Ūkininkas or Ukinįkas was a monthly Lithuanian-language newspaper published during the Lithuanian press ban by the editorial staff of Varpas from 1890 to 1905. Ūkininkas was printed in Tilsit and Ragnit in German East Prussia and smuggled into Lithuania by the knygnešiai. The two newspapers shared staff and similar ideology, but Ūkininkas was geared towards less educated peasants and had larger circulation of 1,000–2,000 copies, it contained few political or cultural discourses and concentrated on practical advice regarding farming and forestry. It published short news from various locations across Lithuania, helping to develop the idea of Lithuania as a single entity. Various writers, including Jonas Biliūnas, Vincas Kudirka, Gabrielė Petkevičaitė-Bitė, Sofija Pšibiliauskienė, contributed their fiction. After publication of Ūkininkas was discontinued, it was replaced by weekly Lietuvos ūkininkas, published in Vilnius. Urbonas, Vytas. Lietuvos žurnalistikos istorija. Klaipėda: Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla.
Pp. 63–64. ISBN 9955-456-49-3. Full-image scans of Ūkininkas
Samogitia or Žemaitija is one of the five ethnographic regions of Lithuania. Žemaitija is located in northwestern Lithuania. Its largest city is Šiauliai. Žemaitija has a long and distinct cultural history, reflected in the existence of the Samogitian dialect. Ruthenian sources mentioned the region as jemotskaia zemlia. In Latin texts, the name is written as Samogitia, Samogetia etc; the area has long been known to its residents and to other Lithuanians as Žemaitija. Žemaitija means "lowlands" in Lithuanian. The region is known in English as Lower Lithuania or, in reference to its Yiddish names, Zamet or Zhamot. Žemaitija is located in northwestern Lithuania in the territories of: Akmenė District Municipality Jurbarkas District Municipality Kelmė District Municipality Kretinga District Municipality Mažeikiai District Municipality Palanga city municipality Plungė District Municipality Raseiniai District Municipality Rietavas Municipality Šilalė District Municipality Skuodas District Municipality Tauragė District Municipality Telšiai District Municipality Šiauliai District MunicipalityEastern parts of: Klaipėda District Municipality Šilutė District MunicipalityWestern part of: Joniškis District Municipality Šiauliai city municipality.
The largest city is Klaipėda if the latter is considered in the region. Telšiai is the capital; the largest cities are: Šiauliai/Šiaulē Mažeikiai/Mažeikē Telšiai/Telšē – considered capital Tauragė/Tauragie Plungė/Plongi, Plongė Kretinga Skuodas/Skouds The people of Žemaitija speak Samogitian, a dialect of the Lithuanian language, considered one of 3 main dialects. Samogitian has southern subdialects. A western subdialect once existed in the Klaipėda region, but it became extinct after World War II after its inhabitants fled the region as a result of being expelled or persecuted by the Soviet authorities. During the 15th and 16th centuries, the Samogitians of the Klaipėda region called themselves "Lietuvininkai", whereas at the end of the 19th century when the area, known in German as the Memelland, was part of Prussia, they were known as "Prūsai." After World War II, the territory of the western subdialect was resettled by northern and southern Žemaičiai and by other Lithuanians. Samogitian has a broken intonation similar to that of the Latvian language.
In 2010, the Samogitian dialect was assigned with an ISO 639-3 standard language code, as some languages, that were considered by ISO 639-2 to be dialects of one language, are now in ISO 639-3 in certain contexts considered to be individual languages themselves.Žemaitija is one of the most ethnically homogeneous regions of the country, with an ethnic Lithuanian population exceeding 99.5% in some districts. During the first part of the 19th century, Žemaitija was a major center of Lithuanian culture; the local religion is predominantly Roman Catholic, although there are significant Lutheran minorities in the south. The use of the Samogitian dialect is decreasing as more people tend to use standard Lithuanian, although there have been some minor attempts by local councils in Telšiai, to write certain roadside information in Samogitian as well some schools teach children Samogitian dialect in schools; the modern concept of "dialectological" Žemaitija appeared only by the end of the 19th century.
The territory of ancient Samogitia was much larger than current ethnographic or "dialectological" Žemaitija and embraced all of central and western Lithuania. The term "Samogitians" is a Latinized form of the ancient Lithuanian name for the region's lowlanders, who dwelt in Central Lithuania's lowlands; the original subethnic Samogitia, i.e. the Central Lithuania's flat burial grounds culture, was formed as early as the 5th–6th centuries. Before that, it was inhabited by southern Curonians; the western part of historical Žemaitija became ethnically Lithuanian between the 13th and 16th centuries. The primal eastern boundary of historical Samogitia was the Šventoji River since the end of the 13th century; because during the 13th through 16th centuries the Teutonic Order and the Livonian Order bordered Žemaitija, it was always threatened by their expansionist aims. As such, Samogitian territory was offered to these orders, or exchanged in peace treaties, a number of times. Lithuania would regain Žemaitija during subsequent conflicts.
For more than two hundred years, old Samogitia played a central role in Lithuania's wars against the crusading order of the Teutonic Knights. Invasions started in Lithuania in 1229. Combined military forces undertook numerous campaigns against Lithuanians. Saule, Durbe
Virtual International Authority File
The Virtual International Authority File is an international authority file. It is a joint project of several national libraries and operated by the Online Computer Library Center. Discussion about having a common international authority started in the late 1990s. After a series of failed attempts to come up with a unique common authority file, the new idea was to link existing national authorities; this would present all the benefits of a common file without requiring a large investment of time and expense in the process. The project was initiated by the US Library of Congress, the German National Library and the OCLC on August 6, 2003; the Bibliothèque nationale de France joined the project on October 5, 2007. The project transitioned to being a service of the OCLC on April 4, 2012; the aim is to link the national authority files to a single virtual authority file. In this file, identical records from the different data sets are linked together. A VIAF record receives a standard data number, contains the primary "see" and "see also" records from the original records, refers to the original authority records.
The data are available for research and data exchange and sharing. Reciprocal updating uses the Open Archives Initiative Protocol for Metadata Harvesting protocol; the file numbers are being added to Wikipedia biographical articles and are incorporated into Wikidata. VIAF's clustering algorithm is run every month; as more data are added from participating libraries, clusters of authority records may coalesce or split, leading to some fluctuation in the VIAF identifier of certain authority records. Authority control Faceted Application of Subject Terminology Integrated Authority File International Standard Authority Data Number International Standard Name Identifier Wikipedia's authority control template for articles Official website VIAF at OCLC
World War I
World War I known as the First World War or the Great War, was a global war originating in Europe that lasted from 28 July 1914 to 11 November 1918. Contemporaneously described as "the war to end all wars", it led to the mobilisation of more than 70 million military personnel, including 60 million Europeans, making it one of the largest wars in history, it is one of the deadliest conflicts in history, with an estimated nine million combatants and seven million civilian deaths as a direct result of the war, while resulting genocides and the 1918 influenza pandemic caused another 50 to 100 million deaths worldwide. On 28 June 1914, Gavrilo Princip, a Bosnian Serb Yugoslav nationalist, assassinated the Austro-Hungarian heir Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo, leading to the July Crisis. In response, on 23 July Austria-Hungary issued an ultimatum to Serbia. Serbia's reply failed to satisfy the Austrians, the two moved to a war footing. A network of interlocking alliances enlarged the crisis from a bilateral issue in the Balkans to one involving most of Europe.
By July 1914, the great powers of Europe were divided into two coalitions: the Triple Entente—consisting of France and Britain—and the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy. Russia felt it necessary to back Serbia and, after Austria-Hungary shelled the Serbian capital of Belgrade on the 28th, partial mobilisation was approved. General Russian mobilisation was announced on the evening of 30 July; when Russia failed to comply, Germany declared war on 1 August in support of Austria-Hungary, with Austria-Hungary following suit on 6th. German strategy for a war on two fronts against France and Russia was to concentrate the bulk of its army in the West to defeat France within four weeks shift forces to the East before Russia could mobilise. On 2 August, Germany demanded free passage through Belgium, an essential element in achieving a quick victory over France; when this was refused, German forces invaded Belgium on 3 August and declared war on France the same day. On 12 August and France declared war on Austria-Hungary.
In November 1914, the Ottoman Empire entered the war on the side of the Alliance, opening fronts in the Caucasus and the Sinai Peninsula. The war was fought in and drew upon each power's colonial empire as well, spreading the conflict to Africa and across the globe; the Entente and its allies would become known as the Allied Powers, while the grouping of Austria-Hungary and their allies would become known as the Central Powers. The German advance into France was halted at the Battle of the Marne and by the end of 1914, the Western Front settled into a battle of attrition, marked by a long series of trench lines that changed little until 1917. In 1915, Italy opened a front in the Alps. Bulgaria joined the Central Powers in 1915 and Greece joined the Allies in 1917, expanding the war in the Balkans; the United States remained neutral, although by doing nothing to prevent the Allies from procuring American supplies whilst the Allied blockade prevented the Germans from doing the same the U. S. became an important supplier of war material to the Allies.
After the sinking of American merchant ships by German submarines, the revelation that the Germans were trying to incite Mexico to make war on the United States, the U. S. declared war on Germany on 6 April 1917. Trained American forces would not begin arriving at the front in large numbers until mid-1918, but the American Expeditionary Force would reach some two million troops. Though Serbia was defeated in 1915, Romania joined the Allied Powers in 1916 only to be defeated in 1917, none of the great powers were knocked out of the war until 1918; the 1917 February Revolution in Russia replaced the Tsarist autocracy with the Provisional Government, but continuing discontent at the cost of the war led to the October Revolution, the creation of the Soviet Socialist Republic, the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk by the new government in March 1918, ending Russia's involvement in the war. This allowed the transfer of large numbers of German troops from the East to the Western Front, resulting in the German March 1918 Offensive.
This offensive was successful, but the Allies rallied and drove the Germans back in their Hundred Days Offensive. Bulgaria was the first Central Power to sign an armistice—the Armistice of Salonica on 29 September 1918. On 30 October, the Ottoman Empire capitulated. On 4 November, the Austro-Hungarian empire agreed to the Armistice of Villa Giusti after being decisively defeated by Italy in the Battle of Vittorio Veneto. With its allies defeated, revolution at home, the military no longer willing to fight, Kaiser Wilhelm abdicated on 9 November and Germany signed an armistice on 11 November 1918. World War I was a significant turning point in the political, cultural and social climate of the world; the war and its immediate aftermath sparked numerous uprisings. The Big Four (Britain, the United States, It
Vienybė lietuvninkų was a Lithuanian-language weekly newspapers published in the United States from February 1886 to January 1921. Established by two Lithuanian American businessmen in Plymouth, the newspaper changed its editors and political orientation frequently, it was a conservative pro-Catholic newspaper that supported unity among Polish and Lithuanian immigrants in the historic tradition of the old Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. It was a response to anti-clergy and anti-Polish Lietuwiszkasis Balsas published by Jonas Šliūpas in New York. Under the influence of priest Aleksandras Burba, the newspaper dropped its support of the Polish–Lithuanian union in favor of the Lithuanian National Revival and Lithuanian nationalism. Around 1896, the newspaper started shifting away from Catholicism towards socialism. Attacked by the clergy as a "godless" publication, the newspaper suffered financial difficulties but the popularity of socialist ideas surged in the aftermath of the Lattimer massacre of mine workers in September 1897 and during the Russian Revolution of 1905.
After the failure of the revolution, the socialist moods subsided and Vienybė lietuvninkų returned to Lithuanian nationalism. The newspaper relocated to Brooklyn, New York, in May 1907, it represented nationalism, or the third middle road between two main political camps – conservative clergy and liberal socialists. It continued to be published until January 1921 when it was reorganized into Vienybė, which continued to be published until 1985; the first issue was published on 10 February 1886 in Plymouth, Pennsylvania by two Lithuanian businessmen Juozas Paukštys, owner of several grocery stores, Antanas Pajaujis, owner of an inn and a small bank. They each invested $1,000 in hopes of a profit; the newspaper advocated Catholic ideas and unity among Polish and Lithuanian immigrants in the historic tradition of the old Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. It was a response to anti-clergy and anti-Polish Lietuviškasis balsas published by Jonas Šliūpas in New York. Vienybė lietuvninkų was the official newspaper of the Lithuanian Alliance of America.
Its first editor was Domininkas Tomas Bačkauskas, who worked as an assistant editor of Polish newspaper Ojczyzna in Buffalo, New York. Bačkauskas established a section of humor and satire that became popular and the newspaper had about a thousand subscribers and up to 4,000 total readers. After a conflict with Paukštys, Bačkauskas resigned in April 1888 and established his own newspaper Saulė in Mahanoy City, Pennsylvania. Bačkauskas was replaced by Antanas Turskis. In August 1889, priest Aleksandras Burba arrived to Plymouth to establish the Lithuanian parish of St. Casimir. Under his influence, the newspaper dropped its support of the Polish–Lithuanian union in favor of the Lithuanian National Revival. Turskis did not support this new ideology and was replaced by Juozas Andziulaitis-Kalnėnas, the last editor of Aušra, in early 1890. Andziulaitis' views were much closer to Šliūpas' and the newspaper supported his Lithuanian Scientific Society established in 1889 in Baltimore; the newspaper adopted more modern Lithuanian orthography and changed the spelling of its name from Wienibe Lietuwniku to Vienybe Lietuvniku.
The shift caused a split within SLA – Paukštys decided to leave SLA and establish the Lithuanian Catholic Alliance of America in 1890. Vienybė lietuvninkų became the official newspaper of SLKA, while SLA adopted Saulė published by Bačkauskas. Andziulaitis steered the newspaper towards democratic and socialist ideas, publishing articles on workers' movement and critique of Catholic priests, he published articles on literary and academic topics, which were of little interest to the poorly educated readers. The number of subscribers decreased from about 900 to 200. Therefore, Andziulaitis was dismissed in May 1892. Burba invited Antanas Milukas to become the new editor. Milukas, a former student at the Sejny Priest Seminary, fled to United States to avoid the Tsarist police for violating the Lithuanian press ban, he was more consistent editor, supporting both Catholic ideas and Lithuanian nationalism. He wanted to pay the newspaper contributors for their submissions to improve the quality and to attract more talent.
To that end, he established a society that collected $5 per month from its members and paid for the contributions, firstly for those who lived in Lithuania. Milukas resigned as editor in August 1893 when he decided to complete his studies at St. Charles Borromeo Seminary, he was replaced by priest Juozas Petraitis. He published articles on the liberation of Lithuania from the Russian Empire, but avoided getting involved in political disagreements among Lithuanian Americans, he became ill and died in May 1895. The new editor Juozas Ališius-Ališauskas lasted only four months, he was dismissed after printing a complaint from Lithuanian workers in Boston who accused a Catholic priest of stealing their funds. He was accused of inappropriate behavior, he was replaced by Jonas Kaunas in November 1895. He was not religious and pushed out Burba, who continued to have significant influence on the newspaper. Burba accused Paukštys of mishandling parish funds. At the same time, SLKA decided to establish purely Catholic Tėvynė.
Therefore, the newspaper lost its Catholic character and began publishing articles on more liberal topics, including on capitalist exploitation and on the elections in the United States. Burba a
Gabrielė Petkevičaitė was a Lithuanian educator and activist. Her pen name Bitė became part of her last name. Encouraged by Povilas Višinskis, she joined public life and started her writing career in 1890, she was the founder and chair of the Žiburėlis society to provide financial aid to struggling students, one of the editors of the newspaper Lietuvos žinios, an active member of the women's movement. In 1920, she chaired its first session, her realist writing centered on exploring the negative impact of the social inequality. Her largest work, two-part novel Ad astra, depicts the rising Lithuanian National Revival. Together with Žemaitė, she co-wrote several plays, her diary, kept during World War I, was published in 1925–1931 and 2008–2011. Petkevičaitė was born in Panevėžys district to a family of Lithuanian nobility, her father, a graduate of Kiev University, was a doctor and became director of a hospital in Joniškėlis. He sympathized with Russian Narodniks; when she was nine, Petkevičaitė's mother died of typhus and as the eldest child she began looking after her five brothers despite her own disability.
Duty and service to others continued to be a prominent part of Petkevičaitė's work. She received education at home from other private tutors. After graduation from a private girls' school in Jelgava in 1878, Petkevičaitė worked with her father in a pharmacy and tutored in Lithuanian, violating the Lithuanian press ban, she wanted to continue her education and study mathematics at a university, but her father would not allow it and she felt trapped in the provincial life by her family duties and management of the manor. She completed beekeeping courses in Deltuva in 1885 and wrote a booklet on beekeeping in 1889, but it was not published, her first article was dealt with women's issues. In 1893, she established the Žiburėlis society to provide financial aid to struggling students and became its driving force. In 1894, she met Povilas Višinskis who gave her Piršlybos, the first manuscript by Žemaitė; the work was edited by Jonas Jablonskis for grammar and spelling and published launching Žemaitė's literary career.
Together with Višinskis she staged the first legal Lithuanian-language theater performance. The simple comedy, America in the Bathhouse, was performed in August 1899 in Palanga. After the death of Vincas Kudirka, she edited a regular column in Varpas, she was a member of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society and contributed articles on ethnographic topics to its publications. In 1905, she attended the Great Seimas of Vilnius which resolved to demand wide political autonomy for Lithuania within the Russian Empire, she was one of the organizers and chairwoman of the first Congress of Lithuanian Women in 1907 and helped organizing the Lithuanian Women's Union. Petkevičaitė and other more liberal activists' conflict with Lithuanian clergy led to the creation of the separate Catholic-minded Lithuanian Catholic Women's Organization. In December 1908, together with Žemaitė, she participated in the First All-Russian Women's Congress the held by the League for Women's Equality, she read a report on Lithuanian women in villages and cities.
The expanded report was published in Lithuania in 1910. In June 1911, she attended the Sixth Conference of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance in Stockholm. After her father's death in 1909, she lived in Vilnius but family duties followed her – she had to take care of her three nephews and an orphan that her family informally adopted. In Vilnius, she worked as editorial staff of Lietuvos žinios. In 1911–1912, she was the editor of Žibutė, a liberal supplement to Lietuvos ūkininkas, geared towards the women. Žibutė encouraged women to be active in social and political life. It was a liberal answer to the Catholic Lietuvaitė, which supported the traditional role of a woman as a housekeeper and published articles on proper women's etiquette and culinary recipes. In total, she wrote some 400 articles to various newspapers. During World War I, Petkevičaitė returned to her childhood home, she completed courses for doctor's assistant and, according to her father's wishes, helped the sick. During the war she kept a diary, first published in 1925 and 1933.
In the diary, she expressed support to Social Democratic Party of Germany. In May 1920, she was elected to the Constituent Assembly of Lithuania and, as the second oldest member of the assembly, presided over its first session before a chairman was elected. However, she resigned just four months later. In June 1920, she attended the Eighth Conference of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance in Geneva. In 1919, by invitation of Juozas Balčikonis, she began teaching at the Panevėžys Gymnasium, she taught Lithuanian language, ancient history as well as Polish and German languages. Together with Juozas Zikaras, Petkevičaitė designed a school uniform for girls, soon adopted nationally and discontinued only around 1990, her classroom notes on world literature were developed and published in 1922 and 1924 as a two-volume school textbook. In 1924, Petkevičaitė resigned from her teaching position due to poor health, she largely retired from public life, but continued to write. In 1927, she proposed to create the Lithuanian Women's Council, an umbrella organization united all women organizations in Lithuania.
In recognition of her achievements, she was awarded the Order of the Lithuanian Grand Duke G
The January Uprising was an insurrection instigated principally in the Russian Partition of the former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth against its occupation by the Russian Empire. It began on January 22, 1863 spread to the other Partitions of Poland and continued until the last insurgents were captured in 1864, it was the longest lasting insurgency in post-partition Poland. The conflict engaged all levels of society, arguably had profound repercussions on contemporary international relations and provoked a social and ideological paradigm shift in national events that went on to have a decisive influence on the subsequent development of Polish society, it was the confluence of a number of factors that rendered the uprising inevitable in early 1863. The Polish nobility and urban bourgeois circles hankered after the semi-autonomous status they had enjoyed in Congress Poland before the previous insurgency, a generation earlier in 1830, while youth encouraged by the success of the Italian independence movement urgently desired the same outcome.
Russia had been weakened by its Crimean adventure and had introduced a more liberal attitude in its internal politics which encouraged Poland's underground National Government to plan an organised strike against their Russian occupiers no earlier than the Spring of 1863. They had not reckoned with Aleksander Wielopolski, the pro-Russian arch-conservative head of the civil administration in the Russian partition, who got wind of the plans. Wielopolski was aware of his fellow countrymen's fervent desire for independence was coming to a head, something he wanted to avoid at all costs. In an attempt to derail the Polish national movement, he brought forward to January the conscription of young Polish activists into the Imperial Russian Army; that decision is what triggered the January Uprising of 1863, the outcome Wielopolski had wanted to avoid. The rebellion by young Polish conscripts was soon joined by high-ranking Polish-Lithuanian officers and members of the political class; the insurrectionists, as yet ill-organised were outnumbered and lacking sufficient foreign support, were forced into hazardous guerrilla tactics.
Reprisals were ruthless. Public executions and deportations to Siberia persuaded many Poles to abandon armed struggle. In addition, Tsar Alexander II hit the landed gentry hard, as a result the whole economy, with a sudden decision in 1864 to abolish serfdom in Poland; the ensuing break-up of estates and destitution of many peasants convinced educated Poles to turn instead to the idea of "organic work", economic and cultural self-improvement. Despite the Russian Empire losing the Crimean war and being weakened economically and politically, Alexander II warned in 1856 against further concessions with the words, "forget any dreams". There were two prevailing streams of thought among the population of the Kingdom of Poland at the time. One consisting of patriotic stirrings within liberal-conservative landed and intellectual circles centred around Andrzej Zamoyski, they were hoping for an orderly return to the constitutional status pre-1830. They became characterised as the Whites; the alternative tendency, characterised as the Reds represented a democratic movement uniting peasants and some clergy.
For both streams central to their dilemma was the peasant question. However estate owners tended to favour the abolition of serfdom in exchange for compensation, whereas the democratic movement saw the overthrow of the Russian yoke as dependent on an unconditional liberation of the peasantry. Just as the democrats organised the first religious and patriotic demonstrations in 1860, covert resistance groups began to form among educated youth. Blood was first shed in Warsaw in February 1861, when the Russian Army attacked a demonstration in Castle Square on the anniversary of the Battle of Grochów. There were five fatalities. Fearing the spread of spontaneous unrest, Alexander II reluctantly agreed to accept a petition for a change in the system of governance, he agreed to the appointment of Aleksander Wielopolski to head a commission to look into Religious Observance and Public Education and announced the formation of a State Council and Self-governance for towns and Powiats. These concessions did not prevent further demonstrations.
On 8 April there were 500 wounded by Russian fire. Martial law was imposed in Warsaw and brutally repressive measures taken against the organisers in Warsaw and Wilno by deporting them into deepest Russia. In Vilno alone 116 demonstrations were held during 1861. In the autumn of 1861 Russians had introduced a state of emergency in Vilna Governorate, Kovno Governorate and Grodno Governorate; these events led to a speedier consolidation of the resistance: Future leaders of the uprising gathered secretly in St. Petersburg, Wilno and London. Two bodies emerged from these consultations. By October 1861 the urban "Movement Committee" was formed and in June 1862 the "Central National Committee", CNC came into being, its leadership included, Stefan Bobrowski, Jarosław Dąbrowski, Zygmunt Padlewski, Agaton Giller, Bronisław Szwarce. This body directed the creation of national structures intended to become a new secret Polish state; the CNC had not planned an uprising before the Spring of 1863 at the earliest.
However, Wielopolski's move to start conscription to the Russian Army in mid January, forced its hand to call the uprising prematurely on the night of 22–23 January 1863. The uprising broke out at a moment when general peace prevailed in Europe, although there was vociferous support for the Poles, powers such as F