assembly election in 2003. The election saw Plaid Cymru make gains at the expense of Labour, although Labour remain the largest party in the Assembly, as they have since it began. Plaid stated they would make a referendum on devolving further powers to the National Assembly a condition for a coalition. Wales reported that senior civil servants before the election were preparing for three possible coalition administrations: Labour/Liberal Democrat, Labour/Plaid Cymru or Plaid Cymru/Liberal Democrat/Conservative. Discussions between Plaid Cymru, the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats to form a "Rainbow" Coalition broke down, a coalition was agreed between Labour and Plaid Cymru; the Welsh Labour Party before the election had 29 seats, Plaid Cymru had 12, the Welsh Conservative Party 11, the Welsh Liberal Democrats 6, Forward Wales 1, with 1 independent.
Mrs Law won her seat at the seat having been won by Labour in the 2003 election. The one Forward Wales Assembly Member was elected as an independent before forming the party. Otherwise, the standings represent the 2003 results. In general elections for the National Assembly for Wales, each voter has two votes in a mixed member system; the first vote may be used to vote for a candidate to become the Assembly Member for the voter's constituency, elected by the first past the post system. The second vote may be used to vote for a regional closed party list of candidates. Additional member seats are allocated from the lists by the d'Hondt method, with constituency results being taken into account in the allocation; the overall result is proportional. Predictions for the seat distribution were made by a number of polls before the election: Overall turnout - 43.7% NB: candidates in BOLD text were incumbent assembly members before the election Trish Law has defended the seat she won in the 2006 by-election.
And now, she is standing as an independent, but is affiliated with the Blaenau Gwent People's Voice Group. Ron Davies and John Marek stood as independents, but are members of and continue to play an active role in Forward Wales. Marek is the party's leader. Neither was elected on 3 May. RESULT: Labour - 2 seats. In South Wales West, there are party lists from the Communist Party of Britain, Christian Peoples Alliance, RESPECT, Socialist Labour Party, Welsh Christian Party and two independents. Thirteen of the members elected to the Assembly in the election were not members of the previous Assembly. Mohammad Asghar, Plaid Cymru, South Wales East Angela Burns, Welsh Conservative, Carmarthen West and South Pembrokeshire Alun Davies, Welsh Labour and West Wales Andrew R. T. Davies, Welsh Conservative, South Wales Central Paul Davies, Welsh Conservative, Preseli Pembrokeshire Nerys Evans, Plaid Cymru and West Wales Chris Franks, Plaid Cymru, South Wales Central Lesley Griffiths, Welsh Labour, Wrexham Bethan Jenkins, Plaid Cymru, South Wales West Gareth Jones, Plaid Cymru, Aberconwy Darren Millar, Welsh Conservative, Clwyd West Nick Ramsay, Welsh Conservative, Monmouth Joyce Watson, Welsh Labour and West Wales Nine sitting AMs were defeated at the polls.
Glyn Davies, Welsh Conservative and West Wales Tamsin Dunwoody, Welsh Labour, Preseli Pembrokeshire Lisa Francis, Welsh Conservative and West Wales Christine Gwyther, Welsh Labour, Carmarthen West and South Pembrokeshire Denise Idris Jones, Welsh Labour, Conwy Laura Anne Jones, Welsh Conservative, South Wales East John Marek, Wrexham Alun Pugh, Welsh Labour, Clwyd West Catherine Thomas, Welsh Labour, Llanelli Four sitting AMs did not offer themselves for re-election. David Davies, Welsh Conservative, Monmouth Janet Davies, Plaid Cymru, South Wales West Sue Essex, Welsh Labour, Cardiff North Owen John Thomas, Plaid Cymru, South Wales Central Due to boundary changes the composition of the outgoing Assembly will not reflect the Assembly, elected in May 2003; the main changes are in the North west of Wales where the constituencies of Conwy and Meirionydd nant Conwy are replaced by Aberconwy and Dwyfor Meirionnydd. Scottish Parliament election, 2007 and United Kingdom local elections, 2007 the same day One Wales, the resultant coalition agreement.
Results page from BBC News Online The Press Association's boundary change site Wales@Westminster newslog - BBC Wales' Parliamentary correspondent David Cornock's diary on political life BBC Wales Politics page Betsan Powys BBC Wales' political editor, blogsite Blamerbell Briefs Wales Elects blogsite
Plaid Cymru is a social-democratic political party in Wales advocating Welsh independence from the United Kingdom within the European Union. Plaid was formed in 1925 and won its first seat in the UK Parliament in 1966. By 2018, it held one of four Welsh seats in the European Parliament, four of 40 Welsh seats in the UK Parliament, 10 of 60 seats in the National Assembly for Wales, 202 of 1,264 principal local authority councillors. Plaid is a member of the European Free Alliance. Plaid Cymru's goals as set out in its constitution are: To promote the constitutional advancement of Wales with a view to attaining independence within the European Union. In September 2008, a senior Plaid assembly member spelled out her party's continuing support for an independent Wales; the Welsh Minister for Rural Affairs, Elin Jones, began Plaid's annual conference by pledging to uphold the goal of making Wales a European Union member state. She told the delegates in Aberystwyth that the party would continue its commitment to independence under the coalition with the Welsh Labour Party.
While both the Labour and Liberal parties of the early 20th century had accommodated demands for Welsh home rule, no political party existed for the purpose of establishing a Welsh government. Plaid Genedlaethol Cymru was formed on 5 August 1925, by Moses Gruffydd, H. R. Jones and Lewis Valentine, members of Byddin Ymreolwyr Cymru. Home rule for Wales was not an explicit aim of the new movement. In the 1929 general election the party contested its first parliamentary constituency, polling 609 votes, or 1.6% of the vote for that seat. The party contested few such elections in its early years due to its ambivalence towards Westminster politics. Indeed, the candidate Lewis Valentine, the party’s first president, offered himself in Caernarvonshire on a platform of demonstrating Welsh people's rejection of English dominion. By 1932, the aims of self-government and Welsh representation at the League of Nations had been added to that of preserving Welsh language and culture. However, this move, the party's early attempts to develop an economic critique, did not broaden its appeal beyond that of an intellectual and conservative Welsh language pressure group.
The alleged sympathy of the party's leading members towards Europe's totalitarian regimes compromised its early appeal further. Saunders Lewis, David John Williams and Lewis Valentine attacked and set fire to the newly constructed RAF Penyberth air base on the Llŷn Peninsula in Gwynedd in 1936, in protest at its siting in the Welsh-speaking heartland; the leaders' treatment, including the trial judge's dismissal of the use of Welsh and their subsequent imprisonment in Wormwood Scrubs, led to "The Three" becoming a cause célèbre. This heightened the profile of the party and its membership had doubled to nearly 2,000 by 1939. Penyberth, Plaid Cymru’s neutral stance during the Second World War, prompted concerns within the UK Government that it might be used by Germany to insert spies or carry out other covert operations. In fact, the party urged conscientious objection to war service. In 1943 Saunders Lewis contested the University of Wales parliamentary seat at a by-election, gaining 1,330 votes, or 22%.
In the 1945 general election, with party membership at around 2,500, Plaid Cymru contested seven seats, as many as it had in the preceding 20 years, including constituencies in south Wales for the first time. At this time Gwynfor Evans was elected president. Gwynfor Evans's presidency coincided with the maturation of Plaid Cymru into a more recognisable political party, its share of the vote increased from 0.7% in the 1951 general election to 3.1% in 1955 and 5.2% in 1959. In the 1959 election, the party contested a majority of Welsh seats for the first time. Proposals to drown the village of Capel Celyn in the Tryweryn valley in Gwynedd in 1957 to supply the city of Liverpool with water played a part in Plaid Cymru's growth; the fact that the parliamentary bill authorising the drowning went through without support from any Welsh MPs showed that the MPs' votes in Westminster were not enough to prevent such bills from passing. Support for the party declined in the early 1960s as support for the Liberal Party began to stabilise from its long-term decline.
In 1962 Saunders Lewis gave a radio talk entitled Tynged yr Iaith in which he predicted the extinction of the Welsh language unless action was taken. This led to the formation of Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg the same year. Labour's return to power in 1964 and the creation of the post of Secretary of State for Wales appeared to represent a continuation of the incremental evolution of a
Clwyd West (Assembly constituency)
Clwyd West is a constituency of the National Assembly for Wales. It elects one Assembly Member by the first past the post method of election. However, it is one of nine constituencies in the North Wales electoral region, which elects four additional members, in addition to nine constituency members, to produce a degree of proportional representation for the region as a whole; the constituency was created for the first election to the Assembly, in 1999, with the name and boundaries of the Clwyd West Westminster constituency. It is within the preserved county of Clwyd. For the 2007 Assembly election part of Clwyd West was transferred to the Vale of Clwyd constituency, Clwyd West now includes an area within the Clwyd South constituency. For Westminster purposes, the same boundary changes became effective for the 2010 United Kingdom general election; as created in 1999, the North Wales region included the constituencies of Alyn and Deeside, Clwyd West, Clwyd South, Delyn, Vale of Clwyd and Ynys Môn.
After the 2007 Assembly election the region now includes Aberconwy and Deeside, Clwyd South, Clwyd West, Vale of Clwyd and Ynys Môn. In general elections for the National Assembly for Wales, each voter has two votes; the first vote may be used to vote for a candidate to become the Assembly Member for the voter's constituency, elected by the first past the post system. The second vote may be used to vote for a regional closed party list of candidates. Additional member seats are allocated from the lists by the d'Hondt method, with constituency results being taken into account in the allocation. North Wales National Assembly for Wales constituencies and electoral regions
Voter turnout is the percentage of eligible voters who cast a ballot in an election. Eligibility varies by country, the voting-eligible population should not be confused with the total adult population. Age and citizenship status are among the criteria used to determine eligibility, but some countries further restrict eligibility based on sex, race, or religion. After increasing for many decades, there has been a trend of decreasing voter turnout in most established democracies since the 1980s. In general, low turnout is attributed to indifference, or a sense of futility. According to Stanford University political scientists Adam Bonica and Michael McFaul, there is a consensus among political scientists that "democracies perform better when more people vote."Low turnout is considered to be undesirable. As a result, there have been many efforts to increase voter turnout and encourage participation in the political process. In spite of significant study into the issue, scholars are divided on the reasons for the decline.
Its cause has been attributed to a wide array of economic, cultural and institutional factors. Different countries have different voter turnout rates. For example, turnout in the United States 2012 presidential election was about 55%. In both Belgium, which has obligatory attendance, Malta, which does not, participation reaches about 95%. In Belgium there is obligatory attendance, misinterpreted as compulsory voting The chance of any one vote determining the outcome is low; some studies show that a single vote in a voting scheme such as the Electoral College in the United States has an lower chance of determining the outcome. Other studies claim that the Electoral College increases voting power. Studies using game theory, which takes into account the ability of voters to interact, have found that the expected turnout for any large election should be zero; the basic formula for determining whether someone will vote, on the questionable assumption that people act rationally, is P B + D > C, where P is the probability that an individual's vote will affect the outcome of an election, B is the perceived benefit that would be received if that person's favored political party or candidate were elected, D stood for democracy or civic duty, but today represents any social or personal gratification an individual gets from voting, C is the time and financial cost involved in voting.
Since P is zero in most elections, PB is near zero, D is thus the most important element in motivating people to vote. For a person to vote, these factors must outweigh C. Experimental political science has found that when P is greater than zero, this term has no effect on voter turnout. Enos and Fowler conducted a field experiment that exploits the rare opportunity of a tied election for major political office. Informing citizens that the special election to break the tie will be close has little mobilizing effect on voter turnout. Riker and Ordeshook developed the modern understanding of D, they listed five major forms of gratification that people receive for voting: complying with the social obligation to vote. Other political scientists have since added other motivators and questioned some of Riker and Ordeshook's assumptions. All of these concepts are inherently imprecise, making it difficult to discover why people choose to vote. Several scholars have considered the possibility that B includes not only a personal interest in the outcome, but a concern for the welfare of others in the society.
In particular, experiments in which subject altruism was measured using a dictator game showed that concern for the well-being of others is a major factor in predicting turnout and political participation. Note that this motivation is distinct from D, because voters must think others benefit from the outcome of the election, not their act of voting in and of itself. There are philosophical and practical reasons that some people cite for not voting in electoral politics. Robert LeFevre, Francis Tandy, John Pugsley, Frank Chodorov, George H. Smith, Carl Watner, Wendy McElroy, Lysander Spooner are some moderately well-known authors who have written about these reasons. High voter turnout is considered to be desirable, though among political scientists and economists specializing in public choice, the issue is still debated. A high turnout is seen as evidence of the legitimacy of the current system. Dictators have fabricated high turnouts in showcase elections for this purpose. For instance, Saddam Hussein's 2002 plebiscite was claimed to have had 100% participation.
Opposition parties sometimes boycott votes they feel are unfair or illegitimate, or if the election is for a government, considered illegitimate. For example, the Holy See instructed Italian Catholics to boycott national elections for several decades after the creation of the state of Italy. In some countries, there are threats of violence against those who vote, such as during the 2005 Iraq elections, an example of voter suppression. However, some political scientists question the view that high turnout is an implicit endorsement of the system. Mark
1999 National Assembly for Wales election
The first National Assembly for Wales elections were held on 6 May 1999. The overall turnout of voters was 46.3%. Although Welsh Labour were the biggest party, they did not gain enough seats to form a majority government and instead entered into coalition with the Liberal Democrats; the election was marked by the high level of support for Plaid Cymru, who won their highest share of the vote in any Wales-wide election and, as of 2016, their highest number of seats in an Assembly election to date. The party won considerable support in traditionally safe Labour areas such as the South Wales Valleys, winning Rhondda and Islwyn and narrowly failing to win a number of other seats. For lists of constituencies and regions, see National Assembly for Wales constituencies and electoral regions. Overall turnout: 46% National Assembly for Wales Welsh National Assembly Elections 1999
Clwyd South (Assembly constituency)
Clwyd South is a constituency of the National Assembly for Wales. It elects one Assembly Member by the first past the post method of election. However, it is one of nine constituencies in the North Wales electoral region, which elects four additional members, in addition to nine constituency members, to produce a degree of proportional representation for the region as a whole; the constituency was created for the first election to the Assembly, in 1999, with the name and boundaries of the Clwyd South Westminster constituency. It is within the preserved county of Clwyd and within the preserved county of Powys. For the 2007 Assembly election, however, it became a constituency within Clwyd. Part of its area was transferred in Powys. Part of its area wastransferred to another Clwyd constituency, Clwyd West. For Westminster purposes, the same boundary changes will become effective at the 2010 United Kingdom general election; as created in 1999, the North Wales region includes the constituencies of Alyn and Deeside, Clwyd West, Clwyd South, Delyn, Vale of Clwyd and Ynys Môn.
For the 2007 election the region will include Aberconwy and Deeside, Clwyd South, Clwyd West, Vale of Clwyd and Ynys Môn. For the period 1999 to 2007, the Clwyd South constituency can be described as consisting of electoral divisions as follows: Within Denbighshire: Corwen and Llangollen Within Wrexham: Bronington, Bryn Cefn, Chirk North, Chirk South, Dyffryn Ceiriog/Ceiriog Valley, Gwenfro, Llangollen Rural, Minera, New Broughton, Pant, Penycae and Ruabon South, Plas Madoc and Ruabon In general elections for the National Assembly for Wales, each voter has two votes; the first vote may be used to vote for a candidate to become the Assembly Member for the voter's constituency, elected by the first past the post system. The second vote may be used to vote for a regional closed party list of candidates. Additional member seats are allocated from the lists by the d'Hondt method, with constituency results being taken into account in the allocation. North Wales National Assembly for Wales constituencies and electoral regions