In firearms terminology, an action is the mechanism of a breech-loading weapon that handles the ammunition or the method by which that mechanism works. Actions are technically not present on muzzleloaders, as all are single-shot weapons with a closed off breech. Instead, the ignition mechanism is referred to Actions can be categorized in several ways, including single action versus double action, break action versus bolt action, others; the term action can include short and magnum if it is in reference to the length of the rifle's receiver and the length of the bolt. The short action rifle can accommodate a cartridge length of 2.8 in or smaller. The long action rifle can accommodate a cartridge of 3.34 in, the magnum action rifle can accommodate cartridges of 3.6 in, or longer in length. The dropping block are actions wherein the breechblock lowers or "drops" into the receiver to open the breech actuated by an underlever. There are two principal types of dropping block: the falling block. In a tilting block or pivoting block action, the breechblock is hinged on a pin mounted at the rear.
When the lever is operated, the block tilts forward, exposing the chamber. The best-known pivoting block designs are the Peabody, the Peabody–Martini, Ballard actions; the original Peabody rifles, manufactured by the Providence Tool Company, used a manually cocked side-hammer. Swiss gunsmith Friedrich Martini developed a pivoting block action by modifying the Peabody, that incorporated a hammerless striker, cocked by the operating lever with the same single, efficient motion that pivoted the block; the 1871 Martini–Henry which replaced the "trapdoor" Snider–Enfield was the standard British Army rifle of the Victorian era, the Martini was a popular action for civilian rifles. Charles H. Ballard's self-cocking tilting-block action was produced by the Marlin Firearms Company from 1875, earned a superlative reputation among long-range "Creedmoor" target shooters. Surviving Marlin Ballards are today prized by collectors those mounted in the elaborate Swiss-style Schützen stocks of the day. A falling block action is a single-shot firearm action in which a solid metal breechblock slides vertically in grooves cut into the breech of the weapon and actuated by a lever.
Examples of firearms using the falling block action are the Sharps rifle and Ruger No. 1. In a rolling block action the breechblock takes the form of a part-cylinder, with a pivot pin through its axis; the operator rotates or "rolls" the block to close the breech. Rolling blocks are most associated with firearms made by Remington in the 19th century; the hinged block was the earliest metallic-cartridge breechloaders designed for general military issue began as conversions of muzzle-loading rifle-muskets. The upper rear portion of the barrel was filed or milled away and replaced by a hinged breechblock which opened upward to permit loading. An internal angled firing pin allowed the re-use of the rifle's existing side-hammer; the Allin action made by Springfield Arsenal in the US hinged forward. Whereas the British replaced the Snider with a dropping-block Peabody-style Martini action, the US Army felt the trapdoor action to be adequate and followed its muzzleloader conversions with the new-production Springfield Model 1873, the principal longarm of the Indian Wars and was still in service with some units in the Spanish–American War.
A break action is a type of firearm where the barrel are hinged and can be "broken open" to expose the breech. Multi-barrel break action firearms are subdivided into over-and-under or side-by-side configurations for two barrel configurations or "combination gun" when mixed rifle and shotgun barrels are used. Although bolt-action guns are associated with fixed or detachable box magazines, in fact the first general-issue military breechloader was a single-shot bolt action: the paper-cartridge Prussian needle gun of 1841. France countered in 1866 with its superior Chassepot rifle a paper-cartridge bolt action; the first metallic-cartridge bolt actions in general military service were the Berdan Type II introduced by Russia in 1870, the Mauser Model 1871, a modified Chassepot, the Gras rifle of 1874. Today most top-level smallbore match rifles are single-shot bolt actions. Single-shot bolt actions in.22 caliber were widely manufactured as inexpensive "boys' guns" in the earlier 20th century. The eccentric screw action first seen on the M1867 Werndl–Holub and on the Magnum Research Lone Eagle pistol, the breech closure is a rotating drum with the same axis, but offset from the bore.
When locked, a firing pin aligns with the primer and the breech is otherwise solid. When rotated open, a slot in the drum is exposed for feeding of a new round. Though first used on the Werndl-Holub, this action is known as a cannon breech due to its association with the French 75mm Model of 1897 cannon; the French M1897 was, based on William Hubbell's U. S. Patent 149,478; the Ferguson rifle: British Major Patrick Ferguson designed his rifle, considered to be the first military breechloader, in the 1770s. A plug-shaped breechblock was screw-threaded so that rotating the handle underneath would lower a
Angolan Civil War
The Angolan Civil War was a civil conflict in Angola, beginning in 1975 and continuing, with interludes, until 2002. The war began after Angola became independent from Portugal in November 1975; the war was a power struggle between two former liberation movements, the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola. The war was used as a surrogate battleground for the Cold War by rival states such as the Soviet Union, South Africa and the United States; the MPLA and UNITA had different roots in Angolan society and mutually incompatible leaderships, despite their shared aim of ending colonial rule. A third movement, the National Front for the Liberation of Angola, having fought the MPLA with UNITA during the war for independence, played no role in the Civil War. Additionally, the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda, an association of separatist militant groups, fought for the independence of the province of Cabinda from Angola.
The 27-year war can be divided into three periods of major fighting – from 1975 to 1991, 1992 to 1994 and from 1998 to 2002 – with fragile periods of peace. By the time the MPLA achieved victory in 2002, more than 500,000 people had died and over one million had been internally displaced; the war devastated Angola's infrastructure and damaged public administration, the economy and religious institutions. The Angolan Civil War was notable due to the combination of Angola's violent internal dynamics and massive foreign intervention; the war became a Cold War struggle, as the Soviet Union and the United States, with their allies, provided military assistance to parties in the conflict. The conflict became intertwined with the Second Congo War in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo and the South African Border War. Angola's three rebel movements had their roots in the anti-colonial movements of the 1950s; the MPLA was an urban based movement in Luanda and its surrounding area. It was composed of Mbundu people.
By contrast the other two major anti-colonial movements the FNLA and UNITA, were rurally based groups. The FNLA consisted of Bakongo people hailing from Northern Angola. UNITA, an offshoot of the FNLA, was composed of Ovimbundu people from the Central highlands. Since its formation in the 1950s, the MPLA's main social base has been among the Ambundu people and the multiracial intelligentsia of cities such as Luanda and Huambo. During its anti-colonial struggle of 1962–74, the MPLA was supported by several African countries, as well as by the Soviet Union. Cuba became the MPLA's strongest ally, sending significant contingents of combat and support personnel to Angola; this support, as well as that of several other countries of the Eastern Bloc, e.g. East Germany, was maintained during the Civil War. Yugoslavia provided financial military support for the MPLA, including $14 million in 1977, as well as Yugoslav security personnel in the country and diplomatic training for Angolans in Belgrade; the United States Ambassador to Yugoslavia wrote of the Yugoslav relationship with the MPLA, remarked, "Tito enjoys his role as patriarch of guerrilla liberation struggle."
Agostinho Neto, MPLA's leader during the civil war, declared in 1977 that Yugoslav aid was constant and firm, described the help as extraordinary. According to a November 1978 special communique, Portuguese troops were among the 20,000 MPLA troops that participated in a major offensive in central and southern Angola; the FNLA formed parallel to the MPLA, was devoted to defending the interests of the Bakongo people and supporting the restoration of the historical Kongo Empire. However, it developed into a nationalist movement, supported in its struggle against Portugal by the government of Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire. During the early 1960s, the FNLA was supported by the People's Republic of China, but when UNITA was founded in the mid-1960s, China switched its support to this new movement, because the FNLA had shown little real activity; the United States refused to give the FNLA support during the movement's war against Portugal, a NATO ally of the U. S.. S. aid during the civil war. UNITA's main social basis were the Ovimbundu of central Angola, who constituted about one third of the country's population, but the organization had roots among several less numerous peoples of eastern Angola.
UNITA was founded in 1966 by Jonas Savimbi, who until had been a prominent leader of the FNLA. During the anti-colonial war, UNITA received some support from the People's Republic of China. With the onset of the civil war, the United States decided to support UNITA and augmented their aid to UNITA in the decades that followed. However, in the latter period, UNITA's main ally was the Republic of South Africa. Angola, like most African countries, became. In Angola's case, its colonial power – Portugal – was present and active in the territory, in one way or another, for over four centuries; the original population of this territory were dispersed Khoisan groups. These were absorbed or pushed southwards, where residual groups still exist, by a massive influx of Bantu people who came from the north and east; the Bantu influx began around 500 BC, some continued their migrations inside the territory well into the 20th century. They established a number of major political units, of which the most important was the Kongo Empire whose centre was located in the northwest of what today is Angola, which stretched northwards into the west of the present Democratic Republic of the Congo, the south and west of the contempora
Cambodian Civil War
The Cambodian Civil War was a military conflict that pitted the forces of the Communist Party of Kampuchea and their allies the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the Viet Cong against the government forces of the Kingdom of Cambodia and, after October 1970, the Khmer Republic, which were supported by the United States and the Republic of Vietnam. The struggle was complicated by the influence and actions of the allies of the two warring sides. North Vietnam's People's Army of Vietnam involvement was designed to protect its Base Areas and sanctuaries in eastern Cambodia, without which the prosecution of its military effort in South Vietnam would have been more difficult; the Cambodian coup of 18 March 1970 put a pro-American, anti-North Vietnamese government in power and ended Cambodia's neutrality in the Vietnam War. The PAVN was now threatened by a newly unfriendly Cambodian government. Between March and June 1970, the North Vietnamese moved many of its military installations further inside Cambodia in response to the coup and the establishment of a pro-American government, capturing most of the northeastern third of the country in engagements with the Cambodian army.
The North Vietnamese turned over some of their conquests and provided other assistance to the Khmer Rouge, thus empowering what was at the time a small guerilla movement. The Cambodian government hastened to expand its army to combat the North Vietnamese and the growing power of the Khmer Rouge; the U. S. was motivated by the desire to buy time for its withdrawal from Southeast Asia, to protect its ally in South Vietnam, to prevent the spread of communism to Cambodia. American and both South and North Vietnamese forces directly participated in the fighting; the U. S. assisted the central government with massive U. S. aerial bombing campaigns and direct material and financial aid. After five years of savage fighting, the Republican government was defeated on 17 April 1975 when the victorious Khmer Rouge proclaimed the establishment of Democratic Kampuchea; the war caused a refugee crisis in Cambodia with two million people—more than 25 percent of the population—displaced from rural areas into the cities Phnom Penh which grew from about 600,000 in 1970 to an estimated population of nearly 2 million by 1975.
Children were used during and after the war being persuaded or forced to commit atrocities. The Cambodian government estimated that more than 20 percent of the property in the country had been destroyed during the war. In total, an estimated 275,000–310,000 people were killed as a result of the war; the conflict was part of the Second Indochina War which consumed the neighboring Kingdom of Laos, South Vietnam, North Vietnam individually referred to as the Laotian Civil War and the Vietnam War respectively. The Cambodian civil war led to one of the bloodiest in history. During the early-to-mid-1960s, Prince Norodom Sihanouk's policies had protected his nation from the turmoil that engulfed Laos and South Vietnam. Neither the People's Republic of China nor North Vietnam disputed Sihanouk's claim to represent "progressive" political policies and the leadership of the prince's domestic leftist opposition, the Pracheachon Party, had been integrated into the government. On 3 May 1965, Sihanouk broke diplomatic relations with the U.
S. ended the flow of American aid, turned to the PRC and the Soviet Union for economic and military assistance. By the late 1960s, Sihanouk's delicate domestic and foreign policy balancing act was beginning to go awry. In 1966, an agreement was struck between the prince and the Chinese, allowing the presence of large-scale PAVN and Viet Cong troop deployments and logistical bases in the eastern border regions, he had agreed to allow the use of the port of Sihanoukville by communist-flagged vessels delivering supplies and material to support the PAVN/Viet Cong military effort in South Vietnam. These concessions made questionable Cambodia's neutrality, guaranteed by the Geneva Conference of 1954. Sihanouk was convinced that the PRC, not the U. S. would control the Indochinese Peninsula and that "our interests are best served by dealing with the camp that one day will dominate the whole of Asia – and coming to terms before its victory – in order to obtain the best terms possible."During the same year, however, he allowed his pro-American minister of defense, General Lon Nol, to crack down on leftist activities, crushing the Pracheachon by accusing its members of subversion and subservience to Hanoi.
Sihanouk lost the support of Cambodia's conservatives as a result of his failure to come to grips with the deteriorating economic situation and with the growing communist military presence. On 11 September 1966, Cambodia held its first open election. Through manipulation and harassment the conservatives won 75 percent of the seats in the National Assembly. Lon Nol was chosen by the right as prime minister and, as his deputy, they named Prince Sirik Matak. In addition to these developments and the clash of interests among Phnom Penh's politicized elite, social tensions created a favorable environment for the growth of a domestic communist insurgency in the rural areas; the prince found himself in a political dilemma. To maintain the balance against the rising tide of the conservatives, he named the leaders of the group he had been oppressing as members of a "counter-government", meant to monitor and criticize Lon Nol's administ
2006 Lebanon War
The 2006 Lebanon War called the 2006 Israel–Hezbollah War and known in Lebanon as the July War and in Israel as the Second Lebanon War, was a 34-day military conflict in Lebanon, Northern Israel and the Golan Heights. The principal parties were the Israel Defense Forces; the conflict started on 12 July 2006, continued until a United Nations-brokered ceasefire went into effect in the morning on 14 August 2006, though it formally ended on 8 September 2006 when Israel lifted its naval blockade of Lebanon. Due to unprecedented Iranian military support to Hezbollah before and during the war, some consider it the first round of the Iran–Israel proxy conflict, rather than a continuation of the Arab–Israeli conflict; the conflict was precipitated by the 2006 Hezbollah cross-border raid. On 12 July 2006, Hezbollah fighters fired rockets at Israeli border towns as a diversion for an anti-tank missile attack on two armored Humvees patrolling the Israeli side of the border fence; the ambush left three soldiers dead.
Two Israeli soldiers were taken by Hezbollah to Lebanon. Five more were killed in a failed rescue attempt. Hezbollah demanded the release of Lebanese prisoners held by Israel in exchange for the release of the abducted soldiers. Israel responded with airstrikes and artillery fire on targets in Lebanon. Israel attacked both Hezbollah military targets and Lebanese civilian infrastructure, including Beirut's Rafic Hariri International Airport; the IDF launched a ground invasion of Southern Lebanon. Israel imposed an air and naval blockade. Hezbollah launched more rockets into northern Israel and engaged the IDF in guerrilla warfare from hardened positions; the conflict is believed to have killed between 1,191 and 1,300 Lebanese people, 165 Israelis. It damaged Lebanese civil infrastructure, displaced one million Lebanese and 300,000–500,000 Israelis. On 11 August 2006, the United Nations Security Council unanimously approved United Nations Security Council Resolution 1701 in an effort to end the hostilities.
The resolution, approved by both the Lebanese and Israeli governments the following days, called for disarmament of Hezbollah, for withdrawal of the IDF from Lebanon, for the deployment of the Lebanese Armed Forces and an enlarged United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon in the south. UNIFIL was given an expanded mandate, including the ability to use force to ensure that their area of operations was not used for hostile activities, to resist attempts by force to prevent them from discharging their duties; the Lebanese Army began deploying in Southern Lebanon on 17 August 2006. The blockade was lifted on 8 September 2006. On 1 October 2006, most Israeli troops withdrew from Lebanon, although the last of the troops continued to occupy the border-straddling village of Ghajar. In the time since the enactment of UNSCR 1701 both the Lebanese government and UNIFIL have stated that they will not disarm Hezbollah; the remains of the two captured soldiers, whose fates were unknown, were returned to Israel on 16 July 2008 as part of a prisoner exchange.
Cross-border attacks from southern Lebanon into Israel by the Palestine Liberation Organization dated as far back as 1968, followed the Six-Day War. Starting about this time, increasing demographic tensions related to the Lebanese National Pact, which had divided governmental powers among religious groups throughout the country 30 years began running high and led in part to the Lebanese Civil War. Concurrently, Syria began a 29-year military occupation in 1976. Israel's 1978 invasion of Lebanon failed to stem the Palestinian attacks in the long run, but Israel invaded Lebanon again in 1982 and forcibly expelled the PLO. Israel withdrew to a borderland buffer zone in southern Lebanon, held with the aid of proxy militants in the South Lebanon Army; the invasion led to the conception of a new Shi'a militant group, which in 1985, established itself politically under the name Hezbollah, declared an armed struggle to end the Israeli occupation of Lebanese territory. When the Lebanese Civil War ended and other warring factions agreed to disarm, both Hezbollah and the SLA refused.
Ten years Israel withdrew from South Lebanon to the UN-designated and internationally recognized Blue Line border in 2000. The withdrawal led to the immediate collapse of the SLA, Hezbollah took control of the area. Citing continued Israeli control of the Shebaa farms region and the internment of Lebanese prisoners in Israel, Hezbollah intensified its cross-border attacks, used the tactic of seizing soldiers from Israel as leverage for a prisoner exchange in 2004. All told, from summer 2000, after the Israeli withdrawal, until summer 2006, Hezbollah conducted 200 attacks on Israel – most of them artillery fire, some raids and some via proxies inside Israel. In these attacks, including the attack that precipitated the Israeli response that developed into the war, 31 Israelis were killed and 104 were wounded. In August 2006, in an article in The New Yorker, Seymour Hersh claimed that the White House gave the green light for the Israeli government to execute an attack on Hezbollah in Lebanon. Communication between the Israeli government and the US government about this came as early as two months in advance of the capture of two Israeli soldiers and the killing of eight others by Hezbollah prior to the conflict in July 2006.
The US government denied these claims. According to
Gas-operation is a system of operation used to provide energy to operate locked breech, autoloading firearms. In gas operation, a portion of high-pressure gas from the cartridge being fired is used to power a mechanism to dispose of the spent case and insert a new cartridge into the chamber. Energy from the gas is harnessed through either a port in a trap at the muzzle; this high-pressure gas impinges on a surface such as a piston head to provide motion for unlocking of the action, extraction of the spent case, cocking of the hammer or striker, chambering of a fresh cartridge, locking of the action. The first gas-operated rifle was designed in 1883–1884 by Karel Krnka. Most current gas systems employ some type of piston; the face of the piston is acted upon by combustion gas from a port in the barrel or a trap at the muzzle. Early guns such as Browning's'flapper' prototype, the Bang rifle, Garand rifle used low-pressure gas from at or near the muzzle. This, combined with larger operating parts, reduced the strain on the mechanism.
To simplify and lighten the firearm, gas from nearer the chamber needed to be used. This high-pressure gas has sufficient force to destroy a firearm. Most gas-operated firearms rely on tuning the gas port size, mass of operating parts, spring pressures to function. Several other methods are employed to regulate the energy; the M1 carbine incorporates a short piston, or "tappet". This movement is restricted by a shoulder recess. Excess gas is vented back into the bore; the M14 rifle and M60 GPMG use the White expansion and cutoff system to stop gas from entering the cylinder once the piston has traveled a short distance. Most systems, vent excess gas into the atmosphere through slots, holes, or ports. A gas trap system involves ` trapping' combustion gas; this gas impinges on a surface that converts the energy to motion that, in turn cycles the action of the firearm. Hiram Maxim patented a muzzle-cup system in 1884 described in U. S. Patent 319,596 though it is unknown if this firearm was prototyped.
John Browning used gas trapped at the muzzle to operate a'flapper' in the earliest prototype gas-operated firearm described in U. S. Patent 471,782; the Danish Bang rifle used a muzzle cup blown forward by muzzle gas to operate the action through transfer bars and leverage. Other gas-trap rifles were early production German Gewehr 41; these systems are longer, heavier and more complex than gas-operated firearms. Despite these disadvantages, they used low pressure gas and did not require a hole in the barrel; the American and German governments both had requirements that their guns operated without a hole being drilled in the barrel. Both governments would first adopt weapons and abandon the concept. All US M1 Garand rifles were retrofitted with long-stroke gas pistons. With a long-stroke system, the piston is mechanically fixed to the bolt group and moves through the entire operating cycle; this system is used in weapons such as the Bren light machine gun, AK-47, Tavor, FN Minimi, M249 Squad Automatic Weapon, FN MAG, FN FNC, M1 Garand.
The primary advantage of the long-stroke system is that the mass of the piston rod adds to the momentum of the bolt carrier enabling more positive extraction, ejection and locking. The primary disadvantage to this system is the disruption of the point of aim due to several factors such as: the center of mass changing during the action cycle, abrupt stops at the beginning and end of bolt carrier travel, the use of the barrel as a fulcrum to drive the bolt back. Due to the greater mass of moving parts, more gas is required to operate the system that, in turn, requires larger operating parts. With a short-stroke or tappet system, the piston moves separately from the bolt group, it may directly push the bolt group parts as in the M1 carbine or operate through a connecting rod or assembly as in the Armalite AR-18 or the SKS. In either case, the energy is imparted in a short, abrupt push and the motion of the gas piston is arrested allowing the bolt carrier assembly to continue through the operating cycle through kinetic energy.
This has the advantage of reducing the total mass of recoiling parts compared with a long-stroke piston. This, in turn, enables better control of the weapon due to less mass needing to be stopped at either end of the bolt carrier travel. However, additional complexity, the fact that in many designs the piston is a separate component that impacts the bolt carrier group above the center of gravity, there is a greater potential for premature wear, or damage to the bolt carrier, the rails that guide its rearward movement due to the abrupt uneven impulse. Modern iterations of this design are limited by the physical parameters of the M16 family of weapons as they are a retrofitted solution for addressing the perceived shortcomings of the direct impingement system; the direct impingement method of operation vents gas from partway down the barrel through a tube to the working parts of a rifle where they directly impinge on the bolt carrier. This results in a lighter mechanism. Firearms that use this system include the French MAS-40 from 1940, the Swedish Ag m/42 from 1942, the American M16 rifle family.
One principal advantage is that the moving parts are placed in-line with the bore meaning that sight picture is not disturbed as much. This offers a particular advantage for automatic mechanisms, it has the disadvantage of the propellant gas being blown directly into the action parts. DI operation increases the amount of heat, deposited in the receiver while firing, which can burn off and cover up l
The Russo-Georgian War was a war between Georgia and the Russian-backed self-proclaimed republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The war took place in August 2008 following a period of worsening relations between Russia and Georgia, both constituent republics of the Soviet Union; the fighting took place in the strategically important Transcaucasia region. It was regarded as the first European war of the 21st century; the Republic of Georgia declared its independence in early 1991 as the Soviet Union began to fall apart. Amidst this backdrop, a war between Georgia and separatists left parts of the former South Ossetian Autonomous Oblast under the de facto control of Russian-backed but internationally unrecognised separatists. Following the war, a joint peacekeeping force of Georgian and Ossetian troops was stationed in the territory. A similar stalemate developed in the region of Abkhazia, where Abkhaz separatists had waged war in 1992–1993. Following the election of Vladimir Putin in Russia in 2000 and a pro-Western change of power in Georgia in 2003, relations between Russia and Georgia began to deteriorate, reaching a full diplomatic crisis by April 2008.
By 1 August 2008, South Ossetian separatists had begun shelling Georgian villages, with a sporadic response from Georgian peacekeepers in the area. Artillery attacks by pro-Russian separatists broke a 1992 ceasefire agreement. To put an end to these attacks and restore order, the Georgian Army was sent to the South Ossetian conflict zone on 7 August. Georgians took control of most of a separatist stronghold, in hours. Russian troops had illicitly crossed the Russo-Georgian state border and advanced into the South Ossetian conflict zone by 7 August before the Georgian military response. Russia accused Georgia of "aggression against South Ossetia", launched a big land and sea invasion of Georgia on 8 August with the pretext of "peace enforcement" operation. Russian and South Ossetian forces fought Georgian forces in and around South Ossetia for several days, until Georgian forces retreated. Russian and Abkhaz forces opened a second front by attacking the Kodori Gorge held by Georgia. Russian naval forces blockaded part of the Georgian coast.
The Russian air force attacked targets in undisputed parts of Georgia. This was the first war in history. An information war was waged during and after the conflict. Nicolas Sarkozy, the President of France, which had the presidency of the European Union, negotiated a ceasefire agreement on 12 August. Russian forces temporarily occupied the Georgian cities of Zugdidi, Senaki and Gori, holding on to these areas beyond the ceasefire; the South Ossetians destroyed most ethnic Georgian villages in South Ossetia and were responsible for an ethnic cleansing of Georgians. Russia recognised the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia from Georgia on 26 August and the Georgian government severed diplomatic relations with Russia. Russia completed its withdrawal of troops from undisputed parts of Georgia on 8 October. Russian international relations were unharmed; the war displaced 192,000 people and while many returned to their homes after the war, 20,272 people ethnic Georgians, remained displaced as of 2014.
Since the war, Russia has occupied Abkhazia and South Ossetia in violation of the ceasefire agreement of August 2008. In the 10th century AD, Georgia for the first time emerged as an ethnic concept in the territories where the Georgian language was used to perform Christian rituals. After the Mongol invasions of the region, the Kingdom of Georgia was split into several states. In the 19th century, the Russian Empire took over the Georgian lands. In the aftermath of the Russian revolution, Georgia declared independence on 26 May 1918; the Ossetian people are autochthonous to North Ossetia. Controversy surrounds the date of Ossetian arrival in Transcaucasia. According to one theory, they first migrated there during the 13th and 14th centuries AD, resided alongside the Georgians peacefully for hundreds of years. In 1918, conflict began between the landless Ossetian peasants living in Shida Kartli, who were affected by Bolshevism and demanded ownership of the lands they worked, the Menshevik government backed ethnic Georgian nobility, who were legal owners.
Although the Ossetians were discontented with the economic stance of Tbilisi authorities, the tension shortly transformed into ethnic conflict. During uprisings in 1919 and 1920, the Ossetians were covertly supported by Soviet Russia, but so, were defeated; the independent Democratic Republic of Georgia was invaded by the Red Army in 1921 and a Soviet government was installed. The government of Soviet Georgia created an autonomous administrative unit for Transcaucasian Ossetians in April 1922, called the South Ossetian Autonomous Oblast. Historians such as Stephen F. Jones, Emil Souleimanov and Arsène Saparov believe that the Bolsheviks awarded this autonomy to the Ossetians in exchange for their help against the Democratic Republic of Georgia, since this area had never been a separate entity prior to the Russian invasion. Nationalism in Soviet Georgia gained momentum in 1989 with the weakening of the Soviet Union; the Kremlin endorsed South Ossetian nationalism as a counter against the Georgian independence movement.
On 11 December 1990, the Supreme Soviet of Georgia, responding to South Ossetia's attempt at secession, annulled the region's autonomy. A military conflict broke out between Georgia and South Ossetian separatists in January 1991. Georgia declared its restoration of independence on 9 April 1991, thus becoming the first non-Baltic state of the Soviet Union to do so; the South Ossetian separatists were aided by
Yom Kippur War
The Yom Kippur War, Ramadan War, or October War known as the 1973 Arab–Israeli War, was a war fought from October 6 to 25, 1973, by a coalition of Arab states led by Egypt and Syria against Israel. The war took place in Sinai and the Golan—occupied by Israel during the 1967 Six-Day War—with some fighting in African Egypt and northern Israel. Egypt's initial war objective was to use its military to seize a foothold on the east bank of the Suez Canal and use this to negotiate the return of the rest of Sinai; the war began when the Arab coalition launched a joint surprise attack on Israeli positions, on Yom Kippur, the holiest day in Judaism, which occurred that year during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. Egyptian and Syrian forces crossed ceasefire lines to enter the Sinai Peninsula and the Golan Heights, respectively. Both the United States and the Soviet Union initiated massive resupply efforts to their respective allies during the war, this led to a near-confrontation between the two nuclear superpowers.
The war began with a successful Egyptian crossing of the Suez Canal. Egyptian forces crossed the cease-fire lines advanced unopposed into the Sinai Peninsula. After three days, Israel had mobilized most of its forces and halted the Egyptian offensive, resulting in a military stalemate; the Syrians coordinated their attack on the Golan Heights to coincide with the Egyptian offensive and made threatening gains into Israeli-held territory. Within three days, Israeli forces had pushed the Syrians back to the pre-war ceasefire lines; the Israel Defense Forces launched a four-day counter-offensive deep into Syria. Within a week, Israeli artillery began to shell the outskirts of Damascus, Egyptian President Sadat began to worry about the integrity of his major ally, he believed that capturing two strategic passes located deeper in the Sinai would make his position stronger during post-war negotiations. The Israelis counter-attacked at the seam between the two Egyptian armies, crossed the Suez Canal into Egypt, began advancing southward and westward towards the city of Suez in over a week of heavy fighting that resulted in heavy casualties on both sides.
On October 22, a United Nations–brokered ceasefire unraveled, with each side blaming the other for the breach. By October 24, the Israelis had improved their positions and completed their encirclement of Egypt's Third Army and the city of Suez; this development led to tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union, a second ceasefire was imposed cooperatively on October 25 to end the war. The war had far-reaching implications; the Arab world had experienced humiliation in the lopsided rout of the Egyptian–Syrian–Jordanian alliance in the Six-Day War but felt psychologically vindicated by early successes in this conflict. The war led Israel to recognize that, despite impressive operational and tactical achievements on the battlefield, there was no guarantee that they would always dominate the Arab states militarily, as they had through the earlier 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the Suez Crisis, the Six-Day War; these changes paved the way for the subsequent peace process. The 1978 Camp David Accords that followed led to the return of the Sinai to Egypt and normalized relations—the first peaceful recognition of Israel by an Arab country.
Egypt continued its drift away from the Soviet Union and left the Soviet sphere of influence entirely. The war was part of the Arab–Israeli conflict, an ongoing dispute that included many battles and wars since 1948, when the state of Israel was formed. During the Six-Day War of 1967, Israel had captured Egypt's Sinai Peninsula half of Syria's Golan Heights, the territories of the West Bank, held by Jordan since 1948. On June 19, 1967, shortly after the Six-Day War, the Israeli government voted to return the Sinai to Egypt and the Golan Heights to Syria in exchange for a permanent peace settlement and a demilitarization of the returned territories, it rejected a full return to the boundaries and the situation before the war and insisted on direct negotiations with the Arab governments as opposed to accepting negotiation through a third party. This decision was it conveyed to any Arab state. Notwithstanding Abba Eban's insistence that this was indeed the case, there seems to be no solid evidence to corroborate his claim.
No formal peace proposal was made either indirectly by Israel. The Americans, who were briefed of the Cabinet's decision by Eban, were not asked to convey it to Cairo and Damascus as official peace proposals, nor were they given indications that Israel expected a reply; the Arab position, as it emerged in September 1967 at the Khartoum Arab Summit, was to reject any peaceful settlement with the state of Israel. The eight participating states – Egypt, Jordan, Iraq, Algeria and Sudan – passed a resolution that would become known as the "three no's": there would be no peace, no recognition and no negotiation with Israel. Prior to that, King Hussein of Jordan had stated that he could not rule out a possibility of a "real, permanent peace" between Israel and the Arab states. Armed hostilities continued on a limited scale after the Six-Day War and escalated into the War of Attrition, an attempt to wear down the Israeli position through long-term pressure. A ceasefire was signed in August 1970. President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt died in September 1970