Canadian federalism involves the current nature and historical development of federal systems in Canada. Canada is a federation with 11 jurisdictions of governmental authority: the country-wide federal Crown and 10 provincial Crowns; each derives its authority from the Canadian Crown and includes the Queen-in-Parliament, the Queen-in-Council, the Queen's Bench. Three territorial governments in the far north exercise powers delegated by the federal parliament, municipal governments exercise powers delegated by the province or territory; each jurisdiction is independent from the others in its realm of legislative authority. Most sectors are under federal jurisdiction or that of the provinces, such as education and healthcare; the division of powers was laid out in the British North America Act of 1867, a key document in the Constitution of Canada. Amendments were made to the Acts of North America and the Constitution Act, 1982; the federal nature of the Canadian constitution was a response to the colonial-era diversity of the Maritimes and the Province of Canada the sharp distinction between the French-speaking inhabitants of Lower Canada and the English-speaking inhabitants of Upper Canada and the Maritimes.
John A. Macdonald, Canada's first prime minister favoured a unitary system; the foundations of Canadian federalism were laid at the Quebec Conference of 1864. The Quebec Resolutions were a compromise between those who wanted sovereignty vested in the federal government and those who wanted it vested in the provinces; the compromise based the federation on the constitution of the British Empire, under which the legal sovereignty of imperial power was modified by the conventions of colonial responsible government, making colonies of settlement self-governing in domestic affairs. A lengthy political process ensued before the Quebec Resolutions became the British North America Act of 1867; this process was dominated by John A. Macdonald, who joined British officials in attempting to make the federation more centralized than that envisaged by the Resolutions; the complex resulting constitution was couched in more centralist terms than intended. As prime minister, Macdonald tried to exploit this discrepancy to impose his centralist ideal against chief opponent Oliver Mowat.
In a series of political battles and court cases from 1872 to 1896, Mowat reversed Macdonald's early victories and entrenched the co-ordinated sovereignty which he saw in the Quebec Resolutions. In 1888, Edward Blake summarized that view: " a federal as distinguished from a legislative union, but a union composed of several existing and continuing entities... not fractions of a unit but units of a multiple. The Dominion is the multiple and each province is a unit of that multiple..." The accession of Wilfrid Laurier as prime minister inaugurated a new phase of constitutional consensus, marked by a more-egalitarian relationship between the jurisdictions. The federal government's quasi-imperial powers of disallowance and reservation, which Macdonald abused in his efforts to impose a centralised government, fell into disuse. During World War I the federal Crown's power was extended with the introduction of income taxes and passage of the War Measures Act, the scope of, determined by several court cases.
The constitution's restrictions of parliamentary power were affirmed in 1919 when, in the Initiatives and Referendums Reference, a Manitoba act providing for direct legislation by way of initiatives and referendums was ruled unconstitutional by the Privy Council on the grounds that a provincial viceroy could not permit "the abrogation of any power which the Crown possesses through a person directly representing it". Social and technological changes worked their way into constitutional authority. In 1926, the King–Byng Affair resulted in a constitutional crisis, the impetus for changes in the relationship between the governor general and the prime minister. Although its key aspects were political in nature, its constitutional aspects continue to be debated. One result was the Balfour Declaration issued that year, whose principles were codified in the Statute of Westminster 1931. It, the repeal of the Colonial Laws Validity Act 1865, gave the federal parliament the ability to make extraterritorial laws and abolish appeals to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.
Criminal appeals were abolished in 1933, but civil appeals continued until 1949. The last Privy Council ruling of constitutional significance occurred in 1954, in Winner v. S. M. T. Limited. After that, the Supreme Court of Canada became the final court of appeal. In 1937, Lieutenant Governor of Alberta John C. Bowen refused to give Royal Assent to three Legislative Assembly of Alberta bills. Two would have put the province's banks under the control of the provincial government. All three bills were declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of Canada in Reference re Alberta Statutes, upheld by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. World War II's broader scope required passage of the National Resources Mobilization Act to supplement the powers in the War Measures Act to pursue the nation
Canadian nationalism seeks to promote the unity and well-being of Canada and Canadians. Canadian nationalism has been a significant political force since the 19th century and has manifested itself as seeking to advance Canada's independence from influence of the United Kingdom and the United States of America. Since the 1960s, most proponents of Canadian nationalism have advocated a civic nationalism due to Canada's cultural diversity that has sought to equalize citizenship for Québécois, who faced cultural and economic discrimination and assimilationist pressure from English Canadian-dominated governments. Canadian nationalism became an important issue during the 1988 Canadian general election that focused on the then-proposed Canada–United States Free Trade Agreement, with Canadian nationalists opposing the agreement - saying that the agreement would lead to inevitable complete assimilation and domination of Canada by the United States. During the 1995 Quebec referendum on sovereignty that sought to determine whether Quebec would become a sovereign state or whether it would remain in Canada, Canadian nationalists and federalists supported the "no" side while Quebec nationalists supported the "yes" side, resulting in a razor-thin majority in favour of the "no" side that supported Quebec remaining in Canada.
The aforementioned version opts for a certain level of sovereignty, while remaining within the Commonwealth of Nations. The Canadian Tories are such example. Canadian Tories were strongly opposed to free trade with the U. S, fearing economic and cultural assimilation. On the other hand, French Canadian nationalism has its roots as early as pre-confederation. Although a more accurate portrait of French Canadian nationalism is illustrated by such figures as Henri Bourassa during the first half of the twentieth century. Bourassa advocated for a nation less reliant on Great Britain whether politically, economically or militarily, although he was not, at the same time, opting for a republic, the case for the radical French-speaking reformers in the Lower Canada Rebellion of 1837. Nor were Bourassa or others advocating for a provincial nationalism, i.e. for the separation of Quebec from Canada which became a strong component in Quebec politics during the Quiet Revolution and through the rise of the Parti Québécois in 1968.
The goal of all economic and political nationalists has been the creation and maintenance of Canadian sovereignty. During Canada's colonial past there were various movements in both Upper Canada and Lower Canada to achieve independence from the British Empire; these culminated in the failed Rebellions of 1837. These movements had republican and pro-American tendencies and many of the rebels fled to the US following the failure of the rebellion. Afterwards Canadian patriots began focusing on self-government and political reform within the British Empire; this was a cause championed by early Liberals such as the Reform Party and the Clear Grits, while Canada's early Conservatives, supported by loyalist institutions and big business, supported stronger links to Britain. Following the achievement of constitutional independence in 1867 both of Canada's main parties followed separate nationalistic themes; the early Liberal Party of Canada favoured greater diplomatic and military independence from the British Empire while the early Conservative Party of Canada fought for economic independence from the United States.
Starting before Confederation in 1867 the debate between free trade and protectionism was a defining issue in Canadian politics. Nationalists, along with British loyalists, were opposed to the idea of free trade or reciprocity for fear of having to compete with American industry and losing sovereignty to the United States; this issue dominated Canadian politics during the late 19th and early 20th centuries with the Tories taking a populist, anti-free trade stance. Conservative leader Sir John A. Macdonald advocated an agenda of economic nationalism, known as the National Policy; this was popular in the industrialized Canadian east. While the Liberal Party of Canada took a more classical liberal approach and supported the idea of an "open market" with the United States, something feared in eastern Canada but popular with farmers in western Canada; the National Policy included plans to expand Canadian territory into the western prairies and populate the west with immigrants. In each "free trade election", the Liberals were defeated.
The issue was revisited in the 1980s by Progressive Conservative Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. Mulroney reversed his party's protectionist tradition, after claiming to be against free trade during his leadership campaign in 1983, went forward with negotiations for a free trade agreement with the United States, his government believed that this would cure Canada's ills and unemployment, caused by a growing deficit and a terrible economic recession during the late 1980s and early 1990s. The agreement was drawn up in 1987 and an election was held on the issue in 1988; the Liberals, in a reversal of their traditional role, campaigned against free trade under former Prime Minister John Turner. The Tories won the election with a large majority due to Mulroney's support in Quebec among Quebec nationalists to whom he promised "distinct society" status for their province. After the election of 1988, opponents of free trade pointed to the fact that the PC Party of Brian Mulroney received a majority of seats in parliament with only 43% of the vote while together the Liberal Party and New Democratic Party both of whom opposed the agreement received 51% of the vote, showing
Conservatism is a political and social philosophy promoting traditional social institutions in the context of culture and civilization. The central tenets of conservatism include tradition, hierarchy and property rights. Conservatives seek to preserve a range of institutions such as religion, parliamentary government, property rights, with the aim of emphasizing social stability and continuity; the more extreme elements—reactionaries—oppose modernism and seek a return to "the way things were". The first established use of the term in a political context originated in 1818 with François-René de Chateaubriand during the period of Bourbon Restoration that sought to roll back the policies of the French Revolution. Associated with right-wing politics, the term has since been used to describe a wide range of views. There is no single set of policies regarded as conservative because the meaning of conservatism depends on what is considered traditional in a given place and time, thus conservatives from different parts of the world—each upholding their respective traditions—may disagree on a wide range of issues.
Edmund Burke, an 18th-century politician who opposed the French Revolution but supported the American Revolution, is credited as one of the main theorists of conservatism in Great Britain in the 1790s. According to Quintin Hogg, the chairman of the British Conservative Party in 1959: "Conservatism is not so much a philosophy as an attitude, a constant force, performing a timeless function in the development of a free society, corresponding to a deep and permanent requirement of human nature itself". In contrast to the tradition-based definition of conservatism, some political theorists such as Corey Robin define conservatism in terms of a general defense of social and economic inequality. From this perspective, conservatism is less an attempt to uphold traditional institutions and more, "a meditation on—and theoretical rendition of—the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened, trying to win it back". Liberal conservatism incorporates the classical liberal view of minimal government intervention in the economy.
Individuals should be free to participate in the market and generate wealth without government interference. However, individuals cannot be depended on to act responsibly in other spheres of life, therefore liberal conservatives believe that a strong state is necessary to ensure law and order and social institutions are needed to nurture a sense of duty and responsibility to the nation. Liberal conservatism is a variant of conservatism, influenced by liberal stances; as these latter two terms have had different meanings over time and across countries, liberal conservatism has a wide variety of meanings. The term referred to the combination of economic liberalism, which champions laissez-faire markets, with the classical conservatism concern for established tradition, respect for authority and religious values, it contrasted itself with classical liberalism, which supported freedom for the individual in both the economic and social spheres. Over time, the general conservative ideology in many countries adopted economic liberal arguments and the term liberal conservatism was replaced with conservatism.
This is the case in countries where liberal economic ideas have been the tradition such as the United States and are thus considered conservative. In other countries where liberal conservative movements have entered the political mainstream, such as Italy and Spain, the terms liberal and conservative may be synonymous; the liberal conservative tradition in the United States combines the economic individualism of the classical liberals with a Burkean form of conservatism. A secondary meaning for the term liberal conservatism that has developed in Europe is a combination of more modern conservative views with those of social liberalism; this has developed as an opposition to the more collectivist views of socialism. This involves stressing what are now conservative views of free market economics and belief in individual responsibility, with social liberal views on defence of civil rights and support for a limited welfare state. In continental Europe, this is sometimes translated into English as social conservatism.
Conservative liberalism is a variant of liberalism that combines liberal values and policies with conservative stances, or more the right-wing of the liberal movement. The roots of conservative liberalism are found at the beginning of the history of liberalism; until the two World Wars, in most European countries the political class was formed by conservative liberals, from Germany to Italy. Events after World War I brought the more radical version of classical liberalism to a more conservative type of liberalism. Libertarian conservatism describes certain political ideologies within the United States and Canada which combine libertarian economic issues with aspects of conservatism, its four main branches are constitutionalism, paleolibertarianism, small government conservatism and Christian libertarianism. They differ from paleoconservatives, in that they are in favor of more personal and economic freedom. Agorists such as Samuel Edward Konkin III labeled libertarian conservatism right-libertarianism.
In contrast to paleoconservatives, libertarian conservatives support strict laissez-faire policies such as free trade, opposition to any national bank and opposition to business regulations. They are vehemently opposed to environmental regulations, corporate welfare and other areas of economic intervention. Many conservatives in the United States, be
The Wildrose Party was a conservative provincial political party in Alberta, Canada. The party was formed by the merger in early 2008 of the Alberta Alliance Party and the unregistered Wildrose Party of Alberta; the wild rose. It contested the 2008 provincial election under the Wildrose Alliance banner, was able to capture seven percent of the popular vote but failed to hold its single seat in the Legislative Assembly. Support for the party rose in 2009 as voters grew frustrated with the Progressive Conservative government, resulting in a surprise win by outgoing leader Paul Hinman in an October by-election. In the fall of 2009 Danielle Smith was elected as leader and by December the Wildrose was leading provincial opinion polls ahead of both the governing PCs and the opposition Liberals. Wildrose's caucus grew to four members in 2010, after two former PC members of the Legislative Assembly defected in January and an independent MLA joined the party in June of that year. In the 2012 election, while the party failed to have the breakthrough predicted by most media pundits, it did increase its vote and seat totals and become the official opposition.
In December 2014, nine Wildrose MLAs including leader Danielle Smith left the party to join the Progressive Conservative caucus under its elected leader Jim Prentice. All of the defectors to the PCs who sought re-election in the 2015 general election lost their seats, through either losing the nomination process in their riding, or losing the general election to the Wildrose challenger. Effective February 3, 2015, the party's registered name was changed from Wildrose Alliance Party to Wildrose Party. On May 18, 2017, the leaders of the Wildrose and Progressive Conservative Association of Alberta announced a merger, ratified with 95% support of the membership of both parties in July 2017; the combined United Conservative Party held their inaugural leadership election on October 28, 2017. The Alberta Alliance Party voted to change its registered name on January 19, 2008 to the Wildrose Alliance after it merged with the unregistered Wildrose Party of Alberta; the name changed to Wildrose Alliance Party of Alberta after being approved by Elections Alberta on January 31, 2008.
The two parties had similar policies and the Wildrose had key personnel involved with the Alberta Alliance. They hoped that a union would allow the new party to present a stronger front for an anticipated election in the spring of 2008. Paul Hinman, the party's only sitting Member of the Legislative Assembly remained leader after the merger. During the 27th Alberta general election, the Wildrose Alliance attempted to position itself as a conservative alternative to the governing PC party, released a platform that promised fixed election dates, increasing personal tax exemptions, elimination of health care premiums, the creation of an Alberta Pension Plan, a reworking of the controversial changes the PC government made to the oil and gas royalty regime. An anticipated backlash against the governing PCs failed to materialize, as Premier Ed Stelmach extended his party's seat total to 72 from 60. While the Alliance finished second in eight ridings across the province, they failed to win any seats as Hinman lost his Cardston-Taber-Warner riding by just 39 votes.
Running candidates in 61 of the province's 83 ridings, the Alliance took 6.78% of the vote, fourth behind the PCs, Liberals and New Democrats. Hinman announced on April 2009 his intention to step down as leader, he remained the party's leader in an interim capacity until the leadership convention. Former Canadian Federation of Independent Business provincial director Danielle Smith and Mark Dyrholm, a chiropractor in Calgary, announced their candidacy at the June convention; the party viewed the leadership campaign with optimism, announcing that its membership was growing as Albertans grew frustrated with the Stelmach government's performance. Growing opposition to the government's oil and gas royalty program, a record $4.7 billion deficit in 2009, the PC's "liberal spending" facilitated the growth of the party. The party began to attract former Reform Party of Canada supporters along with high-profile former members of the provincial Progressive Conservatives, including former premier Ralph Klein's father.
Using the slogan "Send Ed a message" as a rallying cry, Paul Hinman sought to take advantage of public discontent as he ran in a September by-election in the Calgary-Glenmore riding. He surprised political observers by capturing 37 percent of the vote, narrowly defeating Liberal opponent Avalon Roberts to win the election and gain the Wildrose Alliance its first seat in the legislature; the Tories, who had held the riding uninterrupted since 1969, fell to third place. Political observers argued the result was more a protest against the Stelmach government than firm support for the Alliance, though it gave the party momentum as it prepared to vote for a leader. Smith and Dyrholm both attempted to capitalize on the party's election win, proclaiming that Albertans wanted change and that each of them would lead the Wildrose Alliance to a victory in the next general election; the party experienced a considerable growth heading into the leadership election, announcing it had 11,670 members at the beginning of October, compared to 1,800 in June.
Smith was elected the new leader at the convention held in Edmonton on October 17. Upon her election, Smith sought to continue the party's growth, focusing her efforts on fundraising and a search for strong candidates; the Wildrose Alliance's growth was evident in the polls. Shortly before Smith's electio
Rule of law
The rule of law is defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as: "The authority and influence of law in society when viewed as a constraint on individual and institutional behavior. The phrase "the rule of law" refers to a political situation, not to any specific legal rule. Use of the phrase can be traced to 16th-century Britain, in the following century the Scottish theologian Samuel Rutherford employed it in arguing against the divine right of kings. John Locke wrote that freedom in society means being subject only to laws made by a legislature that apply to everyone, with a person being otherwise free from both governmental and private restrictions upon liberty. "The rule of law" was further popularized in the 19th century by British jurist A. V. Dicey. However, the principle, if not the phrase itself, was recognized by ancient thinkers; the rule of law implies that every person is subject to the law, including people who are lawmakers, law enforcement officials, judges. In this sense, it stands in contrast to a monarchy or oligarchy where the rulers are held above the law.
Lack of the rule of law can be found in both democracies and monarchies, for example, because of neglect or ignorance of the law, the rule of law is more apt to decay if a government has insufficient corrective mechanisms for restoring it. Although credit for popularizing the expression "the rule of law" in modern times is given to A. V. Dicey, development of the legal concept can be traced through history to many ancient civilizations, including ancient Greece, Mesopotamia and Rome. In the West, the ancient Greeks regarded the best form of government as rule by the best men. Plato advocated a benevolent monarchy ruled by an idealized philosopher king, above the law. Plato hoped that the best men would be good at respecting established laws, explaining that "Where the law is subject to some other authority and has none of its own, the collapse of the state, in my view, is not far off. More than Plato attempted to do, Aristotle flatly opposed letting the highest officials wield power beyond guarding and serving the laws.
In other words, Aristotle advocated the rule of law: It is more proper that law should govern than any one of the citizens: upon the same principle, if it is advantageous to place the supreme power in some particular persons, they should be appointed to be only guardians, the servants of the laws. The Roman statesman Cicero is cited as saying, roughly: "We are all servants of the laws in order to be free." During the Roman Republic, controversial magistrates might be put on trial when their terms of office expired. Under the Roman Empire, the sovereign was immune, but those with grievances could sue the treasury. In China, members of the school of legalism during the 3rd century BC argued for using law as a tool of governance, but they promoted "rule by law" as opposed to "rule of law", meaning that they placed the aristocrats and emperor above the law. In contrast, the Huang–Lao school of Daoism rejected legal positivism in favor of a natural law that the ruler would be subject to. There has been an effort to reevaluate the influence of the Bible on Western constitutional law.
In the Old Testament, the book of Deuteronomy imposes certain restrictions on the king, regarding such matters as the numbers of wives he might take and of horses he might acquire. According to Professor Bernard M. Levinson, "This legislation was so utopian in its own time that it seems never to have been implemented...." The Deuteronomic social vision may have influenced opponents of the divine right of kings, including Bishop John Ponet in sixteenth-century England. In Islamic jurisprudence rule of law was formulated in the seventh century, so that no official could claim to be above the law, not the caliph. However, this was not a reference to secular law, but to Islamic religious law in the form of Sharia law. Alfred the Great, Anglo-Saxon king in the 9th century, reformed the law of his kingdom and assembled a law code which he grounded on biblical commandments, he held that the same law had to be applied to all persons, whether rich or poor, friends or enemies. This was inspired by Leviticus 19:15: "You shall do no iniquity in judgment.
You shall not favor the wretched and you shall not defer to the rich. In righteousness you are to judge your fellow."In 1215, Archbishop Stephen Langton gathered the Barons in England and forced King John and future sovereigns and magistrates back under the rule of law, preserving ancient liberties by Magna Carta in return for exacting taxes. This foundation for a constitution was carried into the United States Constitution. In 1481, during the reign of Ferdinand II of Aragon, the Constitució de l'Observança was approved by the General Court of Catalonia, establishing the submission of royal power to the laws of the Principality of Catalonia; the first known use of this English phrase occurred around AD 1500. Another early example of the phrase "rule of law" is found in a petition to James I of England in 1610, from the House of Commons: Amongst many other points of happiness and freedom which your majesty's subjects of this kingdom have enjoyed under your royal progenitors and queens of this realm, there is none which they have accou
Economic liberalism is an economic system organized on individual lines, which means the greatest possible number of economic decisions are made by individuals or households rather than by collective institutions or organizations. It includes a spectrum of different economic policies, such as freedom of movement, but its basis is on strong support for a market economy and private property in the means of production. Although economic liberals can be supportive of government regulation to a certain degree, they tend to oppose government intervention in the free market when it inhibits free trade and open competition. Economic liberalism is associated with private ownership of capital assets. Economic liberalism arose in response to mercantilism and feudalism. Today, economic liberalism is considered opposed to non-capitalist economic orders, such as socialism and planned economies, it contrasts with protectionism because of its support for free trade and open markets. An economy, managed according to these precepts may be described as a liberal economy.
Arguments in favor of economic liberalism were advanced during the Enlightenment, opposing mercantilism and feudalism. It was first analyzed by Adam Smith in An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, which advocated minimal interference of government in a market economy, though it did not oppose the state's provision of basic public goods with what constitutes public goods being seen as limited in scope. Smith claimed that if everyone is left to his own economic devices instead of being controlled by the state the result would be a harmonious and more equal society of ever-increasing prosperity; this underpinned the move towards a capitalist economic system in the late 18th century and the subsequent demise of the mercantilist system. Private property and individual contracts form the basis of economic liberalism; the early theory was based on the assumption that the economic actions of individuals are based on self-interest and that allowing them to act without any restrictions will produce the best results for everyone, provided that at least minimum standards of public information and justice exist, e.g. no one should be allowed to coerce, steal, or commit fraud and there is freedom of speech and press.
The economic liberals had to contend with the supporters of feudal privileges for the wealthy, aristocratic traditions and the rights of kings to run national economies in their own personal interests. By the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th, these were defeated. Economic liberalism opposes government intervention on the grounds that the state serves dominant business interests, distorting the market to their favor and thus leading to inefficient outcomes. Ordoliberalism and various schools of social liberalism based on classical liberalism include a broader role for the state, but do not seek to replace private enterprise and the free market with public enterprise and economic planning. For example, a social market economy is a free market economy based on a free price system and private property, but is supportive of government activity to promote competitive markets and social welfare programs to address social inequalities that result from free market outcomes. Adams, Ian.
Political Ideology Today. Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-719-06020-5. Balaam, David N. Introduction to International Political Economy. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-34730-9. Turner, Rachel S.. Neo-Liberal Ideology: History and Policies. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-0-748-68868-5. Quotations related to Economic liberalism at Wikiquote
Progressive Conservative Party of Canada
The Progressive Conservative Party of Canada was a federal political party in Canada. In 2003, the party membership voted to dissolve the party and merge with the Canadian Alliance to form the modern-day Conservative Party of Canada. One member of the Senate of Canada, Elaine McCoy, sat as an "Independent Progressive Conservative" until 2016; the conservative parties in most Canadian provinces still use the Progressive Conservative name. Some PC Party members formed the Progressive Canadian Party, which has attracted only marginal support. Canada's first Prime Minister, Sir John A. Macdonald, belonged to the Liberal-Conservative Party, but in advance of confederation in 1867, the Conservative Party took in a large number of defectors from the Liberals who supported the establishment of a Canadian Confederation. Thereafter, the Conservative Party became the Liberal-Conservative Party until the turn of the twentieth century; the federal Tories governed Canada for over forty of the country's first 70 years of existence.
However, the party spent the majority of its history in opposition as the nation's number-two federal party, behind the Liberal Party of Canada. From 1896 to 1993 the Tories formed a government only five times—from 1911 to 1921, from 1930 to 1935, from 1957 to 1963, from 1979 to 1980 and from 1984 to 1993, it stands as the only Canadian party to have won more than 200 seats in an election—a feat it accomplished twice: in 1958 and 1984. The party suffered a decade-long decline following the 1993 federal election and formally dissolved on 7 December 2003, when it merged with the Canadian Alliance to form the modern-day Conservative Party of Canada; the last meeting of the Progressive Conservative federal caucus was held in early 2004. The Conservative Party of Canada took power in 2006 and governed under the leadership of Stephen Harper until 2015, when it was defeated by the Liberal Party under Justin Trudeau. Between the party's founding in 1867, its adoption of the "Progressive Conservative" name in 1942, the party changed its name several times.
It was most known as the Conservative Party. Several loosely associated provincial Progressive Conservative parties continue to exist in Manitoba, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland and Labrador; as well, a small rump of Senators opposed the merger, continued to sit in the Parliament of Canada as Progressive Conservatives. The last one of them rescinded their party status in 2016; the Yukon association of the party renamed itself as the Yukon Party in 1990. The British Columbia Progressive Conservative Party changed its name to the British Columbia Conservative Party in 1991. Saskatchewan's Progressive Conservative Party ceased to exist in 1997, when the Saskatchewan Party formed – from former PC Members of the Legislative Assembly with a few Saskatchewan Liberal MLAs joining them; the party adopted the "Progressive Conservative" party name in 1942 when Manitoba Premier John Bracken, a long-time leader of that province's Progressive Party, agreed to become leader of the federal Conservatives on condition that the party add Progressive to its name.
Despite the name change, most former Progressive supporters continued to support the Liberal Party of Canada or the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, Bracken's leadership of the Conservative Party came to an end in 1948. Many Canadians continued to refer to the party as "the Conservatives". A major weakness of the party since 1885 was its inability to win support in Quebec, estranged by that year's execution of Louis Riel; the Conscription Crisis of 1917 exacerbated the issue. Though the Conservative Party of Quebec dominated politics in that province for the first 30 years of Confederation at both the federal and provincial levels, in the 20th century the party was never able to become a force in provincial politics, losing power in 1897, dissolving in 1935 into the Union Nationale, which took power in 1936 under Maurice Duplessis. In 20th-century federal politics, the Conservatives were seen as insensitive to French-Canadian ambitions and interests and succeeded in winning more than a handful of seats in Quebec, with a few notable exceptions: the 1930 federal election, in which Richard Bedford Bennett led the party to a thin majority government victory by securing 24 seats in rural Quebec.
The party never recovered from the fragmentation of Mulroney's broad coalition in the late 1980s resulting from Anglophone Canada's failure to ratify the Meech Lake Accord. Prior to its merger with the Canadian Alliance, it held only 15 of 301 seats in the House of Commons of Canada; the party did not hold more than 20 seats in Parliament between 1993 and 2003. The party pre-dates confederation in 1867, when it accepted many conservative-leaning former members of the Liberal Party into its ranks. At confederation, the Liberal-Conservative Party of Canada became Canada's first governing party under Sir John A. Macdonald, for years was either the governing party of Canada or the largest opposition party; the party changed its name to the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada following the election as leader of Progressive Party of Manitoba Premier John Bracken in December 1942, who insisted on the name change as a condition of becoming leader. The Progressive Conservative Party was on the