Indigenous peoples in Argentina
Argentina has 35 indigenous groups or Argentine Amerindians or Native Argentines, according to the Complementary Survey of the Indigenous Peoples of 2004, in the first attempt by the government in more than 100 years to recognize and classify the population according to ethnicity. In the survey, based on self-identification or self-ascription, around 600,000 Argentines declared to be Amerindian or first-generation descendants of Amerindians, that is, 1.49% of the population. The most populous of these were the Aonikenk, Qom, Wichí, Mocoví, Huarpe peoples and Guarani In the 2010 census, 955,032 Argentines declared to be Amerindian or first-generation descendants of Amerindians, that is, 2.38% of the population. Many Argentines claim at least one indigenous ancestor: in a recent genetic study conducted by the University of Buenos Aires, more than 56% of the 320 Argentines sampled were shown to have at least one indigenous ancestor in one parental lineage and about 11% had indigenous ancestors in both parental lineages.
Jujuy Province, in the Argentine Northwest, is home to the highest percentage of households with at least one indigenous person or a direct descendant of an indigenous people. The earliest evidence of indigenous peoples yet discovered in what today is Argentina is the Piedra Museo archaeological site in Santa Cruz Province, found to date from 11,000 BCE; the Cueva de las Manos, in the same province, is over 10,000 years old. Both are among the oldest evidence of indigenous culture in the Americas, have, with a number of ancient sites elsewhere in the hemisphere, challenged the "Clovis First" hypothesis on the settlement of the Americas. By the year 1500, many different indigenous communities lived in, they were not a unified group but many independent ones, with distinct languages and relations with each other. As a result, they did not face the arrival of the Spanish colonization as a single block and had varied reactions toward the Europeans; the Spanish people looked down on the indigenous population, to the point that they held in doubt whether they had souls, following the general thought in Europe.
For this reason, they kept little historical information about them. In the 19th century major population movements altered the original Patagonian demography. Between 1820 and 1850 the original Aonikenk people were conquered and expelled from their territories by invading Mapuche armies. By 1870 most of northern Patagonia and the south east Pampas were Araucanized. During the Generation of 1880, European immigration was encouraged as a way of occupying an empty territory, configuring the national population and, through their colonizing effort incorporating the nation into the world market; these changes were best summarized by the anthropological metaphor which states that “Argentines descend from ships.” The strength of the immigration and its contribution to the Argentine ethnography is evident by observing that Argentina became the second country in the world that received the most immigrants, with 6.6 millions, second only to the United States with 27 millions, ahead of countries such as Canada, Australia, etc.
The expansion of European immigrant communities and the railways westward into the Pampas and south into Patagonia was met with Malón raids by displaced tribes. This led to the Conquest of the Desert in the 1870s. Indigenous cultures in Argentina were affected by a process of invisibilization, promoted by the government during the second half of the 19th century and the early 20th; the extensive explorations and writing by Juan Bautista Ambrosetti and other ethnographers during the 20th century encouraged wider interest in indigenous people in Argentina, their contributions to the nation's culture were further underscored during the administration of President Juan Perón in the 1940s and 1950s as part of the rustic criollo culture and values exalted by Perón during that era. Discriminatory policies toward these people and other minorities ended, with the August 3, 1988, enactment of the Antidiscrimination Law by President Raúl Alfonsín, were countered further with the establishment of a government bureau, the National Institute Against Discrimination and Racism, in 1995.
Corrientes Province, in 2004, became the first in the nation to award an indigenous language with co-official status, all 35 native peoples were recognized by both the 2004 Indigenous Peoples Census and by their inclusion as self-descriptive categories in the 2010 census. In addition to the indigenous population in Argentina, most Argentines are descended from indigenous peoples or have some indigenous ancestry. Many genetic studies have shown that Argentina's genetic footprint is but not overwhelmingly European. In one of the most comprehensive genetic studies involving the population of Argentina, 441 Argentines from across the North East, North West and Central provinces of the country, it was observed that the Argentine population comprised on average of 65% European, followed by 31% Amerindian, 4% of African ancestry, it was found there were great differences in the ancestry amongst Argentines as one traveled across the country. For example, the population in the Nort
December 2001 riots in Argentina
The December 2001 crisis, sometimes known as the Argentinazo, was a period of civil unrest and rioting in Argentina, which took place during December 2001, with the most violent incidents taking place on 19 and 20 December in the capital, Buenos Aires and other large cities around the country. It was preceded by a popular revolt against the Argentine government, rallying behind the motto "All of them must go!", which caused the resignation of then-president Fernando de la Rúa, giving way to a period of political instability during which five government officials performed the duties of the Argentinian presidency. This period of instability occurred during the larger period of crisis known as the Argentine great depression, an economic and social crisis that lasted from 1998 until 2002; the December 2001 crisis was a direct response to the government's imposition of "Corral" policies at the behest of economic minister Domingo Cavallo, which restricted people's ability to withdraw cash from banks.
Rioting and protests became widespread on 19 December 2001 following the president's declaration of a state of emergency and his resignation on the following day. A state of extreme institutional instability continued for the next twelve days, during which the successor president Adolfo Rodríguez Saá resigned as well. While the degree of instability subsided, the events of December 2001 would become a blow against the legitimacy of the Argentine government that would persist for the following years; the majority of the participants in the protests were unaffiliated with any political party or organization. Over the course of the protests, 39 people were killed by security forces. Of the 39 killed, nine were minors, an indication of the degree of repression ordered by the government to oppose the protests. Fernando de la Rúa, as the candidate for the Alliance for Work and Education, had assumed the role of president in December of 1999 in the middle of a recession, caused in part by the Convertibility plan passed in 1991 which pegged the value of the Argentine peso to the United States dollar.
While political reforms under the previous president Carlos Menem had succeeded in reducing inflation, the downsides of his economic policies became more and more apparent starting in 1997. Maintaining the convertibility of pesos to dollars required the government of Argentina to obtain an abundant supply of American dollars. At first, this supply was maintained by the privatization of nearly all of the Argentinian state's industries and pension funds; as the privatization process was completed, Argentina's agriculture export-based economy was unable to maintain a sufficient flow of dollars to the state, the system began to require more and more sovereign debt. One of the key factors leading to the victory of the Alliance in the 1999 elections was its promise to uphold the convertibility plan. One of de la Rúa's campaign slogans declared "With me, one peso, one dollar". Despite a changing international economic situation, mounting demands for increased monetary sovereignty, the Alliance committed itself to maintain the status quo at all costs.
De la Rúa's political situation was precarious. His arrival to power in 1999 had been possible thanks to the Alliance for Work and Education, a coalition formed by the Radical Civic Union and the FrePaSo, which managed to defeat the incumbent Justicialist Party in that year's presidential elections. However, the Alliance failed to achieve a majority in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, lost the provincial elections to the Peronists, who remained in charge of large and critical districts such as the Buenos Aires, Córdoba and Santa Fe provinces; the government coalition was strained from the first moment. In late 2000 a political scandal broke out when it was reported that SIDE, Argentina's intelligence service, had paid massive bribes to a number of senators to approve a controversial Labor Reform Act; the head of SIDE, Fernando de Santibañes, was a personal friend of De la Rúa. The crisis came to a head on October 2000 when Vice President Carlos Álvarez resigned, citing De la Rúa's unwillingness to tackle corruption.
De la Rúa's economic policies suffered a severe blow in March 2001 when Economy Minister José Luis Machinea resigned from office. He was replaced by the then-Defense Minister Ricardo López Murphy, who himself was forced to resign following negative reception to his shock program. After only two weeks in office, López Murphy was replaced by Domingo Cavallo, who had served as Economy Minister between 1991 and 1996, and, the original author of the Convertibility plan during Menem's presidency; because of the worsening economic situation and mounting foreign debt, the government enacted two enormous campaigns of debt-expansion and refinancing under the supervision of the International Monetary Fund, named "The armoring" and "The Megaexchange" respectively. From the first moment, there were allegations of corruption and money laundering about the megacanje; the crisis caused the resignation of all the FrePaSo Cabin
María Eva Duarte de Perón was the wife of Argentine President Juan Perón and First Lady of Argentina from 1946 until her death in 1952. She is referred to as Eva Perón or Evita, she was born in poverty in the rural village of Los Toldos, in the Pampas, as the youngest of five children. At 15 in 1934, she moved to the nation's capital of Buenos Aires to pursue a career as a stage and film actress, she met Colonel Juan Perón there on 22 January 1944 during a charity event at the Luna Park Stadium to benefit the victims of an earthquake in San Juan, Argentina. The two were married the following year. Juan Perón was elected President of Argentina in 1946, she ran the Ministries of Labor and Health and ran the charitable Eva Perón Foundation, championed women's suffrage in Argentina, founded and ran the nation's first large-scale female political party, the Female Peronist Party. In 1951, Eva Perón announced her candidacy for the Peronist nomination for the office of Vice President of Argentina, receiving great support from the Peronist political base, low-income and working-class Argentines who were referred to as descamisados or "shirtless ones".
Opposition from the nation's military and bourgeoisie, coupled with her declining health forced her to withdraw her candidacy. In 1952, shortly before her death from cancer at 33, Eva Perón was given the title of "Spiritual Leader of the Nation" by the Argentine Congress, she was given a state funeral upon her death, a prerogative reserved for heads of state. Eva Perón has become a part of international popular culture, most famously as the subject of the musical Evita. Cristina Álvarez Rodríguez claims that Evita has never left the collective consciousness of Argentines. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, the first woman elected President of Argentina, claims that women of her generation owe a debt to Eva for "her example of passion and combativeness". Eva's autobiography, La Razón de mi Vida, contains no dates or references to childhood occurrences, does not list the location of her birth or her name at birth. According to Junín's civil registry, a birth certificate shows that one María Eva Duarte was born on 7 May 1922.
Her baptismal certificate lists the date of birth as 7 May 1919 under the name Eva María Ibarguren. It is thought that in 1945 the adult Eva Perón created a forgery of her birth certificate for her marriage. Eva Perón spent her childhood in Buenos Aires province, her father, Juan Duarte, was descended from French Basque immigrants. Her mother Juana Ibarguren, was descended from Spanish Basque immigrants. Juan Duarte, a wealthy rancher from nearby Chivilcoy had a wife and family there. At that time in rural Argentina, it was not uncommon for a wealthy man to have multiple families; when Eva was a year old, Duarte returned permanently to his legal family, leaving Juana Ibarguren and her children in penury. Ibarguren and her children were forced to move to the poorest area of Junín. Los Toldos was a village in the dusty region of Las Pampas, with a reputation as a desolate place of abject poverty. To support herself and her children, Ibarguren sewed clothes for neighbors; the family was stigmatized by the abandonment of the father and by the illegitimate status of the children under Argentine law, was somewhat isolated.
A desire to expunge this part of her life might have been a motivation for Eva to arrange the destruction of her original birth certificate in 1945. When Duarte died and his mistress and their children sought to attend his funeral, there was an unpleasant scene at the church gates. Although Juana and the children were permitted to enter and pay their respects to Duarte, they were promptly directed out of the church. Mrs. Juan Duarte did not want her husband's mistress and children at the funeral and, as those of the legitimate wife, her orders were respected. Prior to abandoning Juana Ibarguren, Juan Duarte had been her sole means of support. Biographer John Barnes writes that, after this abandonment, all Duarte left to the family was a document declaring that the children were his, thus enabling them to use the Duarte surname. Soon after, Juana moved her children to a one-room apartment in Junín. To pay the rent on their single-roomed home and daughters took up jobs as cooks in the houses of the local estancias.
Owing to Eva's older brother's financial help, the family moved into a bigger house, which they transformed into a boarding house. During this time, young Eva participated in school plays and concerts. One of her favorite pastimes was the cinema. Though Eva's mother had a few plans for Eva, wanting to marry her off to one of the local bachelors, Eva herself dreamed of becoming a famous actress. Eva's love for acting was reinforced in October 1933, when she played a small role in a school play called Arriba estudiantes, which Barnes describes as "an emotional, flag-waving melodrama." After the play, Eva was determined to become an actress. In her autobiography, she explained that all the people from her own town, to the big cities described them as "marvelous places, where nothing was given but wealth". In 1934, at the age of 15, Eva escaped her poverty-stricken village when she ran off with a young musician to the nation's capital of Buenos Aires; the young couple's relationship ended as as it had begun, but Eva remained in Buenos Aires.
She began to pursue jobs on the stage and the radio, became a film actress. Eva had a series of relationships and via some of these men she did acquire a number of her modeling appoi
The Dirty War is the name used by the military junta or civic-military dictatorship of Argentina for the period of United States-backed state terrorism in Argentina from 1974 to 1983 as a part of Operation Condor, during which military and security forces and right-wing death squads in the form of the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance hunted down any political dissidents and anyone believed to be associated with socialism, left-wing Peronism or the Montoneros movement. About 30,000 people disappeared, many of whom were impossible to formally report due to the nature of state terrorism; the justification for the Dirty War was the armed actions of the Montoneros and the ERP. From 1969 to 1979, there were 1,020 murders by the guerrillas. Therefore, the targets were students, trade unionists, journalists and anyone suspected to be a left-wing activist, including Peronist guerrillas; the "disappeared" included those thought to be politically or ideologically a threat to the military junta vaguely, or contrary to the plan of neoliberal economic policies dictated by Operation Condor.
They were killed in an attempt by the junta to silence the political opposition. Many of the members of the juntas are in prison for crimes against humanity and genocide. In the decades before the 1976 coup, the Argentinian military, supported by the Argentine establishment, opposed Juan Domingo Perón's populist government and attempted a coup in 1951 and two in 1955 before succeeding with the self-proclaimed Revolución Libertadora. After taking control, the armed forces proscribed Peronism, a decision that triggered the organization of Peronist resistance in workplaces and trade unions, as the working classes sought to protect the economic and social improvements obtained under Perón's rule. Soon after the coup, Peronist resistance began organizing in workplaces and trade unions as the working classes sought economic and social improvements. Over time, as democratic rule was restored, but promises of legalizing the expression and political liberties for Peronism were not respected, guerrilla groups began to operate in the 1960s, namely Uturuncos and the EGP.
Both were small and defeated. As Perón returned from exile in 1973, the Ezeiza massacre marked the end of the alliance between left- and right-wing factions of Peronism. In 1974, Perón withdrew his support for the Montoneros shortly before his death. During the presidency of his widow Isabel, the far-right paramilitary death squad Argentine Anticommunist Alliance emerged. In 1975, Isabel signed a number of decrees empowering the military and the police to "annihilate" left-wing activists. In 1976, her government was overthrown as a part of Operation Condor by a military coup led by General Jorge Rafael Videla; the junta, calling itself the National Reorganization Process and carried out strong repression of political dissidents through the government's military and security forces. They were responsible for the arrest, killings and/or forced disappearances of an estimated 30,000 people; the junta would dictate Argentina's future. With the help of Washington, the junta was aided with $50 million in military aid.
Another group in the far right, responsible for the death of many was, Alianza Anticomunista Argentina other wise known as Triple A. Triple A was ruled under Jose Lopez Rega, the Minister of Social Welfare who used Triple A as a death squad regime. Both the junta and Triple A targeted young professionals, high school and college students and trade union members; these groups of people became main targets because of their involvement in political organizations that exploited the work of the right-wing group. Assassination occurred domestically in Argentina via mass shootings and the throwing of live citizens from airplanes to death in the South Atlantic. Additionally, 12,000 prisoners, many of whom had not been convicted through legal processes, were detained in a network of 340 secret concentration camps located throughout Argentina. Triple A partnered with the army and the air force to terrorize the population. Navy captains such as Adolfo Scilingo performed massive number of executions; these actions against victims called desaparecidos because they "disappeared" without explanation were confirmed via Scilingo, who has publicly confessed his participation in the Dirty War, stating that the Argentinian military "did worse things than the Nazis".
In 1983, the National commission on Disappeared People forced Scilingo to testify where he described how "prisoners were drugged, loaded onto military planes, thrown and semi-conscious, into the Atlantic Ocean". A vast majority of those who were killed left with no record of their disappearance; the junta referred to their policy of suppressing opponents as the National Reorganization Process. Argentine military and security forces created paramilitary death squads, operating behind "fronts" as independent units. Argentina coordinated actions with other South American dictatorships as in Operation Condor. Faced with increasing public opposition and severe economic problems, the military tried to regain popularity by occupying the disputed Falkland Islands. During the resulting Falklands War, the military government lost any remaining favour after its defeat by Britain, forcing it to step aside in disgrace and allow for free elections to be held in late 1983; the democratic government of Raúl Alfonsín was elected to office in 1983
History of Argentina
The history of Argentina can be divided into four main parts: the pre-Columbian time or early history, the colonial period, the period of nation-building, the history of modern Argentina. Prehistory in the present territory of Argentina began with the first human settlements on the southern tip of Patagonia around 13,000 years ago. Written history began with the arrival of Spanish chroniclers in the expedition of Juan Díaz de Solís in 1516 to the Río de la Plata, which marks the beginning of Spanish occupation of this region. In 1776 the Spanish Crown established the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, an umbrella of territories from which, with the Revolution of May 1810, began a process of gradual formation of several independent states, including one called the United Provinces of Río de la Plata. With the declaration of independence on July 9, 1816 and the military defeat of the Spanish Empire in 1824, a federal state was formed in 1853-1861, known today as the Republic of Argentina; the area now known as Argentina was sparsely populated until the period of European colonization.
The earliest traces of human life are dated from the Paleolithic period, there are further signs in the Mesolithic and Neolithic. However, large areas of the interior and Piedmont were depopulated during an extensive dry period between 4000 and 2000 B. C; the Uruguayan archaeologist Raúl Campá Soler divided the indigenous peoples in Argentina into three main groups: basic hunters and food gatherers, without the development of pottery. The second group could be found in the pampas and south of Patagonia, the third one included the Charrúa and Minuane and the Guaraní; the major ethnic groups included the Onas at Tierra del Fuego, Yámana at the archipelago between the Beagle Channel and Cape Horn, Tehuelche in the Patagonia, many peoples at the literal, guaycurúes and, at Chaco. The Guaraní had expanded across large areas of South America, but settled in the northeastern provinces of Argentina; the Toba nation and the Diaguita which included the Calchaqui and the Quilmes lived in the North and the Comechingones in what is today the province of Cordoba.
The Charrúa, Bohán and Chaná were people located in the actual territory of Entre Ríos and the Querandí in Buenos Aires. In the late 15th century, the Native tribes of the Quebrada de Humahuaca were conquered by the Inca Empire, under Topa Inca Yupanqui, to secure the supply of metals such as silver and copper; the Incan domination of the area lasted for about half a century and ended with the arrival of the Spanish in 1536. Europeans first arrived in the region with the 1502 Portuguese voyage of Gonçalo Coelho and Amerigo Vespucci. Around 1512, João de Lisboa and Estevão de Fróis discovered the Rio de La Plata in present-day Argentina, exploring its estuary, contacting the Charrúa people, bringing the first news of the "people of the mountains", the Inca empire, obtained from the local natives, they traveled as far south as the Gulf of San Matias at 42ºS, on the northern shores of Patagonia. The Spanish, led by Juan Díaz de Solís, visited the territory, now Argentina in 1516. In 1536 Pedro de Mendoza established a small settlement at the modern location of Buenos Aires, abandoned in 1541.
A second one was established in 1580 by Juan de Garay, Córdoba in 1573 by Jerónimo Luis de Cabrera. Those regions were part of the Viceroyalty of Peru, whose capital was Lima, settlers arrived from that city. Unlike the other regions of South America, the colonization of the Río de la Plata estuary was not influenced by any gold rush, since it lacked any precious metals to mine; the natural ports on the Río de la Plata estuary could not be used because all shipments were meant to be made through the port of Callao near Lima, a condition that led to contraband becoming the normal means of commerce in cities such as Asunción, Buenos Aires, Montevideo. The Spanish raised the status of this region by establishing the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776; this viceroyalty consisted of today's Argentina and Paraguay, as well as much of present-day Bolivia. Buenos Aires, now holding the customs of the new political subdivision, became a flourishing port, as the revenues from the Potosí, the increasing maritime activity in terms of goods rather than precious metals, the production of cattle for the export of leather and other products, other political reasons, made it become one of the most important commercial centers of the region.
The viceroyalty was, short-lived due to lack of internal cohesion among its many regions and lack of Spanish support. Ships from Spain became scarce again after the Spanish defeat at the battle of Trafalgar, that gave the British maritime supremacy; the British tried to invade Buenos Aires and Montevideo in 1806 and 1807, but were defeated both times by Santiago de Liniers. Those victories, achieved without help from mainland Spain, boosted the confidence of the city; the beginning of the Peninsular War in Spain and the capture of the Spanish king Ferdinand VII created great concern all around the viceroyalty. It was thought; this idea led to multiple attempts to remove the local authorities at Chuquisaca, La Paz and Buenos Aires, all of which were short-lived. A new successful attempt, the May Revolution of 1810, took place when it was reported that all of Spain, with the exception of Cádiz and León, had been conquered; the May Revolution ousted the viceroy. Other forms of government, such as a constitutional monarchy or a Regency were considered.
1963 Argentine general election
The Argentine general election of 1963 was held on 7 July. Voters chose both their legislators; the spectre of military intervention so much in evidence after the election of Arturo Frondizi in 1958 became reality following his coerced resignation on March 29, 1962. His UCRI candidates had done well. An array of political leaders had been lobbying the military against Frondizi, as well: centrist UCRP leader Ricardo Balbín and conservative economist Álvaro Alsogaray both celebrated the president's unceremonious exit; the matter of Frondizi's successor, became a subject of contention within the armed forces. The two opposing camps defined themselves as either "Blues" or "Reds"; the stalemate lasted a day because most of the Army High Command were "Blues," whose preference of a "legal" solution to the vacuum was supported by most of the press and the Argentine public enjoying Latin America's widest access to the media. Relying on constitutional guidelines, they named the reluctant Senate President José María Guido Head of State.
Guido, a moderate senator from then-remote Río Negro Province, had been elected on Frondizi's's UCRI ticket. His prompt resignation from the UCRI and annulment of the March 18 mid-term elections did not dispel the threat of a coup attempt and mutinies in April and August resulted in the appointment of Army General Juan Carlos Onganía as Head of the Military Joint Chiefs; the more stable military panorama was overshadowed by economic worries. Following a brief period of robust growth led by industrial production, President Guido's economic team, led by Alsogaray, imposed a fresh devaluation and austerity measures such as strict credit controls and the payment of state salaries with nearly-worthless bonds. GDP fell by 4% in 1962-63 and unemployment rose to nearly 9%; the Radical Civic Union was again divided between the Intransigent and more conservative Popular factions as they convened in March 1963. The UCRP nominated former Córdoba Province Vice-Governor Arturo Illia, a country doctor fondly remembered for his work in the Public Health Committee in Congress.
The UCRI, as they had done in 1958 hoped to secure the exiled Juan Perón's endorsement who, from Madrid, still directly controlled a fifth of the Argentine electorate. Permitted to field local and Lower House candidates Peronist voters, like in 1962, rallied behind the UP and six other parties, their intention to run in the less-than-free elections was itself in defiance of Perón, who refused to endorse "neo-Peronist" candidates and instead called for blank ballots. Alejandro Leloir, who had fallen out with fellow neo-Peronists as well as Perón, ran for President independently on the Three Flags ticket. Against opposition from former Buenos Aires Governor Oscar Alende and Perón agreed on a "National Popular Front," fielding a respected, moderately conservative publisher as the nominee, Vicente Solano Lima. Tricked by a similar move in 1958, the military objected, leading to the brutal 1963 Argentine Navy Revolt on April 2, which cost 24 lives and scuttled the Perón-Frondizi front; these incidents led former President Pedro Aramburu run on his UDELPA ticket, thus hoping to provide those most to support a military coup a suitable, center-right choice instead.
He was endorsed by the more moderate Democratic Progressive Party, whose leader, Horacio Thedy, ran as Aramburu's running mate. Other anti-Peronist conservatives supported former Córdoba Mayor Emilio Olmos and the FNPC. Hamstrung by Frondizi's open enmity against Alende for the latter's rejection of the aborted Front, as well as Perón's call for blank ballots, Alende's UCRI was defeated in an upset by Dr. Arturo Illia and the UCRP; the renewed ban on the participation of Peronist candidates resulted in the highest percentage of blank votes in Argentine electoral history. Radical Civic Union: Former Deputy Arturo Umberto Illia of Córdoba Intransigent Radical Civic Union: Former Governor Oscar Alende of Buenos Aires UDELPA: Former de facto President Pedro Eugenio Aramburu of Córdoba National Federation of Centrist Parties: Former Córdoba Mayor Emilio Olmos Christian Democratic Party: Former Deputy Horacio Sueldo of Buenos Aires Socialist Party: Former Senator Alfredo Palacios of Buenos Aires aAbstentions.
Electoral system: Proportional representation by districts according to the D'Hondt method. Seats are divided among those lists of candidates f
Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín Foulkes was an Argentine lawyer and statesman who served as the President of Argentina from 10 December 1983 to 8 July 1989. Alfonsín was the first democratically elected president after more than seven years of military dictatorship and is considered the "father of modern democracy in Argentina". Born in Chascomús, Buenos Aires Province, he began his studies of law at the National University of La Plata and was a graduate of the University of Buenos Aires, he was affiliated with the Radical Civic Union, joining the faction of Ricardo Balbín after the party split. He was elected a deputy in the legislature of the Buenos Aires province in 1958, during the presidency of Arturo Frondizi, a national deputy during the presidency of Arturo Umberto Illia, he opposed both sides of the Dirty War, several times filed a writ of Habeas corpus, requesting the freedom of victims of forced disappearances, during the National Reorganization Process. He denounced the crimes of the military dictatorship of other countries, opposed the actions of both sides in the Falklands War as well.
He became the leader of the UCR after Balbín's death, was the Radical candidate for the presidency in the 1983 elections, which he won. When he became president, he sent a bill to the Congress to revoke the self-amnesty law established by the military, he established the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons to investigate the crimes committed by the military, which led to the Trial of the Juntas and resulted in the sentencing of the heads of the former regime. Discontent within the military led to the mutinies of the Carapintadas, leading Alfonsín to appease them with the full stop law and the law of Due Obedience, he had conflicts with the unions, which were controlled by the opposing Justicialist Party. He resolved the Beagle conflict, increased trade with Brazil, proposed the creation of the Contadora support group to mediate between the United States and the Nicaraguan Contras, he passed the first divorce law of Argentina. He initiated the Austral plan to improve the national economy, but that plan, as well as the Spring plan, failed.
The resulting hyperinflation and riots led to his party's defeat in the 1989 presidential elections, won by Peronist Carlos Menem. He continued as the leader of the UCR, opposed the presidency of Carlos Menem, he initiated the Pact of Olivos with Menem in order to negotiate the terms for the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution. Fernando de la Rúa led a faction of the UCR that opposed the pact, became president in 1999. De la Rúa resigned during the December 2001 riots, Alfonsín's faction provided the support needed for the Peronist Eduardo Duhalde to be appointed president by the Congress. Alfonsín died of lung cancer on 31 March 2009, at the age of 82, was given a large state funeral. Raúl Alfonsín was born on 12 March 1927, in the city of Chascomús, 123 km south of Buenos Aires, his parents were Ana María Foulkes. His father was of Spanish and German descent, his mother was the daughter of Welsh immigrant Ricardo Foulkes and Falkland Islander María Elena Ford. Following his elementary schooling, Raúl Alfonsín enrolled at the General San Martín Military Lyceum, graduating after five years as a second lieutenant.
He did not pursue a military career, began studying law instead. He began his studies at the National University of La Plata, completed them at the University of Buenos Aires, graduating at the age of 23, he married María Lorenza Barreneche, whom he met in the 1940s at a masquerade ball, in 1949. They moved to Mendoza, La Plata, returned to Chascomús, they had six sons, of whom only Ricardo Alfonsín would follow a political career. Alfonsín bought a local newspaper, he joined the Radical Civic Union in 1946, as a member of the Intransigent Renewal Movement, a faction of the party that opposed the incorporation of the UCR into the Democratic Union coalition. He was appointed president of the party committee in Chascomús in 1951, was elected to the city council in 1954, he was detained for a brief time, during the reaction of the government of Juan Perón to the bombing of Plaza de Mayo. The Revolución Libertadora ousted Perón from the national government; the UCR broke up into two parties: the Intransigent Radical Civic Union, led by Arturo Frondizi, the People's Radical Civic Union, led by Ricardo Balbín and Crisólogo Larralde.
Alfonsín did not like the split, but opted to follow the UCRP. Alfonsín was elected deputy for the legislature of the Buenos Aires province in 1958, on the UCRP ticket, was reelected in 1962, he moved to capital of the province, during his tenure. President Frondizi was ousted by a military coup on 29 March 1962, which closed the provincial legislature. Alfonsín returned to Chascomús; the UCRP prevailed over the UCRI the following year, leading to the presidency of Arturo Umberto Illia. Alfonsín was elected a national deputy, vice president of the UCRP bloc in the congress. In 1963 he was appointed president of the party committee for the province of Buenos Aires. Illia was deposed by a new military coup in the Argentine Revolution. Alfonsín was detained while trying to hold a political rally in La Plata, a second time when he tried to re-open the UCRP committee, he was forced to resign as deputy in November 1966. He was detained a third time in 1968 after a political rally in La Plata, he wrote opinion articles in newspapers, under the pseudonyms Alfonso Carrido Lura and Serafín Feijó.
The Dirty War began during this time, as many guerrilla groups rejected both the right-wing mi