A minimum wage is the lowest remuneration that employers can pay their workers—the price floor below which workers may not sell their labor. Most countries had introduced minimum wage legislation by the end of the 20th century. Supply and demand models suggest that there may be employment losses from minimum wages. However, if the labor market is in a state of monopsony, minimum wages can increase the efficiency of the market. There is debate about the effect of minimum wages; the movement for minimum wages was first motivated as a way to stop the exploitation of workers in sweatshops, by employers who were thought to have unfair bargaining power over them. Over time, minimum wages came to be seen as a way to help lower-income families. Although minimum wage laws are in effect in many jurisdictions, differences of opinion exist about the benefits and drawbacks of a minimum wage. Supporters of the minimum wage say it increases the standard of living of workers, reduces poverty, reduces inequality, boosts morale.
In contrast, opponents of the minimum wage say it increases poverty, increases unemployment and is damaging to businesses, because excessively high minimum wages require businesses to raise the prices of their product or service to accommodate the extra expense of paying a higher wage and some low-wage workers "will be unable to find work... will be pushed into the ranks of the unemployed."Modern national laws enforcing compulsory union membership which prescribed minimum wages for their members were first passed in New Zealand and Australia in the 1890s. Modern minimum wage laws trace their origin to the Ordinance of Labourers, a decree by King Edward III that set a maximum wage for laborers in medieval England. King Edward III, a wealthy landowner, was dependent, like his lords, on serfs to work the land. In the autumn of 1348, the Black Plague decimated the population; the severe shortage of labor caused wages to soar and encouraged King Edward III to set a wage ceiling. Subsequent amendments to the ordinance, such as the Statute of Labourers, increased the penalties for paying a wage above the set rates.
While the laws governing wages set a ceiling on compensation, they were used to set a living wage. An amendment to the Statute of Labourers in 1389 fixed wages to the price of food; as time passed, the Justice of the Peace, charged with setting the maximum wage began to set formal minimum wages. The practice was formalized with the passage of the Act Fixing a Minimum Wage in 1604 by King James I for workers in the textile industry. By the early 19th century, the Statutes of Labourers was repealed as capitalistic England embraced laissez-faire policies which disfavored regulations of wages; the subsequent 19th century saw. As trade unions were decriminalized during the century, attempts to control wages through collective agreement were made. However, this meant. In Principles of Political Economy in 1848, John Stuart Mill argued that because of the collective action problems that workers faced in organisation, it was a justified departure from laissez-faire policies to regulate people's wages and hours by the law.
It was not until the 1890s that the first modern legislative attempts to regulate minimum wages were seen in New Zealand and Australia. The movement for a minimum wage was focused on stopping sweatshop labor and controlling the proliferation of sweatshops in manufacturing industries; the sweatshops employed large numbers of women and young workers, paying them what were considered to be substandard wages. The sweatshop owners were thought to have unfair bargaining power over their employees, a minimum wage was proposed as a means to make them pay fairly. Over time, the focus changed to helping people families, become more self-sufficient; the first modern national minimum wages were enacted by the government recognition of unions which in turn established minimum wage policy among their members, as in New Zealand in 1894, followed by Australia in 1896 and the United Kingdom in 1909. In the United States, statutory minimum wages were first introduced nationally in 1938, they were reintroduced and expanded in the United Kingdom in 1998.
There is now legislation or binding collective bargaining regarding minimum wage in more than 90 percent of all countries. In the European Union, 22 member states out of 28 have national minimum wages. Other countries, such as Sweden, Denmark, Switzerland and Italy, have no minimum wage laws, but rely on employer groups and trade unions to set minimum earnings through collective bargaining. Minimum wage rates vary across many different jurisdictions, not only in setting a particular amount of money—for example $7.25 per hour under certain US state laws, $11.00 in the US state of Washington, or £7.83 in the United Kingdom—but in terms of which pay period or the scope of coverage. The United States federal minimum wage is $7.25 per hour. However, some states do not recognize the minimum wage law, such as Tennessee. Other states operate below the federal minimum wage such as Wyoming; some jurisdictions allow employers to count tips given to their workers as credit towards the minimum wage levels.
India was one of the first developing countries to intr
Conservation in Brazil
Though progress has been made in conserving Brazil’s landscapes, the country still faces serious threats due to its historica land use. Amazonian forests influence regional and global climates and deforesting this region is both a regional and global driver of climate change due to the high amounts of deforestation and habitat fragmentation that have occurred this region. Brazil has established an extensive network of protected areas which covers more than 2 million km2 and is divided equally between protected natural areas or conservation units and indigenous land. Despite these measures, environmental protection is still a concern as indigenous tribes and Brazilian environmental activists contend with ranchers, illegal loggers and oil prospectors and drug traffickers who continue to illegally clear forests. More than one-fifth of the Amazon Rainforest in Brazil has been destroyed, more than 70 mammals are endangered; the threat of extinction comes from several sources, including poaching.
Extinction is more problematic in the Atlantic Forest, where nearly 93% of the forest has been cleared. Of the 202 endangered animals in Brazil, 171 are in the Atlantic Forest; the Amazon rainforest has been under direct threat of deforestation since the 1970s because of rapid economic and demographic expansion. Extensive legal and illegal logging destroy forests the size of a small country per year, with it a diverse series of species through habitat destruction and habitat fragmentation. Since 1970, over 600,000 square kilometers of the Amazon Rainforest have been cleared by logging. From the mid 1960s to 1970s the devaluation of the Brazilian real against the dollar resulted in doubling the price of beef in reals and gave ranchers a lucrative incentive to increase the size of their cattle ranches. During the same time period plans to expand infrastructure to facilitate greater trade within the Amazon region manifested itself in the building of the Trans-Amazonian Highway. A 2,000-mile wide highway would connect the entire Amazon and would create huge opportunities for cattle ranching to expand into untouched parts of the forest.
Widespread use of ethanol, a cheaper gas, gave cattle ranchers every economic incentive to take maximized profits no matter the environmental repercussions. The cattle industry struggled to meet domestic demand but soon became export driven. According to the Center for International Forestry Research, "between 1990 and 2001 the percentage of Europe's processed meat imports that came from Brazil rose from 40 to 74 percent" and by 2003 "for the first time the growth in Brazilian cattle production, 80 percent of, in the Amazon, was export driven." After the United States, Brazil is the second largest produce of soybeans. Soybean production, like cattle ranching, requires ample land and because of its profitability and importance as an export, receives large governmental support; as stated in the Constitution of Brazil, clearing land for crops or fields is considered an ‘effective use’ of land and has resulted in massive expansions of infrastructure aimed at providing greater access to unused land.
In an effort to address increasing demand of ranching, soybean production and timber, two highways were constructed: the Rodovia Belém-Brasília and the Cuiaba-Porto Velho. These were the only federal highways in the Legal Amazon to be paved and passable year-round before the late 1990s and contributed to the high rates of deforestation. With greater infrastructural support and economic incentive, Brazilian soybean production has skyrocketed. Land clearing for greater mechanized farming now contributes more extensively to deforestation because of the change in land use. Whereas the land was either unused or uninhabited and could function as a CO² absorber, mechanized farming could drastically change local climate and effect the rainforest's ability to absorb carbon emissions. Both cattle ranching and soybean production rely on expansive land to operate efficiently. Large parts of the Amazon rainforest have been cleared to provide for these sectors and the excess timber produced is profitable.
The removal of large swaths of trees from this area negatively impacts the environment in significant ways yet only account for trees killed, not harvested. For example, near Paragominas, Pará, for every tree harvested, 27 trees have been reported killed or damaged. With fewer trees the Amazon rainforest cannot absorb as much carbon emissions and expedite the process of Global Warming. In 2007 Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva announced at the International Conference on Biofuels in Brussels that Brazil's deforestation rate had slowed due to efficient fuel production and setting aside over 20 million hectares of forest. Since 2004 Brazil has established more than 200,000 square kilometres of parks, nature reserves, national forests in the Amazon rainforest; these protected areas, if enforced, will prevent an estimated one billion tons of carbon emissions from being transferred to the atmosphere through deforestation by the year 2015. According to a 2001 report by Rede, or RENC, wildlife smuggling is Brazil's third most profitable illegal activity, after arms dealing and drug smuggling.
RENCTAS believes that the poachers are taking an estimated 38 million birds and other animals from the wild each year. The same report claims that police only intercept.5% of smuggled animal wildlife and that it is easy to smuggle animals throughout Brazil. Nati
Unemployment or joblessness is a situation in which able-bodied people who are looking for a job cannot find a job. The causes of unemployment are debated. Classical economics, new classical economics, the Austrian School of economics argued that market mechanisms are reliable means of resolving unemployment; these theories argue against interventions imposed on the labor market from the outside, such as unionization, bureaucratic work rules, minimum wage laws and other regulations that they claim discourage the hiring of workers. Keynesian economics emphasizes the cyclical nature of unemployment and recommends government interventions in the economy that it claims will reduce unemployment during recessions; this theory focuses on recurrent shocks that reduce aggregate demand for goods and services and thus reduce demand for workers. Keynesian models recommend government interventions designed to increase demand for workers, its namesake economist John Maynard Keynes, believed that the root cause of unemployment is the desire of investors to receive more money rather than produce more products, not possible without public bodies producing new money.
A third group of theories emphasize the need for a stable supply of capital and investment to maintain full employment. On this view, government should guarantee full employment through fiscal policy, monetary policy and trade policy as stated, for example, in the US Employment Act of 1946, by counteracting private sector or trade investment volatility, reducing inequality. In addition to theories of unemployment, there are a few categorizations of unemployment that are used to more model the effects of unemployment within the economic system; some of the main types of unemployment include structural unemployment and frictional unemployment, as well as cyclical unemployment, involuntary unemployment, classical unemployment. Structural unemployment focuses on foundational problems in the economy and inefficiencies inherent in labor markets, including a mismatch between the supply and demand of laborers with necessary skill sets. Structural arguments emphasize causes and solutions related to disruptive technologies and globalization.
Discussions of frictional unemployment focus on voluntary decisions to work based on each individuals' valuation of their own work and how that compares to current wage rates plus the time and effort required to find a job. Causes and solutions for frictional unemployment address job entry threshold and wage rates; the unemployment rate is a measure of the prevalence of unemployment and it is calculated as a percentage by dividing the number of unemployed individuals by all individuals in the labor force. During periods of recession, an economy experiences a high unemployment rate. Millions of people globally or 6% of the world's workforce were without a job in 2012; the state of being without any work yet looking for work is called unemployment. Economists distinguish between various overlapping types of and theories of unemployment, including cyclical or Keynesian unemployment, frictional unemployment, structural unemployment and classical unemployment; some additional types of unemployment that are mentioned are seasonal unemployment, hardcore unemployment, hidden unemployment.
Though there have been several definitions of "voluntary" and "involuntary unemployment" in the economics literature, a simple distinction is applied. Voluntary unemployment is attributed to the individual's decisions, whereas involuntary unemployment exists because of the socio-economic environment in which individuals operate. In these terms, much or most of frictional unemployment is voluntary, since it reflects individual search behavior. Voluntary unemployment includes workers who reject low wage jobs whereas involuntary unemployment includes workers fired due to an economic crisis, industrial decline, company bankruptcy, or organizational restructuring. On the other hand, cyclical unemployment, structural unemployment, classical unemployment are involuntary in nature. However, the existence of structural unemployment may reflect choices made by the unemployed in the past, while classical unemployment may result from the legislative and economic choices made by labour unions or political parties.
The clearest cases of involuntary unemployment are those where there are fewer job vacancies than unemployed workers when wages are allowed to adjust, so that if all vacancies were to be filled, some unemployed workers would still remain. This happens with cyclical unemployment, as macroeconomic forces cause microeconomic unemployment which can boomerang back and exacerbate these macroeconomic forces. Classical, or real-wage unemployment, occurs when real wages for a job are set above the market-clearing level causing the number of job-seekers to exceed the number of vacancies. On the other hand, most economists argue that as wages fall below a livable wage many choose to drop out of the labor market and no longer seek employment; this is true in countries where low-income families are supported through public welfare systems. In such cases, wages would have to be high enough to motivate people to choose employment over what they receive through public welfare. Wages below a livable wage are to result in lower labor market participation in the above-stated scenario.
In addition, consumption of goods and services is the primary driver of increased demand for labor. Higher wages lead to workers having more income available to consume services. Therefore, higher wages increase gene
Wildlife of Brazil
The wildlife of Brazil comprises all occurring animals and plants in the South American country. Home to 60% of the Amazon Rainforest, which accounts for one-tenth of all species in the world, Brazil is considered to have the greatest biodiversity of any country on the planet, it has the most known species of freshwater fish and mammals. It ranks third on the list of countries with the most bird species and second with the most reptile species; the number of fungal species is large. Two-thirds of all species worldwide are found in tropical areas coinciding with developing countries such as Brazil. Brazil is second only to Indonesia as the country with the most endemic species. In the animal kingdom, there is general consensus that Brazil has the highest number of both terrestrial vertebrates and invertebrates of any country in the world; this high diversity of fauna can be explained in part by the sheer size of Brazil and the great variation in ecosystems such as Amazon Rainforest, Atlantic Forest and Cerrado.
The numbers published about Brazil's fauna diversity vary from source to source, as taxonomists sometimes disagree about species classifications, information can be incomplete or out-of-date. New species continue to be discovered and some species go extinct in the wild. Brazil has the highest diversity of primates and freshwater fish of any country in the world, it claims the highest number of mammals with 524 species, the second highest number of amphibians with 517 species and butterflies with 3,150 species, the third highest number of birds with 1,622 species, fifth number of reptiles with 468 species. There is a high number of endangered species, many of which live in threatened habitats such as the Atlantic Forest or the Amazon Rainforest. Scientists have described between 128,843 invertebrate species in Brazil. According to a 2005 estimate by Thomas M. Lewinsohn and Paulo I. Prado, Brazil is home to 13.1 % of biota found in the world. Enough is known about Brazilian fungi to say with confidence that the number of native species must be high and diverse: in work entirely limited to the state of Pernambuco, during the 1950s, 1960s and early 1970s, more than 3300 species were observed by a single group of mycologists Given that current best estimates suggest only about 7% of the world's true diversity of fungal species has so far been discovered, with most of the known species having been described from temperate regions, the number of fungal species occurring in Brazil is to be far higher.
Because it encompasses many species-rich ecosystems for animals and plants, Brazil houses many thousands of species, with many of them still undiscovered. Due to the explosive economic and demographic rise of the country in the last century, Brazil's ability to protect its environmental habitats has come under threat. Extensive logging in the nation's forests the Amazon, both official and unofficial, destroys areas the size of a small country each year, a diverse variety of plants and animals. However, as various species possess special characteristics, or are built in an interesting way, some of their capabilities are being copied for use in technology, the profit potential may result in a retardation of deforestation. Brazil's immense area is subdivided into different ecoregions in several kinds of biomes; because of the wide variety of habitats in Brazil, from the jungles of the Amazon Rainforest and the Atlantic Forest, to the tropical savanna of the Cerrado, to the xeric shrubland of the Caatinga, to the world's largest wetland area, the Pantanal, there exists a wide variety of wildlife as well.
The wild canids found in Brazil are the maned wolf, bush dog, hoary fox, short-eared dog, crab-eating fox and pampas fox. The felines found in Brazil are the jaguar, the puma, the margay, the ocelot, the oncilla, the jaguarundi. Other notable animals include the giant anteater, several varieties of sloths and armadillos, giant river otter, peccaries, marsh deer, Pampas deer, capybara. There are around 75 primate species, including the howler monkey, the capuchin monkey, the squirrel monkey, the marmoset, the tamarin. Brazil is home to the anaconda described, controversially, as the largest snake on the planet; this water boa has been measured up to 30 feet long, but historical reports note that native peoples and early European explorers claim anacondas from 50 to 100 feet long. There are 1107 known species of non-marine molluscs living in the wild in Brazil; the second largest spider in the world, the Goliath birdeater, can be found in some regions of Brazil. It is calculated, it is estimated as having over 70,000 species of insects, with some estimates ranging up to 15 million, with more being discovered daily.
One 1996 report estimated between 50,000 and 60,000 species of insects and spiders in a single hectare of rainforest. About 520 thysanoptera species belonging to six families in 139 genera are found in Brazil. Brazil ranks third on the list of countries, behind Colombia and Peru, with the most number of distinct bird species, having 1622 identified species, including over 70 species of parrots alone, it has 191 endemic birds. The variety of types of birds is vast as well, include birds ranging from brightly colore
Federal government of Brazil
The Federal Government of Brazil is the national government of the Federative Republic of Brazil, a republic in South America divided in 26 states and a federal district. The Brazilian federal government is divided in three branches: the executive, headed by the President and the cabinet; the seat of the federal government is located in Brasília. This has led to "Brasília" being used as a metonym for the federal government of Brazil. Brazil is a federal presidential constitutional republic, based on a representative democracy; the federal government has three independent branches: executive and judicial. The Federal Constitution is the supreme law of Brazil, it is the foundation and source of the legal authority underlying the existence of Brazil and the federal government. It provides the framework for the organization of the Brazilian government and for the relationship of the federal government to the states, to citizens, to all people within Brazil. Executive power is exercised by the executive, headed by the President, advised by a Cabinet of Ministers.
The President is both the head of government. Legislative power is vested upon the National Congress, a two-chamber legislature comprising the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. Judicial power is exercised by the judiciary, consisting of the Supreme Federal Court, the Superior Court of Justice and other Superior Courts, the National Justice Council and the regional federal courts; the bicameral National Congress consists of: The Federal Senate, which has 81 seats — three members from each States and the Federal District, elected according to the principle of majority to serve eight-year terms. One-third are elected after a four-year period, two-thirds are elected after the next four-year period. Federal deputies are elected by proportional representation to serve four-year terms. There are no limits on the number of terms; the seats are allotted proportionally to each state's population, but each state is eligible for a minimum of eight seats and a maximum of 70 seats. The result is a system weighted in favor of smaller states that are part of the Brazilian federation.
15 political parties are represented in Congress. Since it is common for politicians to switch parties, the proportion of congressional seats held by particular parties changes regularly. To avoid that, the Supreme Federal Court ruled in 2007 that the term belongs to the parties, not to the representatives. Brazilian courts function under civil law adversarial system; the Judicial branch is organized in federal systems with different jurisdictions. The judges of the courts of first instance take office after public competitive examination; the second instance judges are promoted among the first instance judges. The Justices of the superior courts are appointed by the President for life and approved by the Senate. All the judges and justices must be graduated in law. Brazilian judges must retire at the age of 70; the national territory is divided into five Regions. Each region is divided in Judiciary Sections, coterminous with the territory of each state, subdivided in Judiciary Subsections, each with a territory that may not correspond to the states' comarcas.
The Judiciary subsections have federal courts of first instance and each Region has a Federal Regional Tribunal as a court of second instance. There are special federal court systems, such as Labour Court for labor or employment-related matters and disputes, Election Justice for electoral matters, Military Justice for martial criminal cases, each of them with its own courts. There are two national superior courts that grant writs of certiorari in civil and criminal cases: the Superior Justice Tribunal and the federal supreme court, called the Supreme Federal Court; the STJ grants a Special Appeal when a judgement of a court of second instance offends a federal statute disposition or when two or more second instance courts make different rulings on the same federal statute. There are parallel courts for electoral law and military law; the STF grants Extraordinary Appeals when judgments of second instance courts violate the constitution. The STF is the last instance for the writ of habeas corpus and for reviews of judgments from the STJ.
The superior courts do not analyze any factual questions in their judgments, but only the application of the law and the constitution. Facts and evidences are judged by the courts of second instance, except in specific cases such as writs of habeas corpus. Politics of Brazil Official website of the Presidency of Brazil
History of Brazil since 1985
Brazilian history since 1985 is the contemporary epoch in the history of Brazil, beginning when civilian government was restored after a 21-year-long military regime established after the 1964 coup d'état. The negotiated transition to democracy reached its climax with the indirect election of Tancredo Neves PMDB by Congress. Neves belonged to Brazilian Democratic Movement Party, an opposition party that had always opposed the military regime, he was the first civilian president to be elected since 1964. Neves was set to take over from General João Figueiredo, the last of the military junta presidents appointed by their predecessor; the transition was hailed as the dawn of a New Republic in contrast with República Velha, the first epoch of the Brazilian Republic, from 1889 until 1930. It became synonymous with the contemporary phase of the Brazilian Republic and the political institutions established in the wake of the country's re-democratization. President-elect Tancredo Neves could not attend it.
His running mate, José Sarney, was inaugurated as vice president and served in Neves' stead as acting president. As Neves died without having taken the oath of office, Sarney succeeded to the presidency; the first phase of the Brazilian New Republic, ranging from the inauguration of José Sarney in 1985 until the inauguration of Fernando Collor in 1990, is considered a transitional period as the 1967–1969 constitution remained in effect, the executive still had veto powers, the president was able to rule by decree. The transition was considered definitive after Brazil's current constitution, drawn up in 1988, entered full effect in 1990. In 1986, elections were called for a National Constituent Assembly that would draft and adopt a new Constitution for the country; the Constituent Assembly began deliberations in February 1987 and concluded its work on October 5, 1988. Brazil's current Constitution was completed the democratic institutions; the new Constitution replaced the authoritarian legislation that still remained from the military regime.
In 1989 Brazil held its first elections for president by direct popular ballot since the 1964 coup. Fernando Collor won the election and was inaugurated on March 15, 1990 as the first president elected under the 1988 Constitution. Since seven presidential terms have elapsed, without rupture to the constitutional order: the first term was served by Presidents Collor and Franco. Collor was impeached on charges of corruption in 1992 and resigned the presidency, being succeeded by Itamar Franco, his vice president the second and third terms corresponded to the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration, from 1995 to 2002; the seventh term was started following Rousseff's 2014 reelection. Her second term was due to end in 2018, but she was impeached for violations of budgetary and fiscal responsibility laws in 2016, her vice-president, Michel Temer, succeeded her on 31 August 2016 following a lengthy period as acting president during Rousseff's impeachment trials and became President himself after the impeachment was completed.
The eight and current term is Jair Bolsonaro's administration. The last military president, João Figueiredo signed a general amnesty into law and turned Geisel's distensão into a gradual abertura, saying he wanted "to make this country a democracy"; the transition towards democracy that ended the military regime in 1985 and spurred the adoption of a new, Constitution in 1988, however, troubled. Hard-liners reacted to the abertura with a series of terrorist bombings. In April 1981 after a long string of bombings and other violence a bomb went off prematurely and killed one of the men in the car with it and badly injured the other, they were shown to be working with the DOI-CODI "under the direct orders of the "Command of the First Army" in terrorism, but nobody was punished. The incident and the regime's inaction strengthened the public's resolve to end military rule. Moreover, Figueiredo faced other significant problems, such as soaring inflation, declining productivity, mounting foreign debt.
Political liberalization and the declining world economy contributed to Brazil's economic and social problems. In 1978 and 1980, huge strikes took place in the industrial ring around São Paulo. Protesters asserted that wage increases indexed to the inflation rate were far below an acceptable standard of living. Union leaders, including the future three-time presidential candidate and president Luís Inácio da Silva, were arrested for violating national security laws; the International Monetary Fund imposed a painful austerity program on Brazil. Under that program, Brazil was required to hold down wages to fight inflation. In the north, in the prosperous Rio Grande do Sul, impoverished rural people occupied unused private land, forcing the government to create a new land reform ministry. Tension with the Roman Catholic Church, the major voice for societal change, peaked in the early 1980s with the expulsion of foreign priests involved in political and land reform issues. To attack the soaring debt, Figueiredo's administration stressed exports — food, natural resources, arms, shoes electricity — and expanded petroleum exploration by foreign companies.
In foreign relations, the objective was to establish ties with any country that would contribute to Brazilian economic development. Washington was kept at a certain distance, the North-South dialogue was emphasized. In 1983, the economy floundered as the gross domestic product declined by 5.0%
2013 protests in Brazil
The 2013 protests in Brazil, or 2013 Confederations Cup riots known as the V for Vinegar Movement, Brazilian Spring, or June Journeys, were public demonstrations in several Brazilian cities, initiated by the Movimento Passe Livre, a local entity that advocates for free public transportation. The demonstrations were organized to protest against increases in bus and metro ticket prices in some Brazilian cities, but grew to include other issues such as the high corruption in the government and police brutality used against some demonstrators. By mid-June, the movement had grown to become Brazil's largest since the 1992 protests against former President Fernando Collor de Mello; as with the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Turkey, social media has played an important role in the organization of public outcries and in keeping protesters in touch with one another. Urban riots in Brazil have been traditionally been referred to as the'Revolt of'. An example of this was Rio de Janeiro's Revolta da Vacina in the early 20th century.
These particular protests have been referred to as the Revolta da Salada, Revolta do Vinagre or Movimento V de Vinagre after more than 60 protesters were arrested in June 2013 for carrying vinegar as a home remedy against the tear gas and pepper spray used by police. Piero Locatelli, a journalist for the CartaCapital magazine, was arrested and taken to the Civil Police after being found with a bottle of vinegar; the sarcastic tone dubbing the protests Marcha do Vinagre i.e. "the vinegar march", was a reference to the popularity of an earlier grassroots march for legalizing marijuana named Marcha da Maconha. Another popular name for the protests is Outono Brasileiro. Primavera is being used by media; the alternative name "June Journeys", used by some sources and adapted from the France use of journées in the sense of an important event, traces a revolutionary pedigree going back to the June Days Uprising, the June 1848 French workers' uprising in the wake of the 1848 Revolution in France. The first demonstrations took place in Natal, Rio Grande do Norte, during August–September 2012 and were informally called Revolta do Busão or Bus Rebellion.
Over the course of these protests, demonstrators convinced their municipal authority to reduce the fare price. Similar protests were carried out in Porto Alegre in March 2013, where protesters tried to convince the local city hall to further reduce the fare price, after it had been reduced by a judicial decision. In Goiânia, demonstrations started on May 16, before the prices were raised on May 22 from R$2.70 to R$3.00. The peak of those demonstrations was at Bíblia Square, when four buses were destroyed. 24 students were arrested for disobedience. Another demonstration took place on June 6, when students closed streets in downtown Goiânia, set fire to car tires, threw homemade bombs, broke windows of police cars. On June 13, the fares were brought back to their previous price when judge Fernando de Mello Xavier issued a preliminary injunction arguing that local bus companies were exempted from paying some taxes as of June 1, but the passengers were not benefiting from this exemption. In São Paulo, demonstrations started when the municipal government and the government of the State of São Paulo, which runs the train and metro system of São Paulo, announced the rise of ticket prices from R$3.00 to R$3.20.
The previous hike of bus fares occurred in January 2011, was subject of demonstrations. Train and metro fares had been raised to the same price in February 2012. In early 2013 after his election, Mayor Fernando Haddad announced that fares would increase in early 2013. In May, the federal government announced that public transportation would be exempted from paying PIS and COFINS, two taxes of Brazil, so that the increase of public transportation costs would not contribute to ongoing inflation. So, the fares were raised from R$3.00 to R$3.20, starting on June 2, sparking demonstrations. Although the bus fare increase was the tipping point for demonstrators, the basis for public disenchantment with the policies of the ruling class went far deeper. There was frustration among the general population's disappointment with the inadequate provision of social services in Brazil. Despite Brazil's international recognition in lifting 40 million out of poverty, into the nova Classe C with comfortable access to a middle class consumer market, the policies have been the subject of intense political debate.
Groups among the protestors argues that "Bolsa Familia" and other social policies were an electoral strategy from the Worker's Party aimed at "alming the poor". Political opponents took issue with neoliberal or post-neoliberal traitor of its original Marxist precepts that benefits the old and stereotypical elites with black money and shady methods, only making the life of the traditional, more conservative, middle middle and upper middle classes harder while political scandals involving the public money most expensive to this conservative middle class run rampant. Meanwhile, mega sports projects such as the 2013 FIFA Confederations Cup and the 2014 FIFA World Cup (to which at that time Brazil had spent over 7 billion reais and with total expected cost of over 32 billion reais, equivalent to three times South Africa's total in 20