Enlightened absolutism refers to the conduct and policies of European absolute monarchs during the 18th and 19th centuries who were influenced by the ideas of the Enlightenment, espousing them to enhance their power. The concept originated during the Enlightenment period in the 18th and into the early 19th centuries. An enlightened despot is a non-democratic or authoritarian leader who exercises their political power for the benefit of the people, rather than for themselves or elites. Enlightened despots distinguished themselves from ordinary despots by claiming to rule for their subjects' well-being, they may focus government priorities on healthcare, nonviolent population control, or physical infrastructure. The leader may profess a commitment to peaceful relations and/or allow some democratic decision-making, such as public referenda, but would not propose reforms that undermined their sovereignty or disrupted the social order; some people say that despotism is a legitimate mode of government in dealing with barbarians, provided the end be their improvement.
Enlightened despots' beliefs about royal power were similar to those of regular despots, both believing that they were destined to rule. Enlightened rulers may have played a part in the abolition of serfdom in Europe; the enlightened despot Emperor Joseph II of Austria summarized, "Everything for the people, nothing by the people". Enlightened absolutism is the theme of an essay by Frederick the Great, who ruled Prussia from 1740 to 1786, defending this system of government; when the prominent French Enlightenment philosopher Voltaire fell out of favor in France, he eagerly accepted Frederick's invitation to live at his palace. He believed. Frederick was an enthusiast of French ideas. Frederick explained: "My principal occupation is to combat ignorance and prejudice... to enlighten minds, cultivate morality, to make people as happy as it suits human nature, as the means at my disposal permit."Enlightened absolutists held that royal power emanated not from divine right but from a social contract whereby a despot was entrusted with the power to govern through a social contract in lieu of any other governments.
The monarchs of enlightened absolutism strengthened their authority by improving the lives of their subjects. This philosophy implied that the sovereign knew that the interests of his or her subjects better than they themselves did; the monarch taking responsibility for the subjects precluded their political participation. The difference between an absolutist and an enlightened absolutist is based on a broad analysis of the degree to which they embraced the Age of Enlightenment. Historians debate the actual implementation of enlightened absolutism, they distinguish between the "enlightenment" of the ruler versus that of his or her regime. For example, Frederick the Great was tutored in the ideas of the French Enlightenment in his youth, maintained those ideas in his private life as an adult, but in many ways was unable or unwilling to effect enlightened reforms in practice. Other rulers such as the Marquis of Pombal, prime minister of Portugal, used the ideas and practices of the Enlightenment not only to achieve reforms but to enhance autocracy, crush opposition, suppress criticism, advance colonial economic exploitation, consolidate personal control and profit.
The concept of enlightened absolutism was formally described by the German historian Wilhelm Roscher in 1847 and remains controversial among scholars. Centralized control necessitated centralized systematic information on the nation. A major renovation was the collection and interpretation of numerical and statistical data, ranging from trade statistics, harvest reports, death notices to population censuses. Starting in the 1760s, officials in France and Germany began to rely on quantitative data for systematic planning regarding long-term economic growth, it combined the utilitarian agenda of "enlightened absolutism" with the new ideas being developed in economics. In Germany and France, the trend was strong in Cameralism and Physiocracy. Governmental responses to the Age of Enlightenment varied widely. In several nations with powerful rulers, called "enlightened despots" by historians, leaders of the Enlightenment were welcomed at Court and helped design laws and programs to reform the system to build stronger national states.
Government responses to the Age of Enlightenment varied widely. In France the government was hostile, the philosophes fought against its censorship; the British government ignored the Enlightenment's leaders. However in several nations with powerful rulers--called "enlightened despots" by historians--leaders of the Enlightenment were welcomed at Court and helped design laws and programs to reform the system to build stronger national states. Frederick the Great--who ruled Prussia 1740-1786, was an enthusiast for French ideas. Voltaire, imprisoned and maltreated by the French government, was eager to accept Frederick's invitation to live at his palace. Frederick explained, "My principal occupation is to combat ignorance and prejudice... to enlighten minds, cultivate morality, to make people as happy as it suits human nature, as the means at my disposal permit. He wrote an essay on "Benevolent Despotism" defending this system of government. Tsarina Catherine II of Russia sponsored the Russian Enlightenment.
She incorporated many ideas of Enlightenment philosophers Montesquieu, in her Nakaz, intended to revise Russian law. However in
Tucumán is the most densely populated, the second-smallest by land area, of the provinces of Argentina. Located in the northwest of the country, the province has the capital of San Miguel de Tucumán shortened to Tucumán. Neighboring provinces clockwise from the north: Salta, Santiago del Estero and Catamarca, it is nicknamed El Jardín de la República, as it is a productive agricultural area. The word Tucumán originated from the Quechua languages, it may represent a deformation of the term Yucumán, which denotes the "place of origin of several rivers". It can be a deformation of the word Tucma, which means "the end of things". Before Spanish colonization, the region lay in the outer limits of the Inca empire. Before the Spanish colonization, this land was inhabited by the Tonocotes. In 1533, Diego de Almagro explored the Argentine Northwest, including Tucumán. In 1549 the Peruvian governor Pedro de la Gasca granted Juan Núñez de Prado the territory of Tucumán. Prado established the first Spanish settlement at the town of Barco on the Dulce River.
Prado named his province "Tucumán" after Tucumamahao, one of the leaders of the local people who formed an alliance with him. In 1552, Francisco de Aguirre was dispatched to take possession of the territory for Chile. Aguirre followed a repressive policy. Outnumbered, the colonists were forced to move in 1553 to a new location, where they founded the town of Santiago del Estero. By 1565, Diego de Villaroel founded San Miguel de Tucumán and the Provincia de Tucumán, Juríes y Diaguitas was organized; because of frequent attacks by the indigenous peoples, the Malones, in 1685, San Miguel de Tucumán was moved by Miguel de Salas some 65 km from its first location, where it was redeveloped. The aborigines of the region presented a strong resistance to the Spanish, who decided to move the defeated tribes toward Buenos Aires; the most noted of these relocations was the case of the Quilmes, who were moved to the city of Quilmes. Tucumán was a midpoint for shipments of gold and silver from the Viceroyalty of Peru to Buenos Aires.
It produced cattle and wood products that provided supplies for the convoys on their way to Buenos Aires. Because of its important geographical position, as head of the civil and Catholic governments, it acquired special importance during the 18th century; the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776 meant the end of the convoys from Perú to Buenos Aires. Tucumán, with 20,000 inhabitants by that time, suffered from the British imports from the newly opened customs of Buenos Aires, no longer under the monopoly of the Spanish Crown. In 1783, the Intendency of Tucumán was divided. José de San Martín installed the military school. In 1814, the Intendency of Salta was divided into the present provinces. On July 9, 1816, at the Congress of Tucumán, the Provincias Unidas del Río de la Plata declared their independence from Spain. Internal conflicts delayed the final fusion of the provinces into the República Argentina. Following the failure of Argentina's first independence-era government, the Directorio, Governor Bernabé Aráoz on March 22, 1820, proclaimed the creation of the Federal Republic of Tucumán.
The experiment collapsed, when the neighboring provinces of Catamarca and Santiago del Estero withdrew the following year. The beginning of the 20th century, with the customs restrictions and the arrival of the railway, brought prosperous economic times for the province and its sugarcane production. Numerous landmarks were built, such as Ninth of July Park and the Tucumán Government Palace, a daily newspaper founded in 1912, La Gaceta, became the most circulated Argentine daily outside Buenos Aires, but the sugar price crisis of the 1960s and President Juan Carlos Onganía's order to have 11 large state-owned sugar mills closed in 1966, hit Tucumán's economy hard, ushered in an era of instability for the province. In 1975, President Isabel Perón declared a state of emergency in the province; the decree led to Operation Independence, an official military campaign at least as brutal on local magistrates and faculty as it was on its stated target, the ERP. Violence did not abate until the appointment of General Antonio Domingo Bussi, the operation's commander, as governor at the behest of the dictatorship that deposed Perón in 1976.
Efficient as well as ruthless, Bussi oversaw the completion of several stalled public works, but presided over some of the worst human rights abuses during that painful 1976-77 period. Retaining a sizable following, Bussi was elected governor in his own right in 1995, but lost much of his earlier popularity during his four-year tenure. Life in Tucumán has since returned to a certain normality, its economy has recovered during the expansive period Argentina has had in the decade since 2002. José Alperovich, elected governor in 2003, has presided over record investment in public works while reaping criticism for attempts to eliminate term limits for his office. Despite Tucumán's small size, it has two main different geographical systems; the east is associated with the Gran Chaco flat lands, while the west presents a mixture of the Sierras of the Pampas to the south and the canyons of the Argentine Northwest to the north. The Cerro del Bolsón is the highest peak at an elevation of 5,550 metres.
The Salí is the province's main river. Tucumán has four dams that are used for hydroelectricity and irrigation: El Cadillal on Salí River, the province's most important dam.
Electoral fraud, sometimes referred to as election fraud, election manipulation or vote rigging, is illegal interference with the process of an election, either by increasing the vote share of the favored candidate, depressing the vote share of the rival candidates, or both. What constitutes electoral fraud varies from country to country. Many kinds of election fraud are outlawed in electoral legislations, but others are in violation of general laws, such as those banning assault, harassment or libel. Although technically the term'electoral fraud' covers only those acts which are illegal, the term is sometimes used to describe acts which are legal, but considered morally unacceptable, outside the spirit of an election or in violation of the principles of democracy. Show elections, containing only one candidate, are sometimes classified as electoral fraud, although they may comply with the law and are presented more as referendums. In national elections, successful electoral fraud can have the effect of a coup d'état or corruption of democracy.
In a narrow election, a small amount of fraud may be enough to change the result. If the outcome is not affected, the revelation of fraud can have a damaging effect, if not punished, as it can reduce voters' confidence in democracy. A list of threats to voting systems, or electoral fraud methods considered as sabotage are kept by the National Institute of Standards and Technology. Electoral fraud can occur in advance of voting; the legality of this type of manipulation varies across jurisdictions. Deliberate manipulation of election outcomes is considered a violation of the principles of democracy. In many cases, it is possible for authorities to artificially control the composition of an electorate in order to produce a foregone result. One way of doing this is to move a large number of voters into the electorate prior to an election, for example by temporarily assigning them land or lodging them in flophouses. Many countries prevent this with rules stipulating that a voter must have lived in an electoral district for a minimum period in order to be eligible to vote there.
However, such laws can be used for demographic manipulation as they tend to disenfranchise those with no fixed address, such as the homeless, Roma and some casual workers. Another strategy is to permanently move people into an electoral district through public housing. If people eligible for public housing are to vote for a particular party they can either be concentrated into one area, thus making their votes count for less, or moved into marginal electorates, where they may tip the balance towards their preferred party. One notable example of this occurred in the City of Westminster in England under Shirley Porter. Immigration law may be used to manipulate electoral demography. For instance, Malaysia gave citizenship to immigrants from the neighboring Philippines and Indonesia, together with suffrage, in order for a political party to "dominate" the state of Sabah. A method of manipulating primary contests and other elections of party leaders are related to this. People who support one party may temporarily join another party in order to elect a weak candidate for that party's leadership.
The goal is to defeat the weak candidate in the general election by the leader of the party that the voter supports. There were claims that this method was being utilised in the UK Labour Party leadership election in 2015, where Conservative-leaning Toby Young encouraged Conservatives to join Labour and vote for Jeremy Corbyn in order to "consign Labour to electoral oblivion". Shortly after, #ToriesForCorbyn trended on Twitter; the composition of an electorate may be altered by disenfranchising some classes of people, rendering them unable to vote. In some cases, states have passed provisions that raised general barriers to voter registration, such as poll taxes and comprehension tests, record-keeping requirements, which in practice were applied against minority populations to discriminatory effect. From the turn of the century into the late 1960s, most African Americans in the southern states of the former Confederacy were disenfranchised by such measures. Corrupt election officials may misuse voting regulations such as a literacy test or requirement for proof of identity or address in such a way as to make it difficult or impossible for their targets to cast a vote.
If such practices discriminate against a religious or ethnic group, they may so distort the political process that the political order becomes grossly unrepresentative, as in the post-Reconstruction or Jim Crow era until the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Felons have been disenfranchised in many states as a strategy to prevent African Americans from voting. Groups may be disenfranchised by rules which make it impractical or impossible for them to cast a vote. For example, requiring people to vote within their electorate may disenfranchise serving military personnel, prison inmates, hospital patients or anyone else who cannot return to their homes. Polling can be set for inconvenient days, such as midweek or on holy days of religious groups: for example on the Sabbath or other holy days of a religious group whose teachings determine that voting is a prohibited on such a day. Communities may be disenfranchised if polling places are situated in areas perceived by voters as unsafe, or are not provided within reasonable proximity.
In some cases, voters may be invalidly disenfranchised, true electoral fraud. For example, a legitimate vo
Agustín Pedro Justo
Agustín Pedro Justo Rolón was President of Argentina from February 20, 1932, to February 20, 1938. He was a military officer and politician, was president during the Infamous Decade. Appointed War Minister by President Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, his experience under a civilian administration and pragmatic outlook earned him the conservative Concordance's nomination for the 1931 campaign, he was elected president on November 8, 1931, supported by the political sectors that would form shortly after la Concordancia, an alliance created between the National Democratic Party, the Radical Civic Union, the Socialist Independent Party. Around the elections there were accusations of electoral fraud the name patriotic fraud was used for a system of control established from 1931 to 1943. Conservative groups wanted to use this to prevent any radicals from coming to power. During this period there was persistent opposition from the supporters of Yrigoyen, an earlier president, from the Radical Civic Union.
The outstanding diplomatic work of his Foreign Minister, Carlos Saavedra Lamas, was one of the greatest accomplishments of his administration, stained by constant accusations of corruption and of delivering the national economy into the hands of foreign interests, the British in particular, with whom his vice-president Julio A. Roca, Jr. had signed the Roca-Runciman Treaty. His name was mentioned as a candidate a new period during the unsteady government of Ramón Castillo, but his early death at 66 thwarted his plans, he worked on a preliminary study for the complete works of Bartolomé Mitre, whom he admired profoundly. Justo took part in the coup of 1930, becoming president two years thanks to widespread electoral fraud, his presidency was part of the period known as the Infamous Decade, which lasted from 1930 until 1943. He introduced a nationwide income tax. Justo was born in Entre Ríos Province, his father named Agustín, had been governor of Corrientes Province and was soon a national deputy.
He was active in politics, soon after his son was born he moved with his family to Buenos Aires. His mother Otilia Rolón, came from a traditional Corrientes family; when he was 11 Justo went to the Colegio Militar de la Nación. As a cadet, joined with various other students and participated in the Revolución del Parque, taking the weapons off the guards to add to the column of the revolutionaries. Arrested and given amnesty, he graduated with the rank of ensign. Without abandoning his military career, he studied engineering at the University of Buenos Aires. In 1895 he was promoted to second lieutenant. In 1897 he became first lieutenant. In 1902 he became a captain. Having attained a civil engineering degree at the University of Buenos Aires, a governmental decree validated his title as a military engineer in 1904, he was appointed as teacher at the Escuela de Aplicación para Oficiales. With his promotion to the rank of major two years he was proposed for the school of mathematics at the Military Academy and for the studies of telemetry and semaphores at the Escuela Nacional de Tiro, which would be granted in 1907.
The following year, he received the nomination as executive officer in the Batallón de Ferrocarrileros, at the same time in which they were promoting him to be subdirector at the gunnery school. With the rank of Lieutenant Colonel he completed diplomatic actions, becoming military attaché to the Argentina's envoy at the centennial festivities in Chile in 1910, his return to Argentina was as commander of the Fourth Artillery Brigade. In 1915, during the term of office of Victorino de la Plaza, he was appointed director of the Military College, a post where he would remain for the following seven years; the great influence of this position helped him to weave contacts in political circles, just as in the military. Pursuant to the radical anti-personalist political branch, he established good relations with Marcelo T. de Alvear. During his tenure he enlarged the curriculum of the college and promoted the formation of the faculty. During Alvear's administration in 1922 he left the Military College to become the Minister of War.
Promoted to the rank of brigadier general on August 25, 1923, Justo requested an increase of the defense budget to get equipment and improve the Army infrastructure. He fomented the reorganization of the armed forces structure. At the end of 1924 he was sent as plenipotentiary to Peru, where they were celebrating the centennial of the Battle of Ayacucho. During the next few years he temporarily was the Minister of Agriculture and Public Works, besides holding the post at as Minister of War, which he would not abandon until the end of the term of office of Alvear. In 1927 he had received the promotion to General de División. With his constant anti-personalist temperament, Justo supported the candidates Leopoldo Melo and Vicente Gallo, of the Alvear Line of the UCR. Before the triumph of the formula of Yrigoyen and Beiró, who began in 1928 their second term of office with massive support of the voters and the majority in the House of Representatives. Justo received invitations of the more organized right to join the shock program against the radical caudillo.
Although close to the concepts of the publications La Nueva República — managed by Ernesto Palacio and the brothers Rodolfo and Julio Irazusta — and La Fronda, under the direction of Francisco Uriburu, they stayed close to the need of "order and authority". He did not adhere clos
The Concordancia was a political alliance in Argentina. Three Presidents belonging to the Concordance were in power from 1931 to 1943, a period known in Argentina as the "Infamous Decade." A coup d'état deposed the aging President Hipólito Yrigoyen on September 6, 1930. His country's first leader elected via universal suffrage, Yrigoyen had strained alliances within his own centrist Radical Civic Union through frequent interventions against unwillful governors and had set business powerhouses such as Standard Oil against him through his support of YPF, the state-owned oil concern founded in 1922. Staging its first coup since 1861, the Argentine military dominated by conservative, rural interests, called on José Félix Uriburu, a retired general and member of the Supreme War Council, to assume the role of Provisional President; the ailing Uriburu called general elections for November 1931. Yrigoyen's opponents within the UCR during the 1920s, who referred to themselves as "Antipersonalists" became divided by the 1930 coup.
Opponents of the coup itself would support former President Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, while more conservative UCR figures supported former Senate President Leopoldo Melo. These latter, in turn, joined Conservative and Democratic leaders following a meeting in the Hotel Castelar in downtown Buenos Aires, the resulting agreement became known as the "Concordance."Enjoying President Uriburu's support, the Concordance did not run as such, but rather on the National Democratic ticket, as well as a number of smaller ones. Rejected by Yrigoyen's supporters and moderates alike, National Democrats defended the 1930 coup, arguing that the country's social and institutional fabric had been at risk of unraveling, their opposition rallied behind Alvear's UCR Renewal Front. Uriburu, had him deported, with his supporters' boycott of the election, opposition to the Concordance organized behind the Civil Alliance. Melo and other Concordance chose as their standard-bearer General Agustín Justo, not from the landed oligarchy to which most Concordance leaders belonged, had been President Alvear's War Minister.
Uriburu employed less pretense and established the Argentine Civic Legion, an armed fascist organization, to intimidate the opposition. Amid widespread irregularities, Justo was elected, took office in February 1932. Much of Justo's cabinet reflected the alliances that had created the Concordance: Former Córdoba Governor Julio Roca was the son of the late PAN leader, Julio A. Roca, had led the Democratic Party, he would now serve as Vice President. Leopoldo Melo, the Antipersonalist leader, was handed the powerful Interior Ministry, which oversaw law enforcement and the administration of elections, among other key functions. Ramón Castillo, a feudal landowner and old-line PAN Conservative, was named Minister of Justice. Antonio de Tomaso and Federico Pinedo, founders of the splinter Independent Socialist Party, were appointed ministers of Agriculture and the Economy, respectively; the Concordance was organized by leaders with agricultural interests, owed its existence in no small measure to Standard Oil and other trusts.
The regime's economic policies were more pragmatic than these ties might have suggested and reflected both nationalism, as well as a priority on recovering the Argentine economy from the effects of the Great Depression. Tax and trade policies were formulated to reduce the public debt, to discourage the import of consumer goods, to secure bilateral trade agreements with nations best positioned to supply Argentina with the capital goods needed for industrialization; the goal of import substitution industrialization guided these and other domestic policies, including a more conciliatory stance towards labor unions than had been expected when Uriburu left office. Uriburu's deep cuts in public works and other spending were reversed; the National Highway Bureau, commodity Regulatory Boards and the Central Bank were established. The economy recovered from the depression, albeit and by 1943, value added by manufacturing exceeded that of agriculture for the first time in the agrarian country's history.
The Concordance administration practiced client politics for traditionally powerful interests in Argentina, however. Railways and abattoirs with ties to the government were left unregulated, national interests were to some extent subordinated to those of the British Empire. Among the era's most controversial policies in this regard was the Roca-Runciman Treaty, which exempted British imports from protectionist barriers applied to other suppliers', penalized local competitors of the Anglo-Argentine Tramway service, mandated the deposit, in escrow at the Bank of England, of any Argentine surpluses earned in the bilateral trade, while freeing restrictions on the repatriation of factor income earned by British firms in Argentina; the regime was authoritarian in numerous ways. The chief party in opposition in the regime's early years, the Democratic Progressive Party, was denied victories at the provincial and congressional level alike. Certain abuses, such as the use of presidential "intervention" to remove opposition governors, had become routine in Argentine politics.
The Infamous Decade in Argentina is the name given to the period of time that began in 1930 with the coup d'état against President Hipólito Yrigoyen by José Félix Uriburu and resulted in the rising to power of Juan Perón after the Military coup of 1943. This decade was marked by significant rural exodus, many small rural landowners being ruined by the Great Depression, which in turn pushed the country towards import substitution industrialization; the poor economic results of the policy and popular discontent led to another coup in 1943, the "Revolution of'43", by the Grupo de Oficiales Unidos, the nationalist faction of the Armed Forces, against acting president Ramón Castillo, putting an end to the Infamous Decade. This period was characterised by electoral fraud, persecution of the political opposition and generalised government corruption, against the background of the Great Depression; the impact of the economic crisis forced many farmers and other countryside workers to relocate to the outskirts of the larger cities, resulting in the creation of the first villas miseria.
Thus, the population of Buenos Aires jumped from 1.5 million inhabitants in 1914 to 3.5 million in 1935. Lacking in political experience, in contrast with the European immigrants who brought with them socialist and anarchist ideas, these new city-dwellers would provide the social base, in the next decade, for Peronism; the democratic liberal senator Lisandro de la Torre denounced various scandals, directing an investigation on the meat trade starting in 1935. In the midst of the investigation, de la Torre's disciple, senator-elect Enzo Bordabehere, was murdered by Ramón Valdez Cora on the Senate floor, the province of Santa Fe was intervened; the murder was depicted by Asesinato en el Senado de la Nación. CHADE was at the heart of an important political and financial scandal; the CHADE scandal, symbol of the Infamous Decade, led to investigations following the revolution of 1943 that deposed Ramón Castillo's government in a military coup, to the subsequent Rodríguez Conde report on concessions given to the electrical companies.
In 1931, a year after the execution of the Italian anarchist Severino Di Giovanni and his comrade Paulino Scarfó--who had implemented a propaganda of the deed campaign aimed both at international support of the Sacco and Vanzetti case and at attacking Fascist Italy's interests in Argentina--three anarchists were given life sentences during a show trial in which they were tortured, on the charges of having assassinated family members of conservative politician José M. Blanch. Known as the "prisoners of Bragado", the case raised international public indignation. Anarchists, who had created a solidarity network with comrades expelled under the 1902 Law on Residency which legalised the expulsion of immigrants who "compromise national security or disturb public order", were considered as public enemies by Uriburu's dictatorship. Prior to their execution, three anarchist bombs had detonated at three strategic places on the Buenos Aires railway network on 20 January 1931, killing three and wounding 17.
In 1942 Minister Solano Lima signed the prisoners' releases. In 2003 a law granted a pension to the daughter of one of the anarchist victims of this show trial. In 1933 Arturo Jauretche took part in a failed uprising, led by Col. Francisco Bosch and Col. Gregorio Pomar in Paso de los Libres, in the province of Corrientes, he was subsequently detained. It was during Justo's term that Argentina signed the Roca-Runciman Treaty with the United Kingdom, which assured the UK a provision of fresh meat in exchange for important investments in the field of transportation in Argentina, given certain economic concessions from Argentina, such as giving control over the public transport in Buenos Aires to a British company, the Corporación de Transportes. At the 1932 Ottawa Conference, the British had adopted measures that favored imports from its own colonies and dominions; the pressure from Argentine landowners for whom the government restored trade with the main buyer of Argentine grain and meat had been strong.
Led by the president of the British Trade Council, Viscount Walter Runciman, they were intense and resulted in the signing on April 27 of the Roca-Runciman Treaty. The treaty created a scandal, because the UK allotted Argentina a quota less than any of its dominions--390,000 tons of meat per year were allotted to Argentina in exchange for many concessions to British companies, 85% of exportation had to be arranged through British refrigerated shippers. In addition, the tariffs of the railways operated by the UK were not regulated, the treaty did not establish customs fees over coal, had given special dispensation to British companies with investments in Argentina and had reduced the prices of their exports. So many problems resulted from the treaty that Vice President Roca, after the signing of the treaty, declared, "By its economic importance, Argentina resembles just a large British dominion." Lisandro de la Torre, one of Roca's principal and most vociferous opponents, mocking his words in an editorial, wrote, "In these conditions we wouldn't be able to say that Argentina had been converted into a British dominion because England does not take the liberty to impose similar humiliations upon its dominions."The National Democratic Party, one of the parties that had supported the nomination of Justo for President, had split because of this controversy.
The Senate rescinded the treaty on July 28. Many workers stri
Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear
Máximo Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear Pacheco, better known as Marcelo T. de Alvear was an Argentine politician and President of Argentina October 12, 1922 to October 12, 1928. Alvear was the son of first Mayor of Buenos Aires; as a young man he was a successful sports shooter, winning an individual bronze and a team gold in the free pistol event in the 1903 World Championship held in Buenos Aires. He would receive a team silver in the 1904 edition in France, he was the founder of Argentina's National Olympic Committee. As a politician he became the leader of the anti-personalistic faction of the centrist part of the Radical Civic Union co-founded by Yrigoyen, opposed to some of president Hipólito Yrigoyen's policies. In contrast to Yrigoyen's popular style, Alvear belonged to the self-appointed "aristocracy" of Buenos Aires and never tried to hide it, he married opera singer Regina Pacini. In 1917, he was appointed Ambassador to France. In 1922, Argentina's president Hipólito Yrigoyen designated Alvear to be his successor.
During his term, the economy of Argentina reached a peak performance, which would come to an abrupt halt due to the Great Depression shortly after his mandate ended. After the coup against Yrigoyen on September 6, 1930, Alvear gained control of the party and led the unsuccessful opposition to the conservative governments that followed, including the failed revolution of 1932; as a result, he deported to Europe. Securing an agreement to the effect from President Agustín Justo in 1935, Alvear returned to Argentina, whereby he became the UCR's nominee for the presidency. Encouraged by favorable results during mid-term elections in 1936, the UCR ran a vigorous campaign ahead of the 1937 presidential election. Breaking his word to Alvear, President Justo orchestrated what his own party's Governor of the Province of Buenos Aires labeled "one of the most fraudulent elections in history," and the UCR lost to Concordance Party candidate Roberto María Ortiz, the last Argentine President elected via the system of "Patriotic Fraud.
He died on March 23, 1942. History of Argentina Britannica.com Newspaper clippings about Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics Argentina es la mejor