Nasrin Soltankhah is an Iranian politician, a Vice President under Mahmoud Ahmadinejad from 2009 to 2013. Soltankhan received a Bachelor of Science in Mathematics, a Master of Science in Mathematics, a PhD in Mathematics from Sharif University of Technology. Soltankhan was appointed to the Iranian Cabinet on September 25, 2005 by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, she was president of Iran's National Elites Foundation. Soltankhan's portfolio includes both the position as head of the Center for Women and Family Affairs and the position of advisor to the President on issues pertaining to women. Soltankhan has mentioned three main points for women-related policies which the center will be focusing on; these are, “upholding human dignity of women regardless of their gender,“ “capitalizing on women’s potentials in managerial and decision-making arenas,“ and “emphasizing on women’s key role in families.“ Soltankhah has stated that the center is engaged in directing women’s capabilities into different social and cultural fields as well as generating jobs for them.
Soltankhan is a member of the political organization called the Alliance of Builders of Islamic Iran. Apart from her work in the executive branch of the Iranian government, Nasrin Soltankhan was on the City Council of Tehran having won a seat in 2003; the term of service for her council seat ended in 2007. Persian women http://www.iran-daily.com/1384/2391/html/panorama.htm http://www.iran-daily.com/1384/2419/html/panorama.htm http://www.iranian.ws/iran_news/publish/article_9956.shtml http://www.iranian.ws/iran_news/publish/article_9956.shtml http://www.escwa.org.lb/ecw/editors/pubs/ECW2ndReview.pdf http://www.mehrnews.com/en/NewsDetail.aspx? NewsID=39497
Vice Presidency for Women and Family Affairs
Vice Presidency for Women and Family Affairs is a cabinet-level position in Iran, headed by one of the Vice Presidents. Before the Iranian Revolution in 1979, only a woman served in a similar capacity. Mahnaz Afkhami assumed office as the government minister responsible for women's affairs under administration of Prime Minister Amir-Abbas Hoveyda. Shahla Habibi was appointed as the head of newly-established'Bureau of Women's Affairs' and advisor in 1992, her deputy Masoumeh Ebtekar, was the "main driving-force" behind the office. The office was renamed to the'Centre for Women's Participation Affairs' under administration Mohammad Khatami and remained an advisor position, with Zahra Shojaei was appointed as its head. Under Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the office was renamed to the'Center for Women and Family Affairs' in 2005, a change that signaled the conservative attitude towards the women. Nasrin Soltankhah, Zohreh Tabibzadeh-Nouri and Maryam Mojtahedzadeh served in the capacity of heading the office until 2013, when the officeholder was promoted to a Vice President
Women's rights movement in Iran
Iranian Women's Rights Movement, is based on the Iranian women's social movement for women's rights. This movement first emerged after the Iranian Constitutional Revolution in 1910, the year in which the first Women Journal was published by women; the movement lasted until 1933 in which the last women’s association was dissolved by the Reza Shah Pahlavi’s government. It heightened again after the Iranian Revolution. Between 1962 and 1978, the Iranian Women's Movement gained victories such as the right for women to vote, they were allowed to take part in public office, in 1975 the Family Protection Law provided new rights for women, including expanded divorce and custody rights and reduced polygamy. Women's rights have been restricted since the Islamic Revolution. Following the 1979 Revolution, several laws were established such as the introduction of mandatory veiling and public dress code of females. In November 2016, about 6% of Iranian parliament members were women, while the global average was about 23%.
The Women's Rights Movement in Iran continues to attempt influencing reforms with the One Million Signatures Campaign to End Discrimination Against Women. The Iranian Constitutional Revolution took place between 1905 and 1911; the early cores of consciousness of women's rights which led to establishment of societies and magazines started shortly after. The low status of women and secret operation of many of their organizations and societies, have somewhat limited the amount of data on the subject. Women's writing in that era through newspapers and periodicals are one of the most valuable sources of information on the movement. Most important of these periodicals are listed below. Additionally, Iranian women were aware of women's conditions and educational opportunities elsewhere and were inspired by them. Women activists determined; the argument they put forward was that providing women with education was overall good for Iran, in terms of mothers raising better children for their country. At the beginning of the century, foreign missionaries founded the first school for girls, attended by religious minorities.
Haji-Mirza Hassan Roshdieh and Bibi Khanoom Astarabadi also founded schools for girls, but both were closed. In 1918, after years of private and unregulated schools, the government provided funds to establish ten primary schools for girls and a teacher training college. From 1914 to 1925, the women's publications expanded beyond discussions of education onto subjects such as child marriage, economic empowerment, the rights and legal status of women. In 1906, despite the parliament refusing their request, women established several organizations, including the "Society for Women's Freedom", which met in secret until it was discovered and attacked; the Jam'iat e nesvan e vatan-khah was founded around 1918. In 1922, Mohtaram Eskandari created the "Patriotic Women's Organization", she was arrested and her house was burned. Zandokht Shirazi, another women activist, organized the "Women's Revolutionary Association." During this early phase of the women's movement, women who became involved were in general daughters and wives of well-known constitutionalists.
They were from educated middle-class families. The low status of women and secret operation of many of their organizations and societies have somewhat limited the amount of data on the subject. Women's writing in that era through newspapers and periodicals are one of the most valuable sources of information on the movement; some of the most important periodicals of that era are listed below: Danesh was the first weekly magazine, founded by a women's society, with a female editor. Shekoofeh was edited by Mariam Mozayen-ol Sadat, its primary goal was the education of women against superstition and acquainting them with world literature. Zaban-e Zanan, was one of the more hardcore publications and edited by Sediqeh Dowlatabadi in 1919 in Isfahan, it was one of the harshest critics of the veil. Nameh-ye Banovan, created in 1921 and edited by Shahnaz Azad, was another critic of the veil; the purpose of the magazine, as stated below its title, was "awakening of the suffering Iranian Women". Peyk-e Saadat-e Nesvan, was published by the Peyk-e Saadat-e Nesvan Society.
It was one of the first leftist journals in Iran. Roshank No'doost was one of its founders. Alam Nesvan, was published by Association of Graduates of Tehran's American Girls' School; this magazine had a more informative than political tone, at least initially. Over time it became more outspoken, it was a Western-oriented paper. Alam Nesvan was one of the longer-lasting publications on women's issues, its relative long survival might have been due to its association with the above-mentioned school. Jahan Zanan, was published by Afaq Parsa. Despite its moderate tone, the editor faced severe vindictiveness and animosity from local conservatives. Nosvan Vatankhah, published by Jamiat Nesvan Vatankhah Iran was a major advocate of women's rights; the publisher was Mohtaram Eskandari. Dokhtran Iran (1931 initia
The Iranian Revolution was a series of events that involved the overthrow of the last monarch of Iran, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, the replacement of his government with an Islamic republic under the Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, a leader of one of the factions in the revolt. The movement against the United States-backed monarchy was supported by various leftist and Islamist organizations and student movements. Demonstrations against the Shah commenced in October 1977, developing into a campaign of civil resistance that included both secular and religious elements, which intensified in January 1978. Between August and December 1978, strikes and demonstrations paralyzed the country; the Shah left Iran for exile on 16 January 1979, as the last Persian monarch, leaving his duties to a regency council and Shapour Bakhtiar, an opposition-based prime minister. Ayatollah Khomeini was invited back to Iran by the government, returned to Tehran to a greeting by several million Iranians; the royal reign collapsed shortly after on 11 February when guerrillas and rebel troops overwhelmed troops loyal to the Shah in armed street fighting, bringing Khomeini to official power.
Iran voted by national referendum to become an Islamic republic on 1 April 1979 and to formulate and approve a new theocratic-republican constitution whereby Khomeini became Supreme Leader of the country in December 1979. The revolution was unusual for the surprise it created throughout the world: it lacked many of the customary causes of revolution, occurred in a nation, experiencing relative prosperity, produced profound change at great speed, was massively popular, resulted in the exile of many Iranians, replaced a pro-Western authoritarian monarchy with an anti-Western totalitarian theocracy based on the concept of Guardianship of the Islamic Jurists, it was a non-violent revolution, it helped to redefine the meaning and practice of modern revolutions. Reasons advanced for the revolution and its populist and Shi'a Islamic character include a conservative backlash against the Westernizing and secularizing efforts of the Western-backed Shah, a rise in expectations created by the 1973 oil revenue windfall and an overly ambitious economic program, anger over a short, sharp economic contraction in 1977–78, other shortcomings of the previous regime.
The Shah's regime was seen as an oppressive, brutal and extravagant regime by some of the society’s classes at that time. It suffered from some basic functional failures that brought economic bottlenecks and inflation; the Shah was perceived by many as beholden to – if not a puppet of – a non-Muslim Western power whose culture was affecting that of Iran. At the same time, support for the Shah may have waned among Western politicians and media – under the administration of U. S. President Jimmy Carter – as a result of the Shah's support for OPEC petroleum price increases earlier in the decade; when President Carter enacted a human-rights policy which said countries guilty of human-rights violations would be deprived of American arms or aid, this helped give some Iranians the courage to post open letters and petitions in the hope that the repression by the government might subside. The revolution that replaced the monarchy of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi with Islamism and Khomeini, rather than with another leader and ideology, is credited in part to the spread of the Shia version of the Islamic revival that opposed Westernization and saw Ayatollah Khomeini as following in the footsteps of the Shi'a Imam Husayn ibn Ali and the Shah in the role of Husayn's foe, the hated tyrant Yazid I.
Other factors include the underestimation of Khomeini's Islamist movement by both the Shah's reign – who considered them a minor threat compared to the Marxists and Islamic socialists – and by the secularist, opponents of the government – who thought the Khomeinists could be sidelined. The Shi'a clergy had a significant influence on Iranian society; the clergy first showed itself to be a powerful political force in opposition to the monarchy with the 1891 Tobacco protest. On 20 March 1890, Nasir al-Din Shah granted a concession to Major G. F. Talbot for a full monopoly over the production and export of tobacco for fifty years. At the time the Persian tobacco industry employed over 200,000 people, so the concession represented a major blow to Persian farmers and bazaaris whose livelihoods were dependent on the lucrative tobacco business; the boycotts and protests against it were widespread and extensive because of Mirza Hasan Shirazi's fatwa. Nasir al-Din Shah found himself powerless to stop the popular movement and cancelled the concession.
The Tobacco Protest was the first significant Iranian resistance against the Shah and foreign interests, revealed the power of the people and the Ulema influence among them. The growing discontent continued until the Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1911; the revolution led to approval of the first constitution. Although the constitutional revolution was successful in weakening the autocracy of the Qajar regime, it failed to provide a powerful alternative government. In the decades following the establishment of the new parliament, a number of critical events took place. Many of these events can be viewed as a continuation of the struggle between the constitutionalists and the Shahs of Persia, many of whom were backed by foreign powers against the parliament. Insecurity and chaos created
Masoumeh Ebtekar is current Vice President of Iran for Women and Family Affairs, being appointed on 9 August 2017. She headed Department of Environment from 1997 to 2005, making her the first female member in the cabinet of Iran since 1979 and the third in history, she held the same level of office from 2013 to 2017. Ebtekar first achieved fame as "Mary", the spokesperson of the students who took hostages and occupied the US Embassy in 1979, she became the head of the Environment Protection Organization of Iran during the administration of President Mohammad Khatami, was a city councilwoman of Tehran from 2007 to 2013. Ebtekar was born in Tehran as Niloufar Ebtekar in a middle-class family, her first name translates to "Innocent Water Lily" in English. Ebtekar's father studied at the University of Pennsylvania, she lived with her parents in Upper Darby, Pennsylvania, a western suburb of Philadelphia. During her six years in Philadelphia, she developed "near-perfect, American-accented English."
Returning to Iran she enrolled in Iranzamin. After graduation as a student, she became a supporter of the political Islam of Ali Shariati and began wearing a traditional black chador covering everything except her face. Ebtekar holds a BSc degree in laboratory science from Shahid Beheshti University, a MSc and PhD in immunology from Tarbiat Modares University in 1995, where she still teaches. Ebtekar is married to Seyyed Mohammad Hashemi, a businessman in the private sector, they have two children. Ebtekar has served as faculty member at Tarbiat Modares University, a post graduate academic center located in Tehran; as an Associate Professor in Immunology, she has taught and advised PhD and MSc students. Ebtekar teaches cytokines, viral immunology, HIV vaccines, immunology of the nervous system and psychoneuroimmunology, she has filed 66 ISI scientific articles in the field of immunology in Scopus in her name. In her speech to the Eleventh International Congress of Immunology in Tehran, she mentioned the detrimental effect of sanctions on the advancement of science in Iran and noted that sanctions should not be directed against nations.
Ebtekar is a member of several research board committees and a reviewer for two international and four national immunology journals. Ebtekar was promoted to full Professorship in Jan 2019 and elected as Immunology & Allergy Association in 2018. On 7 October 2008, eTBLAST, a text similarity search engine on MEDLINE database, noted that 85% of a paper published by Masoumeh Ebtekar came from several published articles; the paper, on cytokines and air pollution, was published in 2006 in the Iran Journal of Allergy Asthma Immunology 5 47-56:2006. A couple weeks after the eTBLAST report, Nature magazine covered the story, quoting one of the authors of original papers, as saying, "the article is a veritable patchwork of other people's work, word for word, grammatical error for grammatical error." Nature stated that Ebtekar had not replied to its emails. In response, the editor-in-chief of the IJAAI issued a statement saying: "We regret for this duplication that appeared in the journal. We are working with the editors of the JACI journal to find the best solution in this regard."
In December 2008 Ebtekar's article was retracted. The issue received some public attention in Iran. Ebtekar issued a statement admitting she had made a mistake and apologizing for it, but including a list of complaints such as eTBLAST's failure to inform her of their finding in advance, the fact that the article was a review article she was invited to write for the Journal, that more than 76 references were given in the text. G In 2013 Ebtekar was elected as the President of the 12th International Congress of Immunology; the Congress was held on April 29, 2014. Ebtekar spoke in the opening ceremony and introduced Rolf Zinkernagel, the Nobel Laureate for Medicine, as the guest of honour. In 1981, Ebtekar became the editor-in-chief of the English daily newspaper Kayhan International, selected by Khatami, the representative of Ayatollah Khomeini in Kayhan Institute, she served in the newspaper until 1983. In 1991 she co-founded the Institute for Research. Since 1992, she has been the license holder and managing director of the journal Farzaneh Journal for Women's Studies and Research.
Ebtekar was appointed as the Head of Women's NGO Coordinating Office and Vice Head of the National Committee to the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995. She was elected as the President of the Network of Women's NGOs in Iran. Ebtekar served as spokesperson for the students in the Iran hostage crisis of 1979, where Muslim Student Followers of the Imam's Line occupied the US Embassy and held 52 Americans hostage for 444 days. Selected because of her good command of English, she made regular appearances on American television as translator and spokesperson for the students, where she presented the official positions of the students, she was referred to as "Mary" by foreign press, "Tiger Lily" by the hostages, a play on the translation of "Niloufar". Ebtekar wrote an account of the embassy takeover with Fred A. Reed entitled Takeover in Tehran: The Inside Story of the 1979 U. S. Embassy Capture. Western media have systematically depicted Ebtekar's involvement in a negative manner, as Reed describes: "For twenty years the prevailing "globalized" version of the embassy capture has cast the students at best as well-intentioned but naive y
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is an Iranian politician and statesman who served as the sixth President of Iran from 2005 to 2013. He was the main political leader of the Alliance of Builders of Islamic Iran, a coalition of conservative political groups in the country. An engineer and teacher from a poor background, ideologically shaped by thinkers such as Navvab Safavi, Jalal Al-e-Ahmad and Ahmad Fardid, Ahmadinejad joined the Office for Strengthening Unity after the Iranian Revolution. Appointed a provincial governor, he was removed after the election of President Mohammad Khatami and returned to teaching. Tehran's council elected him mayor in 2003, he took a religious hard line. His 2005 presidential campaign, supported by the Alliance of Builders of Islamic Iran, garnered 62% of the runoff election votes, he became President on 3 August 2005. During his presidency, Ahmadinejad was a controversial figure within Iran, as well as internationally, he has been disregard for human rights. Internationally, he is criticized for his hostility towards countries including Israel, Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom, the United States and other Western and Arab states.
In 2007, Ahmadinejad introduced a gas rationing plan to reduce the country's fuel consumption, cut the interest rates that private and public banking facilities could charge. He supports Iran's nuclear program, his election to a second term in 2009 was disputed and caused widespread protests domestically and drew significant international criticism. During his second term, Ahmadinejad came under fire not only from reformers but traditionalists in parliament and the Revolutionary Guard, from Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, over accusations of corruption, Ahmadinejad's dismissal of Intelligence minister Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Eje'i, his support for his controversial close adviser Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei. On 14 March 2012, Ahmadinejad became the first president of the Islamic Republic of Iran to be summoned by the Islamic Consultative Assembly to answer questions regarding his presidency. Limited to two terms under the current Iranian constitution, Ahmadinejad supported Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei's campaign for president.
On 15 June 2013, Hassan Rouhani was elected as Ahmadinejad's successor and assumed office on 3 August 2013. On 12 April 2017, Ahmadinejad announced that he intended to run for a third term in the 2017 Iranian presidential election, against the objections of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, his nomination was rejected by the Guardian Council. During the 2017–18 Iranian protests Ahmedinejad criticized the current government of Iran. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was born on 28 October 1956 near Garmsar, in the village of Aradan, in Semnan province, his mother, was a Sayyida, an honorific title given to those believed to be direct bloodline descendants of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. His father, was a grocer and barber, was a religious Shia who taught the Quran; when Mahmoud was one year old, his family moved to Tehran. Mahmoud's father changed their family name from "Saborjhian" or "Sabaghian" to Ahmadinejad in 1960 to avoid discrimination when the family moved to the city. Sabor is Persian for a once common occupation within the Semnan carpet industry.
Ahmadinejad's uncle and his brother Davoud Ahmadinejad have confirmed that the previous surname was "Sabbaghian". Ahmadinejad is a composite name: Ahmadi Nejad. Ahmad was his father's name; the suffix Nejad in Persian means race, therefore the term Ahmadi Nejad means "the lineage of Ahmad". According to the interviews with the relatives of Ahmadi Nejad, his father who works in a small shop, sold his house in Tehran and bought a smaller one, giving the leftover to charity and poor people. In 1976, Ahmadinejad took Iran's national university entrance examination. According to his autobiography, he was ranked 132nd out of 400,000 participants that year, soon enrolled in the Iran University of Science and Technology, located at Tehran, as an undergraduate student of civil engineering, he would earn his doctorate in 1997 in transportation engineering and planning from Iran University of Science and Technology as well, when he was the mayor of Ardabil Province, located at the north-west of the country.
Some details of Ahmadinejad's life during the 1980s are not publicly known, but it is known that he held a number of administrative posts in the province of West Azerbaijan, Iran. Many reports say that after Saddam Hussein ordered the invasion of Iran, Ahmadinejad joined the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and served in their intelligence and security apparatus, but his advisor Mojtaba Samareh Hashemi has said: "He has never been a member or an official member of the Revolutionary Guards", having been a Basiji-like volunteer instead. Ahmadinejad was accepted to a Master of Science program at his alma mater in 1986, he joined the faculty there as a lecturer in 1989, in 1997 received his doctorate in civil engineering and traffic transportation planning. After the Islamic Revolution, Ahmadinejad became a member of the Office for Strengthening Unity, an organization developed to prevent students from sympathizing or allying with the emerging militant Mojahedin-e Khalq organisation. Ahmadinejad first assumed political office as unelected governor to both Maku and Khoy in West Azarbaijan Province during the 1980s.
He became an advisor to the governor general of Kurdistan Province for two years. During his doctoral studies at Tehran, he was appointed governor general of newly formed Ardabil Prov