Marie François Sadi Carnot
Marie François Sadi Carnot was a French statesman, who served as the President of France from 1887 until his assassination in 1894. Marie François was born in Limoges, Haute-Vienne, his third given name Sadi was in honour of his uncle Nicolas Léonard Sadi Carnot, a pioneer in the study of thermodynamics, named after the famed Persian poet Sadi of Shiraz. Like his uncle, Marie François too came to be known as Sadi Carnot, he was educated as a civil engineer, was a distinguished student at both the École Polytechnique and the École des Ponts et Chaussées. After his academic course, he obtained an appointment in the public service, his hereditary republicanism caused the government of national defence to entrust him in 1870 with the task of organizing resistance in the départements of the Eure and Seine-Inférieure, he was made prefect of Seine-Inférieure in January 1871. In the following month he was elected to the French National Assembly by the département Côte-d'Or, he joined the Opportunist Republican parliamentary group, Gauche républicaine.
In August 1878 he was appointed secretary to the minister of public works. He became minister in September 1880 and again in April 1885, moving immediately to the ministry of finance, which post he held under both the Ferry and the Freycinet administrations until December 1886; when the Daniel Wilson scandals occasioned the downfall of Jules Grévy in December 1887, Carnot's reputation for integrity made him a candidate for the presidency, he obtained the support of Georges Clemenceau and many others, so that he was elected by 616 votes out of 827. He assumed office at a critical period, when the republic was all but attacked by General Boulanger. President Carnot's ostensible part during this agitation was confined to augmenting his popularity by well-timed appearances on public occasions, which gained credit for the presidency and the republic. When, early in 1889, Boulanger was driven into exile, it fell to Carnot to appear as head of the state on two occasions of special interest, the celebration of the centenary of the French Revolution in 1889 and the opening of the Paris Exhibition of the same year.
The success of both was regarded as a popular ratification of the republic, though continually harassed by the formation and dissolution of ephemeral ministries, by socialist outbreaks, the beginnings of anti-Semitism, Carnot had only one serious crisis to surmount, the Panama scandals of 1892, which, if they damaged the prestige of the state, increased the respect felt for its head, against whose integrity none could breathe a word. He was in favour of the Franco-Russian Alliance, received the Order of St Andrew from Alexander III. Carnot was reaching the zenith of his popularity, when, on 24 June 1894, after delivering a speech at a public banquet in Lyon in which he appeared to imply that he would not seek re-election, he was stabbed by an Italian anarchist named Sante Geronimo Caserio. Carnot died shortly after midnight on 25 June; the stabbing aroused widespread horror and grief, the president was honoured with an elaborate funeral ceremony in the Panthéon on 1 July 1894. Caserio called the assassination a political act, was executed on 16 August 1894.
Politics of France André César Vermare Sculptor of statue in Saint-Chamond Attribution This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed.. "Carnot, Marie François Sadi". Encyclopædia Britannica. 5. Cambridge University Press. Sadi Carnot at Structurae Marie François Sadi Carnot at Find a Grave Carnot biography
Second French Empire
The Second French Empire the French Empire, was the regime of Napoleon III from 1852 to 1870, between the Second Republic and the Third Republic, in France. Many historians disparaged the Second Empire as a precursor of fascism. By the late 20th century some were celebrating it as leading example of a modernizing regime. Historians have given the Empire negative evaluations on its foreign-policy, somewhat more positive evaluations of domestic policies after Napoleon liberalized his rule after 1858, he promoted French business, exports. The greatest achievements came in material improvements, in the form of a grand railway network that facilitated commerce and tied the nation together and centered it on Paris, it had the effect of stimulating economic growth, bringing prosperity to most regions of the country. The Second Empire is given high credit for the rebuilding of Paris with broad boulevards, striking public buildings, attractive residential districts for upscale Parisians. In international policy, Napoleon III tried to emulate his uncle, engaging in numerous imperial ventures around the world as well as several wars in Europe.
Using harsh methods, he built up the French Empire in North Africa and in Southeast Asia. Napoleon III sought to modernize the Mexican economy and bring it into the French orbit, but this ended in a fiasco, he badly mishandled the threat from Prussia, by the end of his reign, Napoleon III found himself without allies in the face of overwhelming German force. On 2 December 1851, Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, elected President of the Republic, staged a coup d'état by dissolving the National Assembly without having the constitutional right to do so, he thus became sole ruler of France, re-established universal suffrage abolished by the Assembly. His decisions were popularly endorsed by a referendum that month that attracted an implausible 92 percent support. At that same referendum, a new constitution was approved. Formally enacted in January 1852, the new document made Louis-Napoléon president for 10 years, with no restrictions on reelection, it concentrated all governing power in his hands. However, Louis-Napoléon was not content with being an authoritarian president.
As soon as he signed the new document into law, he set about restoring the empire. In response to inspired requests for the return of the empire, the Senate scheduled a second referendum in November, which passed with 97 percent support; as with the December 1851 referendum, most of the "yes" votes were manufactured out of thin air. The empire was formally re-established on 2 December 1852, the Prince-President became "Napoléon III, Emperor of the French"; the constitution had concentrated so much power in his hands that the only substantive changes were to replace the word "president" with the word "emperor" and to make the post hereditary. The popular referendum became a distinct sign of Bonapartism, which Charles de Gaulle would use. With dictatorial powers, Napoleon III made building a good railway system a high priority, he consolidated three dozen incomplete lines into six major companies using Paris as a hub. Paris grew in terms of population, finance, commercial activity, tourism. Working with Georges-Eugène Haussmann, Napoleon III spent lavishly to rebuild the city into a world-class showpiece.
The financial soundness for all six companies was solidified by government guarantees. Although France had started late, by 1870 it had an excellent railway system, supported as well by good roads and ports. Napoleon, in order to restore the prestige of the Empire before the newly awakened hostility of public opinion, tried to gain the support from the Left that he had lost from the Right. After the return from Italy, the general amnesty of August 16, 1859 had marked the evolution of the absolutist or authoritarian empire towards the liberal, parliamentary empire, to last for ten years; the idea of Italian unification – based on the exclusion of the temporal power of the popes – outraged French Catholics, the leading supporters of the Empire. A keen Catholic opposition sprang up, voiced in Louis Veuillot's paper the Univers, was not silenced by the Syrian expedition in favour of the Catholic Maronite side of the Druze–Maronite conflict. Ultramontane Catholicism, emphasizing the necessity for close links to the Pope at the Vatican played a pivotal role in the democratization of culture.
The pamphlet campaign led by Mgr Gaston de Ségur at the height of the Italian question in February 1860 made the most of the freedom of expression enjoyed by the Catholic Church in France. The goal was to mobilize Catholic opinion, encourage the government to be more favorable to the Pope. A major result of the ultramontane campaign was to trigger reforms to the cultural sphere, the granting of freedoms to their political enemies: the Republicans and freethinkers; the Second Empire favored Catholicism, the official state religion. However, it tolerated Protestants and Jews, there were no persecutions or pogroms; the state dealt with the small Protestant community of Calvinist and Lutheran churches, whose members included many prominent businessmen who supported the regime. The emperor's Decree Law of 26 March 1852 led to greater government interference in Protestant church affairs, thus reducing self-regulation. Catholic bureaucrats both were biased against it; the administration of their policies affected not only church-state relations but the internal lives of Protestant communities.
Napoleon III manipulated a range of politicized poli
President of the French Republic
The President of the French Republic is the executive head of state of France in the French Fifth Republic. In French terms, the presidency is the supreme magistracy of the country; the powers and duties of prior presidential offices, as well as their relation with the Prime Minister and Government of France, have over time differed with the various constitutional documents since 1848. The President of the French Republic is the ex officio Co-Prince of Andorra, Grand Master of the Legion of Honour and the National Order of Merit; the officeholder is honorary proto-canon of the Basilica of St. John Lateran in Rome, although some have rejected the title in the past; the current President of the French Republic is Emmanuel Macron, who succeeded François Hollande on 14 May 2017. The presidency of France was first publicly proposed during the July Revolution of 1830, when it was offered to the Marquis de Lafayette, he demurred in favor of Prince Louis Phillipe. Eighteen years during the opening phases of the Second Republic, the title was created for a popularly elected head of state, the first of whom was Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, nephew of Emperor Napoleon.
Bonaparte served in that role until he staged an auto coup against the republic, proclaiming himself Napoleon III, Emperor of the French. Under the Third Republic and Fourth Republic, which were parliamentary systems, the office of President of the Republic was a ceremonial and powerless one; the Constitution of the Fifth Republic increased the President's powers. A 1962 referendum changed the constitution, so that the President would be directly elected by universal suffrage and not by the Parliament. In 2000, a referendum shortened the presidential term from seven years to five years. A maximum of two consecutive terms was imposed after the 2008 constitutional reform. Since the referendum on the direct election of the President of the French Republic in 1962, the officeholder has been directly elected by universal suffrage. After the referendum on the reduction of the mandate of the President of the French Republic, 2000, the length of the term was reduced to five years from the previous seven.
President Jacques Chirac was first elected in 1995 and again in 2002. At that time, there was no limit on the number of terms, so Chirac could have run again, but chose not to, he was succeeded by Nicolas Sarkozy on 16 May 2007. Following a further change, the constitutional law on the modernisation of the institutions of the Fifth Republic, 2008, a President cannot serve more than two consecutive terms. François Mitterrand and Jacques Chirac are the only Presidents to date who have served a full two terms. In order to be admitted as an official candidate, potential candidates must receive signed nominations from more than 500 elected officials mayors; these officials must be from at least 30 départements or overseas collectivities, no more than 10% of them should be from the same département or collectivity. Furthermore, each official may nominate only one candidate. There are 45,543 elected officials, including 33,872 mayors. Spending and financing of campaigns and political parties are regulated.
There is a cap on spending, at 20 million euros, government public financing of 50% of spending if the candidate scores more than 5%. If the candidate receives less than 5% of the vote, the government funds €8,000,000 to the party. Advertising on TV is forbidden, but official time is given to candidates on public TV. An independent agency regulates party financing. French presidential elections are conducted via run-off voting, which ensures that the elected president always obtains a majority: if no candidate receives a majority of votes in the first round of voting, the two highest-scoring candidates arrive at a run-off. After the president is elected, he or she goes through a solemn investiture ceremony called a "passation des pouvoirs"; the French Fifth Republic is a semi-presidential system. Unlike many other European presidents, the French President is quite powerful. Although it is the Prime Minister of France, the Government as well as the Parliament that oversee much of the nation's actual day-to-day affairs in domestic issues, the French President wields significant influence and authority in the fields of national security and foreign policy.
The President's greatest power is his/her ability to choose the Prime Minister. However, since the French National Assembly has the sole power to dismiss the Prime Minister's government, the President is forced to name a Prime Minister who can command the support of a majority in the assembly, he or she has the duty of abritrating the well-functioning of governmental authorities for efficient service, as the Head of State of France. When the majority of the Assembly has opposite political views to that of the President, this leads to political cohabitation. In that case, the President's power is diminished, since much of the de facto power relies on a supportive Prime Minister and National Assembly, is not directly attributed to the post of President; when the majority of the Assembly sides with them, the President can take a more active role and may, in effect, direct government policy. The Prime Minister is the personal choice of the President, can be replaced if the administration becomes unpopular.
This device has bee
Charles de Freycinet
Charles Louis de Saulces de Freycinet was a French statesman and four times Prime Minister during the Third Republic. He served an important term as Minister of War, he belonged to the Opportunist Republicans faction. He was elected a member of the Academy of Sciences, in 1890, the fourteenth member to occupy a seat in the Académie française. Freycinet was born at Foix of a Protestant family and was the nephew of Louis de Freycinet, a French navigator. Charles Freycinet was educated at the École Polytechnique, he entered government service as a mining engineer. In 1858 he was appointed traffic manager to the Compagnie de chemins de fer du Midi, a post in which he showed a remarkable talent for organization, in 1862 returned to the engineering service, attaining in 1886 the rank of inspector-general, he was sent on several special scientific missions, including one to the United Kingdom, on which he wrote a notable Mémoire sur le travail des femmes et des enfants dans les manufactures de l'Angleterre.
In July 1870 the Franco-Prussian War started which led to the fall of the Second French Empire of Napoleon III. On the establishment of the Third Republic in September 1870, he offered his services to Léon Gambetta, was appointed prefect of the department of Tarn-et-Garonne, in October became chief of the military cabinet, it was Freycinet's powers of organization which enabled Gambetta to raise army after army to oppose the invading Germans. He revealed himself to be a competent strategist, but the policy of dictating operations to the generals in the field was not attended with happy results; the friction between him and General d'Aurelle de Paladines resulted in the loss of the advantage temporarily gained at Coulmiers and Orléans, he was responsible for the campaign in the east, which ended in the destruction of the Armée de l'Est of Charles Denis Bourbaki. In 1871 he published a defence of his administration under the title of La Guerre en province pendant le siège de Paris, he entered the Senate in 1876 as a follower of Gambetta, in December 1877 became Minister of Public Works in the cabinet of Jules Armand Stanislaus Dufaure.
He passed a great scheme for the gradual acquisition of the railways by the state and the construction of new lines at a cost of three milliards, for the development of the canal system at a further cost of one milliard. He retained his post in the ministry of William Henry Waddington, whom he succeeded in December 1879 as Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, he passed an amnesty for the Communards, but in attempting to steer a middle course on the question of the religious associations, he lost Gambetta's support, resigned in September 1880. In January 1882 he again became Foreign Minister, his refusal to join Britain in the bombardment of Alexandria was the death-knell of French influence in Egypt. He attempted to compromise by occupying the Isthmus of Suez, but the vote of credit was rejected in the Chamber by 417 votes to 75, the ministry resigned, he returned to office in April 1885 as Foreign Minister in Henri Brisson's cabinet, retained that post when, in January 1886, he succeeded to the premiership.
He came to power with an ambitious programme of internal reform. In spite of his unrivalled skill as a parliamentary tactician, he failed to keep his party together, was defeated on 3 December 1886. In the following year, after two unsuccessful attempts to construct new ministries, he stood for the Presidency of the Republic. In April 1888 he became Minister of War in Charles Floquet's cabinet — the first civilian since 1848 to hold that office, his services to France in this capacity were the crowning achievement of his life, he enjoyed the conspicuous honour of holding his office without a break for five years through as many successive administrations — those of Floquet and Pierre Tirard, his own fourth ministry, the Émile Loubet and Alexandre Ribot ministries. The introduction of the three-years' service and the establishment of a general staff, a supreme council of war, the army commands were all due to him, his premiership was marked by heated debates on the clerical question, it was a hostile vote on his bill against the religious associations that caused the fall of his cabinet.
He failed to clear himself of complicity in the Panama scandals, in January 1893 resigned the Ministry of War. In November 1898 he once again became Minister of War in the Charles Dupuy cabinet, but resigned office on 6 May 1899. Charles de Freycinet – President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs Jean Joseph Frédéric Farre – Minister of War Charles Lepère – Minister of the Interior and Worship Pierre Magnin – Minister of Finance Jules Cazot – Minister of Justice Jean Bernard Jauréguiberry – Minister of Marine and Colonies Jules Ferry – Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts Henri Varroy – Minister of Public Works Adolphe Cochery – Minister of Posts and Telegraphs Pierre Tirard – Minister of Agriculture and CommerceChanges17 May 1880 – Ernest Constans succeeds Lepère as Minister of the Interior and Worship. Charles de Freycinet – President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs Jean-Baptiste Billot – Minister of War René Goblet – Minister of the Interior Léon Say – Minister of Finance Gustave Humbert – Minister of Justice and Worship Jean Bernard Jauréguiberry – Minister of Marine and Colonies Jule
The Falloux Laws were voted in during the French Second Republic and promulgated on 15 March 1850 and in 1851, following the presidential election of Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte in December 1848 and the May 1849 legislative elections that gave a majority to the conservative Parti de l'Ordre. Named for the Minister of Education Alfred de Falloux, they aimed at promoting Catholic teaching; the Falloux Law of 15 March 1850 extended the requirements of the Guizot Law of 1833, which had mandated a boys' school in each commune of more than 500 inhabitants, to require a girls' school in those communes. The 1851 law created a mixed system, in which some primary education establishments were public and controlled by the state and others were under the supervision of Catholic congregations; the new law opened an era of cooperation between Church and state that lasted until the Ferry laws ended this in the early 1880s. The Falloux laws provided universal primary schooling in France and expanded opportunities for secondary schooling.
In practice, the curricula in Catholic and state schools were similar. Catholic schools were useful in schooling for girls, which had long been neglected; the main objectives of the Falloux Laws was to replace the revolutionary and imperial system, which had placed the whole of the education system under the supervision of the University and of state-trained teachers, who were accused of spreading Republicans and anti-clerical ideas, by a system giving responsibility for education back to the clergy. This aim was achieved: the Falloux Law created a mixed system, public on one hand, private and Catholic on the other; this law allowed the clergy and members of ecclesiastical orders and female, to teach without any further qualifications. This exemption was extended to priests who taught in secondary schools, where a university degree was demanded from lay teachers; the primary schools were put under the management of the curés. The Falloux Law created one academy for each department, decentralising the University and thus strengthening the notables' local influence.
It reorganised the Superior Council of Education and academic councils by giving a large number of places to representatives of various religions, above all of Roman Catholicism. Eight University members had seats at the Superior Council of Public Instruction, alongside seven religious representatives, three state counsellors, three members of the Institute, three members representing "free" teaching establishments. Bishops were included in the academic councils. Primary and secondary education were divided between state establishments, private establishments, headed by non-profit organisations or religious congregations. Supervision of schools was the joint responsibility of the priest; the Falloux Law was promulgated in a context in which French Catholics were worried about the increasing role of the state in education since the Revolution of 1789 and the reorganisation of the imperial University. They thought that the imperial education system, inherited from the First Empire's reforms, excessively diffused Enlightenment and socialist ideas.
Thus, they wanted the education system to return to its basis during the Ancien Régime. The Bourbon Restoration had in part satisfied these wants, by tolerating teaching by religious congregations, although it still theoretically remained prohibited, had granted more weight to bishops in the education system, enabling schooling programs to give more attention to Catholicism. However, the July Monarchy was much less friendly to this reactionary trend. Although the Guizot Law of 1833 satisfied Catholics by authorising private teaching in primary education, it kept secondary and higher education under the University's supervision. Guizot generalised the écoles normales primaires, which were responsible for the training of teachers. First created by the National Convention in 1794, these schools, related to the écoles normales supérieures, were organised on the basis of the 1808 decree organising the University of France, were accused by conservatives of promoting Republicanism and anti-clericalism.
After the 1848 Revolution, Lazare Hippolyte Carnot was named Minister of Public Instruction and prepared a draft reform. He named the Republican Jules Barthélemy-Saint-Hilaire president of the parliamentary commission which would write the draft; the latter would have made education mandatory for children of both sexes, as well as a three years of training for teachers, subsided by the state. Although it favoured public schools, it still allowed private teaching establishments. Carnot's draft was however set aside after his resignation on 5 July 1848. Thus, parliamentary debates were resumed; the newly elected President Louis Napoléon Bonaparte replaced Carnot with Alfred de Falloux as Minister of Public Instruction in December 1848, the latter remaining in Odilon Barrot's government until May 1849. The decree of 11 December 1848 made the upcoming law on education an organic law, which should thus be reserved to the Constituent Assembly's initiative. A Legitimist, Falloux withdrew Carnot's draft bill on 4 January 1849 and dissolved the Scientific and Literary Study Commission named by Carnot.
Falloux aimed at restoring Roman Catholicism to the forefront of French schooling and society, describing his program in his Memoirs: "God in education. The Pope at the head of the Church; the Church at the head of civilisation." Having dissolved Carnot's commission, Falloux created two new ministerial commissions, dedicated to preparing the draft laws for primary and secondary education, which merged. Both were composed by a majo
The Senate is the upper house of the French Parliament. Indirectly elected by elected officials, it represents territorial collectivities of the Republic and French citizens living abroad; the Senate enjoys less prominence than the directly elected National Assembly. The Senate is housed inside the Luxembourg Palace in the 6th arrondissement of Paris, it is guarded by Republican Guards. In front of the building lies the Senate's gardens, the Jardin du Luxembourg, open to the public. France's first experience with an upper house was under the Directory from 1795 to 1799, when the Council of Ancients was the upper chamber. There were Senates in both the First and Second Empires, but these were only nominally legislative bodies – technically they were not legislative, but rather advisory bodies on the model of the Roman Senate. With the Restoration in 1814, a new Chamber of Peers was created, on the model of the British House of Lords. At first it contained hereditary peers, but following the July Revolution of 1830, it became a body to which one was appointed for life.
The Second Republic returned to a unicameral system after 1848, but soon after the establishment of the Second French Empire in 1852, a Senate was established as the upper chamber. In the Fourth Republic, the Senate was replaced by the Council of the Republic, but its function was the same. With the new Constitution of the Fifth Republic enforced on 4 October 1958, the older name of Senate was restored. In 2011, the Socialist Party won control of the Senate for the first time since the foundation of the Fifth Republic. In 2014, the centre-right Gaullists and its allies won back the control of the Senate. Under the Constitution of France, the Senate has nearly the same powers as the National Assembly. Bills may be submitted by either house of Parliament; because both houses may amend the bill, it may take several readings to reach an agreement between the National Assembly and the Senate. When the Senate and the National Assembly cannot agree on a bill, the administration can decide, after a procedure called commission mixte paritaire, to give the final decision to the National Assembly, whose majority is on the government's side, but as regarding the constitutionnal laws the administration must have the Senate's agreement.
This does not happen frequently. This power however gives the National Assembly a prominent role in the law-making process since the administration is of the same side as the Assembly, for the Assembly can dismiss the administration through a motion of censure; the power to pass a vote of censure, or vote of no confidence, is limited. As was the case in the Fourth Republic's constitution, new cabinets do not have to receive a vote of confidence. A vote of censure can occur only after 10 percent of the members sign a petition. If the petition gets the required support, a vote of censure must gain an absolute majority of all members, not just those voting. If the Assembly and the Senate have politically distinct majorities, the Assembly will in most cases prevail, open conflict between the two houses is uncommon; the Senate is the representative of the territories and defends the regions and mayors, see the article 24 of the Constitution. The Senate serves to monitor the administration's actions by publishing many reports each year on various topics.
Until September 2004, the Senate had 321 members, each elected to a nine-year term. That month, the term was reduced to six years, while the number of senators progressively increased to 348 in 2011, in order to reflect the country's population growth. Senators were elected in thirds every three years; the President of the Senate is elected by Senators from among their members. The current incumbent is Gérard Larcher; the President of the Senate is, under the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, first in the line of succession—in case of death, resignation or removal from office —to the presidency of the French Republic, becoming Acting President of the Republic until a new election can be held. This happened twice for Alain Poher—once at the resignation of Charles de Gaulle and once at the death of Georges Pompidou; the President of the Senate has the right to designate three of the nine members of the Constitutional Council, serving for nine years. Senators are elected indirectly by 150,000 officials, including regional councillors, department councillors, municipal councillors in large communes, as well as members of the National Assembly.
However, 90 % of the electors are delegates appointed by councillors. This system introduces a bias in the composition of the Senate favoring rural areas; as a consequence, while the political majority changes in the National Assembly, the Senate has remained politically right, with one brief exception, since the foundation of the Fifth Republic, much to the displeasure of the Socialists. This has spurred controversy after the 2008 election in which the Socialist Party, despite controlling all but two of France's regions, a majority of departments, as well as communes representing more than 50 % of the population, still failed to achieve a majority in the Senate. The
Jean Baptiste Guth
Jean Baptiste Guth was a French portrait artist, active from 1875 until a few months before his death. Guth worked in watercolour and pastels. Much of his work was as an illustrator of magazines the French L'Illustration and the British Vanity Fair, for which he signed his name as GUTH. Born in Paris, in 1875 Guth was admitted as a student at the École des Beaux-Arts, where he was taught by Jean-Léon Gérôme. From 1882 recommended by Louis Charles Auguste Steinheil, he worked for Félix Gaudin, for whom he made drawings for stained glass windows. In 1883, Guth moved to London. From 1884 to 1920, Guth's work was published in the French magazine L'Illustration and from 1889 to 1909 in the British Vanity Fair, signing himself "GUTH". Among his many portraits for Vanity Fair were his images of Queen Victoria, Anatole France, Alfred Dreyfus. After the death of "Ape" in 1889, "Spy" and Guth were the only regular contributors to the magazine's weekly colour portrait feature; the issue of 3 June 1897 included a double-page colour illustration by Guth, Au Bois de Boulogne, showing a fashionable crowd in the Bois de Boulogne park, including the Duke and Duchess of Rohan, the Prince and Princess of Broglie, the Duchess of Doudeauville, Cléo de Mérode, Liane de Pougy, Carolina Otéro, Princess Ghika, Ralouka Bibesco-Bassaraba de Brancovan, Ernest Coquelin.
Guth worked in watercolour and pastels, for reproduction by chromolithography. Guth revealed few details of his own life. A book about Gérôme notes the existence of a portrait of him by Guth, in which Gérôme is shown wearing a sculptor's smock, working on a bust; the artist is described as "Jean-Baptiste Guth, peintre et élève de Gérôme, sur lequel on ne sait pas grand chose...". In the final year of the First World War, the Goupil Gallery in London presented an exhibition of Guth's portraits of British and French generals and statesmen, under the title "Men who are running the War, other celebrities of the Entente"; the Graphic said in its review "No finer series of war portraits has been seen in London than those of M. Jean Baptiste Guth, now on exhibition at the Goupil Gallery in Regent Street... They are drawn in chalk, have all been taken from life, they are bold in conception, annexing the dominant characteristic of the subject. One of the best is that of Viscount Grey; the French series, which includes Poincaré, Clemenceau, Pétain and Foch, is interesting and more novel to the average Englishman."
Jean Baptiste Guth at npg.org.uk Jean Baptiste Guth at art.famsf.org