Lancaster House Agreement
The Lancaster House Agreement, signed on 21 December 1979, declared a ceasefire, ending the Rhodesian Bush War. It required the imposition of direct British rule, nullifying Rhodesia’s 1965 Unilateral Declaration of Independence. British governance would be proscribed to the duration of a proposed election period. Crucially, the political wings of the black nationalist groups ZANU and ZAPU, waging the escalating, violent insurgency, would be permitted to stand candidates in the forthcoming elections; this was however conditional to compliance with the ceasefire and the verified absence of voter intimidation. The Agreement would lead to the dissolution of the unrecognised state of Zimbabwe Rhodesia, created months earlier by the Internal Settlement. While Zimbabwe-Rhodesia remained unrecognised, the Internal Settlement enfranchised the majority of blacks and resulted in the election of the country's first black Prime Minister. Lancaster House covered the Independence Constitution, pre-independence arrangements and the terms of ceasefire.
The Agreement is named after Lancaster House in London, where the parties interested to the settlement attended the conference on independence from 10 September to 15 December 1979. The parties represented during the conference were: the British Government, the Patriotic Front led by Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo, ZAPU and ZANU and the Zimbabwe Rhodesia Government, represented by Prime Minister, Bishop Abel Muzorewa and Minister Without Portfolio, Ian Smith. Following the Meeting of Commonwealth Heads of Government held in Lusaka from 1–7 August 1979, the British government invited Muzorewa and the leaders of the Patriotic Front to participate in a Constitutional Conference at Lancaster House; the purpose of the Conference was to discuss and reach agreement on the terms of an Independence Constitution, to agree on the holding of elections under British authority, to enable Zimbabwe Rhodesia to proceed to lawful and internationally recognised independence, with the parties settling their differences by political means.
Lord Carrington and Commonwealth Secretary of the United Kingdom, chaired the Conference. The conference took place from 10 September–15 December 1979 with 47 plenary sessions. In the course of its proceedings the conference reached agreement on the following issues: An outline of the Independence Constitution. In concluding this agreement and signing its report, the parties undertook: to accept the authority of the Governor. Under the Independence Constitution agreed, 20 per cent of the seats in the country's parliament were to be reserved for whites; this provision remained in the constitution until 1987. The agreement as signed on 21 December 1979. Lord Carrington and Sir Ian Gilmour signed the Agreement on behalf of the United Kingdom, Bishop Abel Muzorewa and Dr Silas Mundawarara signed for the Government of Zimbabwe Rhodesia, Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo for the Patriotic Front. Under the terms of the Agreement, Zimbabwe Rhodesia temporarily reverted to its former status as the Colony of Southern Rhodesia, thereby ending the rebellion caused by Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence.
Lord Christopher Soames was appointed Governor with full legislative powers. In terms of the ceasefire, ZAPU and ZANU guerillas were to gather at designated Assembly Points under British supervision, following which elections were to be held to elect a new government; these elections were held in February 1980 and were won by the Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front led by Robert Mugabe. Independence in terms of the Constitution agreed to at Lancaster House was granted to Zimbabwe on 18 April 1980 with Robert Mugabe as the first Prime Minister. In addition to the terms cited above, Robert Mugabe and his supporters were pressured into agreeing to wait ten years before instituting land reform; the three-month-long conference failed to reach an accord due to disagreements on land reform. Mugabe was pressured to sign, land was the key stumbling block. Both the British and American governments offered to compensate white citizens for any land sold so as to aid reconciliation, a fund was established to operate from 1980 to 1990.
Peter Carington, 6th Baron Carrington Sir Ian Gilmour Sir Michael Havers David Ormsby-Gore, 5th Baron Harlech Richard Luce Sir Michael Palliser Sir Antony Duff D. M. Day R. A. C. Byatt Robin Renwick, Baron Renwick of Clifton P. R. N. Fifoot Sir Nicholas Fenn, Head of News Department of the Foreign Office George Walden C. D. Powell P. J. Barlow R. D. Wilkinson A. M. Layden R. M. J. Lyne M. J. Richardson C. R. L. de Chassiron A. J. Phillips M. C. Wood Robert Mugabe – ZANU-PF leader and future President of Zimbabwe Joshua Nkomo – PF-ZAPU leader Josiah Mushore Chinamano – ZAPU leader, detained with Nkomo, future government minister Edgar Tekere – future Government minister, expelled from the party in 1988 after he denounced plans to establish a one-party state in Zimbabwe, he emerged as a vocal critic of the massacre
A political spectrum is a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes that represent independent political dimensions. Most long-standing spectra include a left wing, which referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament after the Revolution. On a left–right spectrum and socialism are regarded internationally as being on the left, Liberalism can mean different things in different contexts: sometimes on the left; those with an intermediate outlook are sometimes classified as centrists. That said and neoliberals are called centrists too. Politics that rejects the conventional left–right spectrum is known as syncretic politics, though the label tends to mischaracterize positions that have a logical location on a two-axis spectrum because they seem randomly brought together on a one-axis left-right spectrum. Political scientists have noted that a single left–right axis is insufficient for describing the existing variation in political beliefs and include other axes.
Though the descriptive words at polar opposites may vary in popular biaxial spectra the axes are split between socio-cultural issues and economic issues, each scaling from some form of individualism to some form of communitarianism. The terms right and left refer to political affiliations originating early in the French Revolutionary era of 1789–1799 and referred to the seating arrangements in the various legislative bodies of France; as seen from the Speaker's seat at the front of the Assembly, the aristocracy sat on the right and the commoners sat on the left, hence the terms right-wing politics and left-wing politics. The defining point on the ideological spectrum was the Ancien Régime. "The Right" thus implied support for aristocratic or royal interests and the church, while "The Left" implied support for republicanism and civil liberties. Because the political franchise at the start of the revolution was narrow, the original "Left" represented the interests of the bourgeoisie, the rising capitalist class.
Support for laissez-faire commerce and free markets were expressed by politicians sitting on the left because these represented policies favorable to capitalists rather than to the aristocracy, but outside parliamentary politics these views are characterized as being on the Right. The reason for this apparent contradiction lies in the fact that those "to the left" of the parliamentary left, outside official parliamentary structures represent much of the working class, poor peasantry and the unemployed, their political interests in the French Revolution lay with opposition to the aristocracy and so they found themselves allied with the early capitalists. However, this did not mean that their economic interests lay with the laissez-faire policies of those representing them politically; as capitalist economies developed, the aristocracy became less relevant and were replaced by capitalist representatives. The size of the working class increased as capitalism expanded and began to find expression through trade unionist, socialist and communist politics rather than being confined to the capitalist policies expressed by the original "left".
This evolution has pulled parliamentary politicians away from laissez-faire economic policies, although this has happened to different degrees in different countries those with a history of issues with more authoritarian-left countries, such as the Soviet Union or China under Mao Zedong. Thus the word "Left" in American political parlance may refer to "liberalism" and be identified with the Democratic Party, whereas in a country such as France these positions would be regarded as more right-wing, or centrist overall, "left" is more to refer to "socialist" or "social-democratic" positions rather than "liberal" ones. For a century, social scientists have considered the problem of how best to describe political variation. In 1950, Leonard W. Ferguson analyzed political values using ten scales measuring attitudes toward: birth control, capital punishment, communism, law, theism, treatment of criminals and war. Submitting the results to factor analysis, he was able to identify three factors, which he named religionism and nationalism.
He defined religionism as belief in God and negative attitudes toward birth control. This system was derived empirically, as rather than devising a political model on purely theoretical grounds and testing it, Ferguson's research was exploratory; as a result of this method, care must be taken in the interpretation of Ferguson's three factors, as factor analysis will output an abstract factor whether an objectively real factor exists or not. Although replication of the nationalism factor was inconsistent, the finding of religionism and humanitarianism had a number of replications by Ferguson and others. Shortly afterward, Hans Eysenck began researching political attitudes in Great Britain, he believed that there was something similar about the National Socialists on the one hand and the communists on the other, despite their opposite positions on the left–right axis. As Hans Eysenck described in his 1956 book Sense and
Ian Douglas Smith was a politician and fighter pilot who served as Prime Minister of Rhodesia from 1964 to 1979. As the country's first premier not born abroad, he led the predominantly white government that unilaterally declared independence from the United Kingdom in 1965, following prolonged dispute over the terms, he remained Prime Minister for all of the fourteen years of international isolation which followed, oversaw Rhodesia's security forces during most of the Bush War, which pitted the unrecognised administration against communist-backed black nationalist guerrilla groups. Smith, described as personifying white Rhodesia, remains a controversial figure—supporters venerate him as a man of integrity and vision "who understood the uncomfortable truths of Africa", while critics describe an unrepentant racist whose policies and actions caused the deaths of thousands and contributed to Zimbabwe's crises. Smith was born to British immigrants in Selukwe, a small town in the Southern Rhodesian Midlands, four years before the colony became self-governing in 1923.
During the Second World War, he served as a Royal Air Force fighter pilot. A crash in Egypt caused debilitating facial and bodily wounds that remained conspicuous for the rest of his life, he set up a farm in his home town in 1948 and, the same year, became Member of Parliament for Selukwe—at 29 years old, the country's youngest MP. A Liberal, he defected to the United Federal Party in 1953, served as Chief Whip from 1958 onwards, he left that party in 1961 in protest at the territory's new constitution, in the following year helped Winston Field to form the all-white conservative Rhodesian Front, which called for independence without an immediate shift to majority rule. Smith became Deputy Prime Minister following the Rhodesian Front's December 1962 election victory, stepped up to the premiership after Field resigned in April 1964. With the UK government refusing to grant independence while Rhodesia did not devise a set timetable for the introduction of majority rule, talks with the UK Prime Minister Harold Wilson broke down, leading Smith and his Cabinet to declare independence on 11 November 1965.
His government endured in the face of United Nations economic sanctions with the assistance of South Africa and, until 1974, Portugal. Talks with the UK in 1966, 1968 and 1971 came to nothing. Smith declared Rhodesia a republic in 1970 and led the RF to three more decisive election victories over the next seven years. After the Bush War began in earnest in 1972, he negotiated with the non-militant nationalist leader Bishop Abel Muzorewa and the rival guerrilla movements headed by Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe. In 1978, Smith and non-militant nationalists including Muzorewa signed the Internal Settlement, under which the country became Zimbabwe Rhodesia in 1979. Mugabe and Nkomo continued fighting. Smith was part of Muzorewa's delegation that settled with the UK and the revolutionary guerrillas at Lancaster House, following Zimbabwe's recognised independence in 1980, he was Leader of the Opposition during Mugabe's first seven years in power. Smith was a stridently vocal critic of the Mugabe government both before and after his retirement from frontline politics in 1987.
As Mugabe's reputation thereafter plummeted amid Zimbabwe's economic ruin, reckoning of Smith and his legacy improved. Zimbabwean opposition supporters lauded the elderly Smith as an immovable symbol of resistance, he remained in Zimbabwe until 2005, when he moved to South Africa, for medical reasons. After his death two years at the age of 88, his ashes were repatriated and scattered at his farm. Ian Douglas Smith was born on 8 April 1919 in Selukwe, a small mining and farming town about 310 km southwest of the Southern Rhodesian capital Salisbury, he had two elder sisters and Joan. His father, John Douglas "Jock" Smith came from Hamilton, Scotland. Jock and his English wife, had met in 1907, when she was sixteen, a year after her family's emigration to Selukwe from Frizington, Cumberland. After Mr Hodgson sent his wife and children back to England in 1908, Jock Smith astonished them in 1911 by arriving unannounced in Cumberland to ask for Agnes' hand, they married in Frizington and returned together to Rhodesia, where Jock, an accomplished horseman, won the 1911 Coronation Derby at Salisbury.
The Smiths involved themselves in local affairs. Jock chaired the village management board and commanded the Selukwe Company of the Southern Rhodesia Volunteers. Agnes, who became informally known as "Mrs Jock", ran the Selukwe Women's Institute. Both were appointed MBE for their services to the community. "My parents strove to instil principles and moral virtues, the sense of right and wrong, of integrity, in their children," Ian Smith wrote in his memoirs. "They set wonderful examples to live up to." He considered his father "a man of strong principles"—"one of the fairest men I have met and, the way he brought me up. He always told me that we're entitled to our half of the count
Lusaka is the capital and largest city of Zambia. One of the fastest developing cities in southern Africa, Lusaka is in the southern part of the central plateau at an elevation of about 1,279 metres; as of 2010, the city's population was about 1.7 million. Lusaka is the centre of both commerce and government in Zambia and connects to the country's four main highways heading north, south and west. English is the official language of the city, Nyanja and Bemba are common. Lusaka was the site of a village named after its Chief Lusaka, according to history, was located at Manda Hill, near where the Zambia's National Assembly building now stands. In the Nyanja language, Manda means graveyard; the area was expanded by European settlers in 1905 with the building of the railway. In 1935, due to its central location, its situation on the railway and at the crossroads of the Great North Road and Great East Road, it was chosen to replace Livingstone as the capital of the British colony of Northern Rhodesia.
After the federation of Northern and Southern Rhodesia in 1953, it was a centre of the independence movement amongst some of the educated elite that led to the creation of the Republic of Zambia. In 1964, Lusaka became the capital of the newly independent Zambia. In recent years, Lusaka has become a popular urban settlement for tourists alike, its central nature and fast growing infrastructure sector have increased donor confidence and as such Zambians are seeing signs of development in the form of job creation, etc. It is thought that with proper and effective economic reforms, Lusaka as well as Zambia as a whole will develop considerably. Lusaka is home to a diverse community of foreign nationals, many of whom work in the aid industry as well as diplomats, representatives of religious organisations and some business people; as the national capital, Lusaka is the seat of the legislative and judicial branches of government, epitomized by the presence of the National Assembly, the State House, the High Court.
The Parliament is situated at the Parliament complex. The city is the capital of Lusaka Province, the smallest and most populous of the country's nine provinces, forms an administrative district run by Lusaka City Council. In 2007, the mayor was Steven Chilatu, the deputy mayor was Mary Phiri. List of mayors: F. Payne 1954–55. H. K. Mitchell 1955–56 Ralph Rich 1956–57 H. F. Tunaley 1957–58 H. K. Mitchell 1958–60 Jack Fischer 1960–61 Richard Sampson 1962–63 S. H. Chilesh 1964–65 W. Banda 1965–69 Fleefort Chirwa 1969–71? Simon C. Mwewa up to 1982List of Governors Simon C. Mwewa 1982 to 1983 Donald C. Sadoki Michael Sata Rupiah Banda Bautius Kapulu Lt. Muyoba – up to 1991List of Mayors – Multi-party era John Chilambwe 1993–94 Fisho Mwale 1994–96 Gilbert R. Zimba Local Government Administrator – 1996–99 Patricia Nawa Patrick Kangwa John Kabungo Levy Mkandawire Stephen Mposha Christine Nakazwe Stephen Chilatu Robert Chikwelete Daniel Chisenga Mulenga Sata Wilson Chisala Kalumba – 2016 – May 2018 Miles Sampa – July 2018 – present Zambia's largest institution of learning, the University of Zambia, is based in Lusaka.
Other universities and colleges located in Lusaka include: University of Lusaka, Zambia Open University, Chainama Hills College, Evelyn Hone College, Zambia Centre for Accountancy Studies University, National Institute of Public Administration, Cavendish University, Lusaka Apex Medical University and DMI-St. Eugene University. Lusaka has some of the finest schools in Zambia, including the American International School of Lusaka, International School of Lusaka, Rhodes Park School, the Lusaka International Community School, the French International School, the Italian international School, the Lusaka Islamic Cultural and Educational Foundation, the Chinese International School, Baobab College. Rhodes Park School is not an international school, though there is a large presence of Angolans, Congolese, South Africans, Chinese; the children of the late President, Levy Mwanawasa as well as the children of Vice-President George Kunda, attend the Rhodes Park School. Other well known schools located in Lusaka include: Matero Boys' Secondary School, Roma Girls' Secondary School, Munali Boys' and Girls' Secondary Schools, Chudleigh House School, Kabulonga Boys' and Girls' Secondary Schools, Lake Road PTA School, David Kaunda Technical School, Ibex Hill School and St. Mary's Secondary School.
Most major world religions are represented in Lusaka with the outstanding majority belonging to Christianity, a large number belonging to Protestant churches. Attractions include Lusaka National Museum, the Political Museum, the Zintu Community Museum, the Freedom Statue, the Zambian National Assembly, the Agricultural Society Showgrounds, the Moore Pottery Factory, the Lusaka Playhouse theatre, two cinema, a cenotaph, a golf club, the Lusaka Central Sports Club, Kalimba Reptile Park, Monkey Pools and the zoo and botanical gardens of the Munda Wanga Environmental Park; the city is home to the University of Zambia. Along Great East Road are three of the largest shopping malls in Zambia: Arcades shopping mall, Eastpark shopping mall and Manda Hill shopping mall, revamped and is home to international stores such as Shoprite and Woolworths, a new movie theatre and many others; the city centre includes several blocks west of Cairo Road, around which lie the New City Market and Kamwala Market, a major shopping area, as well
Democratic socialism is a political philosophy that advocates political democracy alongside social ownership of the means of production, with an emphasis on self-management and democratic management of economic institutions within a market or some form of decentralized planned socialist economy. Democratic socialists espouse that capitalism is inherently incompatible with what they hold to be the democratic values of liberty and solidarity. Democratic socialism can be supportive of either revolutionary or reformist politics as a means to establish socialism; the term democratic socialism is sometimes used synonymously with socialism, but the adjective democratic is sometimes used to distinguish democratic socialists from Marxist–Leninist-inspired socialism which to some is viewed as being non-democratic in practice. Democratic socialists oppose the Stalinist political system and Soviet economic model, rejecting the perceived authoritarian form of governance and centralized command economy that took form in the Soviet Union and other socialist states in the early 20th century.
Democratic socialism is further distinguished from social democracy on the basis that democratic socialists are committed to systemic transformation of the economy from capitalism to socialism whereas social democracy is supportive of reforms to capitalism. In contrast to social democrats, democratic socialists believe that reforms aimed at addressing social inequalities and state interventions aimed at suppressing the economic contradictions of capitalism will only see them emerge elsewhere in a different guise; as socialists, democratic socialists believe that the systemic issues of capitalism can only be solved by replacing the capitalist system with a socialist system—i.e. By replacing private ownership with social ownership of the means of production; the origins of democratic socialism can be traced to 19th-century utopian socialist thinkers and the British Chartist movement which differed in detail, but all shared the essence of democratic decision making and public ownership in the means of production as positive characteristics of the society they advocated.
In the early 20th century, the gradualist reformism promoted by the British Fabian Society and Eduard Bernstein in Germany influenced the development of democratic socialism. Democratic socialism is defined as having a socialist economy in which the means of production are and collectively owned or controlled alongside a politically democratic system of government. Peter Hain classifies democratic socialism along with libertarian socialism as a form of anti-authoritarian socialism from below in contrast to Stalinism, a variant of state socialism. For Hain, this democratic/authoritarian divide is more important than the revolutionary/reformist divide. In this type of democratic socialism, it is the active participation of the population as a whole and workers in particular in the management of economy that characterizes democratic socialism while nationalization and economic planning are characteristic of state socialism. A similar, but more complex argument is made by Nicos Poulantzas. Draper himself uses the term "revolutionary-democratic socialism" as a type of socialism from below in his The Two Souls of Socialism and writes: "he leading spokesman in the Second International of a revolutionary-democratic Socialism-from-Below Rosa Luxemburg, who so emphatically put her faith and hope in the spontaneous struggle of a free working class that the myth-makers invented for her a'theory of spontaneity'".
He writes about Eugene Debs: "'Debsian socialism' evoked a tremendous response from the heart of the people, but Debs had no successor as a tribune of revolutionary-democratic socialism". Tendencies of democratic socialism follow a gradual, reformist or evolutionary path to socialism rather than a revolutionary one; this tendency is invoked in an attempt to distinguish democratic socialism from Marxist–Leninist socialism as in Donald Busky's Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey, Jim Tomlinson's Democratic Socialism and Economic Policy: The Attlee Years, 1945–1951, Norman Thomas Democratic Socialism: A New Appraisal or Roy Hattersley's Choose Freedom: The Future of Democratic Socialism. A variant of this set of definitions is Joseph Schumpeter's argument set out in Capitalism and Democracy that liberal democracies were evolving from "liberal capitalism" into "democratic socialism", with the growth of workers' self-management, industrial democracy and regulatory institutions. For example, the new version of Clause IV of the constitution of the British Labour Party, though affirming a commitment to democratic socialism, no longer commits the party to public ownership of industry as in its place advocates "the enterprise of the market and the rigour of competition" along with "high quality public services either owned by the public or accountable to them".
Scholar Lyman Tower Sargent proposes: Democratic socialism can be characterized as follows: Much property held by the public through a democratically elected government, including most major industries and transportation systems A limit on the accumulation of private property Governmental regulation of the economy Extensive publicly financed assistance and pension programs Social costs and the provision of services added to purely financial considerations as the measure of efficiencyPublicly held property is limited to productive property and significant infrastructure. And in practice in many democratic socialist countries, it has not extende
Rhodesian Bush War
The Rhodesian Bush War—also called the Second Chimurenga and the Zimbabwe War of Liberation—was a civil conflict from July 1964 to December 1979 in the unrecognised country of Rhodesia. The conflict pitted three forces against one another: the Rhodesian government, led by Ian Smith; the war and its subsequent Internal Settlement, signed in 1978 by Smith and Muzorewa, led to the implementation of universal suffrage in June 1979 and the end of white minority rule in Rhodesia, renamed Zimbabwe Rhodesia under a black majority government. However, this new order failed to win international recognition and the war continued. Neither side achieved a military victory and a compromise was reached. Negotiations between the government of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia, the UK Government and Mugabe and Nkomo's united "Patriotic Front" took place at Lancaster House, London in December 1979, the Lancaster House Agreement was signed; the country returned temporarily to British control and new elections were held under British and Commonwealth supervision in March 1980.
ZANU won the election and Mugabe became the first Prime Minister of Zimbabwe on 18 April 1980, when the country achieved internationally recognised independence. The origin of the war in Rhodesia can be traced to the conquest of the region by the British South Africa Company in the late-19th century, the dissent of native leaders who opposed foreign rule. Britons began settling in Southern Rhodesia from the 1890s, while it was never accorded full dominion status, these settlers governed the country after 1923. In his famous "Wind of Change" speech, UK Prime Minister Harold Macmillan revealed Britain's new policy to only permit independence to its African colonies under majority rule, but many white Rhodesians were concerned that such immediate change would cause chaos as had resulted in the former Belgian Congo after its independence in 1960. Britain's unwillingness to compromise led to Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence on 11 November 1965. Although Rhodesia had the private support of neighbouring South Africa and Portugal, which still owned Mozambique, it never gained formal diplomatic recognition from any country.
Although the vote in Rhodesia was constitutionally open to all, regardless of race, property requirements left many blacks unable to participate. The new 1969 constitution reserved eight seats in the 66 seat parliament for "Non-Europeans" only, with a further eight reserved for tribal chiefs. Amidst this backdrop, African nationalists advocated armed struggle to bring about black rule denouncing the wealth disparity between the races. Two rival nationalist organisations emerged in August 1963: the Zimbabwe African People's Union and the Zimbabwe African National Union, after disagreements about tactics, as well as tribalism and personality clashes. ZANU and its military wing ZANLA were headed by Robert Mugabe and consisted of Shona tribes. ZAPU and its military wing ZIPRA consisted of Ndebele under Joshua Nkomo. Cold War politics played into the conflict; the Soviet Union supported ZIPRA and China supported ZANLA. Each group fought a separate war against the Rhodesian security forces, the two groups sometimes fought against each other as well.
In June 1979, the governments of Cuba and Mozambique offered direct military help to the Patriotic Front, but Mugabe and Nkomo declined. Other foreign contributions included from North Korea military officials who taught Zimbabwean militants to use explosives and arms in a camp near Pyongyang. By April 1979, 12,000 ZANLA guerrillas were training in Tanzania and Libya while 9,500 of its 13,500 extant cadres operated in Rhodesia. On the other side of the conflict, South Africa clandestinely gave material and military support to the Rhodesian government; the Bush War occurred within the context of regional Cold War in Africa, became embroiled in conflicts in several neighbouring countries. Such conflicts included the Angolan War of Independence and Angolan Civil War, the Mozambican War of Independence and Mozambican Civil War, the South African Border War, the Shaba I and Shaba II conflicts; the conflict was seen by the nationalist groups and the UK Government of the time as a war of national and racial liberation.
The Rhodesian government saw the conflict as a fight between one part of the country's population on behalf of the whole population against several externally financed parties made up of predominantly Black radicals and communists. The Nationalists considered their country occupied and dominated by a foreign power, namely Britain, since 1890; the British government, in the person of the Governor, had indirectly ruled the country from 1923, when it took over from the British South Africa Company and granted self-governing status to a locally elected government, made up predominantly of whites. Ian Smith's Rhodesian Front party was elected to power in 1962 and unilaterally declared independence on 11 November 1965 to preserve what it saw as the self-government it had possessed since 1923; the Rhodesian government contended that it was defending Western values, the rule of law and democracy by fighting Communists. The Smith administration claimed that the legitimate voice of the black Shona and Ndebele population were the traditional chiefs, n
Dar es Salaam
Dar es Salaam is the former capital as well as the most populous city in Tanzania and a regionally important economic centre. Located on the Swahili coast, the city is one of the fastest growing cities in the world; until 1974, Dar es Salaam served as Tanzania’s capital city, at which point the capital city commenced transferring to Dodoma, completed in 1996. However, as of 2018, it continues to remain a focus of central government bureaucracy, although this is in the process of moving to Dodoma. In addition, it is Tanzania's most prominent city in arts, media, music and television and a leading financial centre; the city is the leading arrival and departure point for most tourists who visit Tanzania, including the national parks for safaris and the islands of Unguja and Pemba. Dar es Salaam is the largest and most populous Swahili-speaking city in the world, it is the capital of the co-extensive Dar es Salaam Region, one of Tanzania's 31 administrative regions and consists of five districts: Kinondoni in the north, Ilala in the centre, Temeke in the south and Kigamboni in the east across the Kurasini creek.
The region had a population of 4,364,541 as of the official 2012 census. In the 19th century, Mzizima was a coastal fishing village on the periphery of Indian Ocean trade routes. In 1865 or 1866, Sultan Majid bin Said of Zanzibar began building a new city close to Mzizima and named it Dar es Salaam; the name is translated as "abode/home of peace", based on the Arabic dar, the Arabic es salaam. Dar es Salaam fell into decline after Majid's death in 1870, but was revived in 1887 when the German East Africa Company established a station there; the town's growth was facilitated by its role as the administrative and commercial centre of German East Africa and industrial expansion resulting from the construction of the Central Railway Line in the early 1900s. German East Africa was captured by the British during World War I and became Tanganyika, with Dar es Salaam remaining the administrative and commercial centre. Under British indirect rule, separate European and African areas developed at a distance from the city centre.
The city's population included a large number of workers from British India, many of whom came to take advantage of the trade and commercial opportunities presented to them. After World War II, Dar es Salaam experienced a period of rapid growth. Political developments, including the formation and growth of the Tanganyika African National Union, led to Tanganyika attaining independence from colonial rule in December 1961. Dar es Salaam continued to serve as its capital when in 1964 Tanganyika and Zanzibar merged to form Tanzania. In 1973, provisions were made to relocate the capital to Dodoma, a more centrally located city in the interior; the relocation process has not yet been completed, Dar es Salaam remains Tanzania's primary city. In 1967, the Tanzanian government declared the Ujamaa policy, that set Tanzania into a socialist path; the move slowed down the potential growth of the city as the government encouraged people not to move in cities but stay in Ujamaa socialist villages. But by the 1980s the Ujamaa policy proved to be a failure in combating increasing poverty and hunger that Tanzania faced, delayed the development that it needed.
This led to the 1980s liberalization policy that ended socialism and its proponents within Tanzania's government. Until the late 1990s, Dar es Salaam was not put into the same category as Africa's leading cities like Nairobi, Lagos, or Addis Ababa, but the 2000s decade became the turning point as the city experienced one of Africa's fastest urbanization rates as businesses were opened and prospered, growth in the construction sector with multi-storey building and roads, Tanzanian banks headquartered in the city started to run more proper, the Dar es Salaam Stock Exchange expanded, the Dar es Salaam harbour proved to be the most important in Tanzania and prominent for entrepot trade with landlocked countries like eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Zambia. The CBD skyline hosts tall buildings, among them the 35-floor PSPF Tower, finished in 2015, the Tanzania Ports Authority Tower under construction. Dar es Salaam is located at 6°48' South, 39°17' East, on a natural harbour on the eastern coast of East Africa, with sandy beaches in some areas.
The region of Dar es Salaam is divided into five districts. Dar es Salaam Region is divided into five administrative districts. All five are governed as municipal councils, so all of the city's suburbs or wards are affiliated with them; the regional commissioner is Paul Makonda. Kinondoni is the most populated amongst the districts, with half of the city's population residing within it, it is home to high-income suburbs. These include: Masaki and Ada Estate are the high-income suburbs located along the central beach. During the Colonial Era, they were the major European suburbs of the city. Now diplomats and expatriates reside in these areas. Oysterbay Beach known as Coco Beach, is the only white sandy beach east of Kinondoni. Mikocheni and Regent Estate are suburbs within the district. According to the 2012 census, the Mikocheni ward had a population of 32,947. Msasani is a peninsula to the northeast of the city center, it is home to expatriates from other western countries. Msasani contains a mixture of western-oriented resorts and stores.
Mbezi Beach is the beachfront suburb located along the northern Dar es Salaam Beach. It co