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Accrington

Accrington is a town in the Hyndburn borough of Lancashire, England. It lies about 4 miles east of Blackburn, 6 miles west of Burnley, 13 miles east of Preston, 20 miles north of Manchester city centre and is situated on the culverted River Hyndburn. Abbreviated by locals to "Accy", the town has a population of 35,456 according to the 2011 census. Accrington is a former centre of the textile machinery industries; the town is famed for manufacturing the hardest and densest building bricks in the world, "The Accrington NORI", which were used in the construction of the Empire State Building and for the foundations of Blackpool Tower. C. and the Haworth Art Gallery which holds Europe's largest collection of Tiffany glass. The name Accrington appears to be Anglo-Saxon in origin. In the records it variously appears as Akarinton in 1194; the name may mean acorn farmstead from Anglo-Saxon æcern meaning acorn and tun meaning farmstead or village. The southern part of Accrington, the township of New Accrington, was in the Forest of Blackburnshire and the presence of oak trees may be inferred from local place names like Broad Oak and Oak Hill.

The products of oak trees were once an important food for swine and a farmstead may have been named for such produce. Anglo-Saxon ᴁcerntun might become Middle English Akerenton and the like. Worth considering is that in the Lancashire dialect acorn was akran. There is no known Old English personal name from, but if the Frisian names Akkrum and Dutch name Akkerghem, are derived from the personal name Akker there may be a corresponding Old English name from which Accrington may be derived. Accrington covers two townships. There have been settlements there since the medieval period in the Grange Lane and Black Abbey area, the King's Highway which passes above the town was at one time used by the kings and queens of England when they used the area for hunting when the Forest of Accrington was one of the four forests of the hundred of Blackburnshire. Robert de Lacy gave the manor of Accrington to the monks of Kirkstall in the 12th century; the monks built a grange there. The locals got their revenge by setting fire to the new building, destroying its contents and in the process killing the three lay brothers who occupied it.

An area of the town is named'Black Abbey', a possible reference to the murders. Regardless of whatever happened, Accrington did not remain under monastic control for long before reverting to the de Lacys, it is thought the monks of Kirkstall may have built a small chapel there during their tenure for the convenience of those in charge residing there and their tenants, but the records are uncertain. What is known is that there was a chapel in Accrington prior to 1553 where the vicar of Whalley was responsible for the maintenance of divine worship; however it did not have its own minister and it was served, when at all, by the curate of one of the adjacent chapels. In 1717 Accrington was served by the curate of Church. St. James's Church was built in 1763, replacing the old chapel however it did not achieve parochial status until as late as 1870; until around 1830 visitors considered Accrington to be just a "considerable village". The Industrial Revolution, resulted in large changes and Accrington's location on the confluence of a number of streams made it attractive to industry and a number of mills were built in the town in the mid-18th century.

Further industrialisation followed in the late-18th century and local landowners began building mansions in the area on the outskirts of the settlement where their mills were located while their employees lived in overcrowded unsanitary conditions in the centre. Industrialisation resulted in rapid population growth during the 19th century, as people moved from over North West England to Accrington, with the population increasing from 3,266 in 1811 to 10,376 in 1851 to 43,211 in 1901 to its peak in 1911 at 45,029; this fast population growth and slow response from the established church allowed non-conformism to flourish in the town. By the mid-19th century there were Wesleyan, Primitive Methodist, United Free Methodist, Congregationalist, Swedenborgian, Roman Catholic and Catholic Apostolic churches in the town; the Swedenborgian church was so grand that it was considered to be the ‘Cathedral' of that denomination. For many decades the textiles industry, the engineering industry and coal mining were the central activities of the town.

Cotton mills and dye works provided work for the inhabitants, but in difficult conditions. There was regular conflict with employers over working conditions. On 24 April 1826 over 1,000 men and women, many armed, gathered at Whinney Hill in Clayton-le-Moors to listen to a speaker from where they marched on Sykes's Mill at Higher Grange Lane, near the site of the modern police station and magistrates' courts, smashed over 60 looms; these riots spread from Accrington through Oswaldtwistle, Darwen, Rossendale and Chorley. In the end after three days of riots 1,139 looms were destroyed, 4 rioters and 2 bystanders shot dead by the authorities in Rossendale and 41 rioters sentenced to death. In the 1842'plug riots' a general strike spread from town to town due to conditions in the town. In a population of 9,000 people as few as 100

Gender roles in agriculture

Gender roles in agriculture are a frequent subject of study by sociologists and farm economists. Historians study them, as they are important in understanding the social structure of agrarian, industrial, societies. Agriculture provides lots of job livelihoods around the world, it can reflect gender inequality and uneven distribution of resources and privileges among gender. According to the Institute of Agriculture and Natural Resources, University of Nebraska-Lincoln, women have a harder time obtaining land and knowledge than men in developing countries. Several organizations such as Food and Agriculture Organization and independent research have indicated that increasing gender corporation can bring more profits and food security for the community; the "classical" farm gender roles in the United States, although varying somewhat from region to region, were based on a division of labor in which men participated in "field" tasks, while most women participated in "farmhouse" tasks. According to agro-historian Jane Adams, the middle 20th century brought a change in which the centralization of agriculture eliminated many of the tasks considered part of the "female" role.

This changed the perception of women from being active "housekeepers" to passive "homemakers". Some began working off the farm, or joined their husbands in fieldwork, but the majority, per Dr. Adams became more like urban housewives; this trend continued until the 1980s farm crisis, in which economic downturns obliged many of them to take jobs off-farm. Gender roles in Canadian agriculture vary according to the region and community. Alberta, Southern Alberta, has traditionally had defined gender roles similar to the late 19th-century United States. Men worked together and women worked together, but there were few tasks in which both men and women participated together. On most Alberta farms up until the 1970s, decisions about matters such as planning and insurance were done by fiat of the husband, rather than by joint venture of husband and wife; some writers have considered Alberta's gendered division of farm life to be not only inefficient from an agricultural standpoint, but deleterious to the integrity of marriage relationships as well.

In the agricultural tradition of Central Canada there is an emphasis on conjugal collaboration. Major decisions are made together, with each spouse having equal decisive power; when extended families live and farm together, couples within the extended family are considered as working "units". This style of family farm management is rather common in the rest of Canada as well. Quebec agriculture is based on the historic seigneurial system, vestiges of which exist today in the organized district system. Gender roles are sometimes more pronounced in areas. In Southern Ontario the history of agricultural gender roles parallels that of the U. S. A. precisely. Besides these regional generalities, traditions vary among different ethnic and religious communities, such as First Nations, Anabaptist, or historic immigrant settlements. Across Canada, in the United States, the assignment of roles tends to be more egalitarian on organic and Certified Naturally Grown farms than on "conventional" ones. Agricultural society in what is now the C.

I. S. Goes back thousands of years, entails numerous distinct cultures. Slavic-speaking societies tended to follow the general Indo-European pattern of patrilineality, passing down property and rights from father to son. In agriculture this meant livestock; the gender roles on the farm presumed that the farm and all its contents belonged to the father or grandfather. Uralic-speaking societies, on the other hand, had a egalitarian system in which land was considered to be the domain of a larger extended family or folk group, without rigid boundaries between individual homesteads. Division of labor was not rigid, spouses worked alongside each other, or helped each other with various tasks. During the Russian Empire period, Slavonic patriarchy was emphasized and promoted to a greater extent across the board; this was the case in southern and central Russia during the 18th and 19th centuries, where every farmer or farm laborer was considered to hold a position in the feudal hierarchy of the Empire, until this system was modified in the 19th century.

Men were the official landowners and decision-makers, though women had a significant amount of unofficial influence in decision-making. In the years leading up to the Revolution, as the remnants of feudalism disintegrated, many Russian farm families joined artels, or cooperatives; the cooperatives practiced equal consideration of men's and women's opinions in making collective decisions, a sharp contrast to the feudal method. Moreover, as the Empire became more connected by rail and road, the rural residents of central and southern Russia gained knowledge of Uralic-based farm operation systems; these northern and eastern traditions contributed to the emerging cooperative practices. After the Revolution, the government was supportive toward the artel movement; when the Stalinist government took power, many of the artels were superseded by state farm units under control of the central government. The effect on gender roles varied: workers of both sexes were assigned to do similar tasks, but managers and overseers wer

Prospect Hill (Spotsylvania County, Virginia)

Prospect Hill is a plantation house in Spotsylvania County, Virginia. The house was built between 1812 by Spotswood Dabney Crenshaw for Waller Holladay. Holladay was elected to several local political positions and served in the Virginia General Assembly. Waller purchased land around Prospect Hill beginning in 1803 using an inheritance from his half-brother, General Lewis Littlepage. One of the original outbuildings housed the first post office in Spotsylvania in 1809. Holladay and his wife, raised 13 children at Prospect hill. One of their sons, James Holladay, was captured at the Battle of Five Forks during the American Civil War - just days before the Confederate surrender at Appomattox Court House; when he was released, James restored it to operation. In the 1880s he added a porch surrounding the first floor; this was the only addition to Prospect Hill until 1991. Prospect Hill underwent restoration between 1991 and 1996; the restoration was done by Holladay family members - descendants of Huldah Holladay.

A number of buildings are part of the plantation. In addition to the manor house, seven dependencies which have been restored, the granary and the plantation office

Adiantum alarconianum

Adiantum alarconianum is a South American maidenhair fern. First scientifically collected in the early 1800s in Ecuador, it is found in neighboring parts of Peru as well, its iridescent stem. The leaves range from 30 to 50 cm in length, vary from linear to egg-shaped, coming to a point at the tip; the leaf blade is cut into pinnae. The stalk of the leaf, below the blade may have a few short soft hairs and/or scales on the upper side, or be hairless; the stem passing through the leaf blade always has such hairs and/or scales on the upper side, but these do not extend to the rest of the rachis. When they occur, the hairs branch into a star-like shape; the stem scales are a distinctive feature of the species. The pinnae, which are alternate on the rachis, range in shape from oblong-falcate to long-triangular, they are asymmetrical at the base, being attached directly to the rachis near one corner of the pinna. The upper surfaces of the pinnae are hairless, they are not divided. Adiantum alarconianum was described as A. incisum by Carl Presl in publishing the collection of Thaddäus Haenke in 1825.

However, the name A. incisum had been used in 1775 to describe a fern collected by Peter Forsskål. Presl's ferns were held to be synonymous with A. alarconianum, the type specimen for, collected in 1836 and published in 1846 by Charles Gaudichaud. Adiantum incisum Presl was described as occurring in Guayas Province, near Guayaquil, in Mexico, but the latter reference is now held to be an error; the type specimen of A. alarconianum was collected near Guayaquil. It has been collected in a number of locations in western Ecuador and in the Galápagos Islands, in the nearby Tumbes Province of Peru. Peruvian specimens were collected in woods. Hemsley, W. Botting. Godman, F. Ducane. Biologia Centrali-Americana. III. London: R. H. Porter. Presl, Carl Borivoj. Reliquuiae Haenkeanae. 1. Prague: J. G. Calve. P. 61. "Adiantum alarconianum Gaudich". Tropicos. Missouri Botanical Garden. Retrieved 2011-12-08. Tryon, Rolla M.. "Pteridophyta of Peru–Part II 13. Pteridaceae-15. Dennstaedtaceae". Fieldiana. Botany New Series, No. 22: 67.

ISSN 0015-0746. Type specimen of A. alarconianum

László Almásy

László Ede Almásy de Zsadány et Törökszentmiklós was a Hungarian aristocrat, desert explorer, Scout-leader and sportsman who served as the basis for the protagonist in both Michael Ondaatje's novel The English Patient and the movie adaptation of the same name. Almásy was born in Borostyánkő, Austria-Hungary, into a Hungarian noble family, from 1911 to 1914, was educated at Berrow School, situated in a private house in Eastbourne, where he was tutored by Daniel Wheeler. During World War I, Almásy joined the 11th Hussars along with his brother Janos. Almásy saw action against the Serbians, the Russians on the Eastern Front. In 1916, he transferred to the Austro-Hungarian Royal Aviation Troops. After being shot down over Northern Italy in March 1918, Almásy saw out the remainder of the war as a flight instructor. After the war, Almásy returned to join the Eastbourne Technical Institute, in England. From November 1921 to June 1922, he lodged at the same address in Eastbourne, he was a member of the pioneering Eastbourne Flying Club.

Returning to Hungary, Almásy became the personal secretary of the Bishop of Szombathely, János Mikes, one of the leading figures of the abortive post-war Habsburg restoration attempt. The young Almásy became involved in these events by accident as the driver of Bishop Mikes when King Karl IV of Hungary returned to Hungary in 1921 to claim the throne, was helped by Mikes to reach Budapest. After he was introduced, the King continued to refer to him as "Count Almásy", confusing László with another branch of the family; this was the basis for Almásy using the title to his advantage in Egypt among the Egyptian Royalty to open doors that would have remained closed to a commoner. However, he himself admitted in private conversations. After 1921, Almásy worked as a representative of the Austrian car firm Steyr Automobile in Szombathely and won many car races in the Steyr colours, he managed to persuade a wealthy friend, Prince Antal Eszterházy, to join him in driving a Steyr from Alexandria to Khartoum, before embarking on a hunting expedition to the Dinder River, a feat which had never before been accomplished by an ordinary automobile.

The 1926 drive from Egypt to the Sudan along the Nile proved to be the turning point in his life. Almásy developed an interest in the area and returned there to drive and hunt, he demonstrated Steyr vehicles in desert conditions in 1929 with two Steyr lorries and led his first expedition to the desert. In 1931 Almásy made arrangements with a Cairo - Cape Town expedition, led by captain G. Malins, to make a detour and accompany him to Uweinat and northern Sudan on what was planned to be the first exploration of the Libyan Desert by aeroplane, he was accompanied by Count Nándor Zichy. They took off from Mátyásföld Airport Budapest on 21 August in a De Havilland Gipsy Moth, purchased by Zichy in England a few weeks earlier. Four days they crashed in a storm near Aleppo. Both survived with scratches only; the Syrian papers reported them dead, the Malins expedition left Cairo without them. In 1932, Almásy embarked on an expedition to find the legendary Zerzura, "The Oasis of the Birds," with three Britons, Sir Robert Clayton, Squadron Leader H.

W. G. J. Penderel and Patrick Clayton; the expedition used a De Havilland Gipsy Moth aeroplane owned by Sir Robert Clayton. While Almásy went with two cars to Kufra Oasis, Sir Robert and Penderel discovered a valley with green vegetation inside the Gilf Kebir plateau, which they presumed to be one of the three hidden valleys of Zerzura, their attempts to reach the mouth of the valley by car failed. In 1932, Almásy's sponsor and travel companion Sir Robert Clayton East-Clayton died of acute spinal poliomyelitis contracted within two months of completing the spring 1932 expedition to the Gilf Kebir. Despite the setbacks, Almásy succeeded in organizing another Zerzura expedition for the spring of 1933, this time with the desert explorer Prince Kamal el Dine Hussein as his sponsor, he was accompanied by Squadron Leader H. W. G. J. Penderel, the Austrian writer Richard Bermann and the German cinematographer and photographer Hans Casparius; this expedition succeeded in entering the valley discovered the previous year, circumstantial evidence collected from an old Tibou at Kufra Oasis confirmed the identity of the valleys as Zerzura.

On this expedition, Almasy succeeded in entering Wadi Talh, at the end of the expedition Almásy, together with Lodovico di Caporiacco, discovered the prehistoric rock paintings of Ain Dua at Jebel Uweinat. In the autumn of 1933 Almásy embarked on a further expedition, this time with the noted German ethnographer Leo Frobenius, his assistant Hans Rhotert and draughtswoman Elisabeth Pauli, they copied and cataloged the known prehistoric rock art sites, made a large number of new discoveries at Karkur Talh and the famous Cave of Swimmers at Wadi Sora in the Gilf Kebir. In the spring of 1934 Almásy led an expedition organised by the Royal Egyptian Automobile Club to the Gilf

Parsi Gymkhana, Marine Drive

Parsi Gymkhana is a gymkhana located along Marine Drive in Mumbai. It was built for social activities of Parsis; the gymkhana is one of the founder members of the Bombay Cricket Association and was the first gymkhana to be built on communal lines in Bombay. Founded by Parsi cricketers, the Gymkhana fielded the Parsi XI during the Bombay Quadrangular and its successor Bombay Pentangular cricket tournaments. Parsi Gymkhana was founded in 1884 and was opened in 1888. In 2010, Parsi Gymkhana along with other community organisations announced a project to revive interest in cricket among the community. During World War II, the government occupied the gymkhana premises as well as that of Islam Gymkhana, leading the adjacent Hindu Gymkhana to offer membership to Muslims and Parsis as an "emergency measure"; as the gymkhana land belongs to the collector, one of its lease conditions is that the grounds should be accessible by the general public and non-sporting activities such as weddings are allowed to be held at the ground for up to 30 days in the year.

During one such event in 2003, a fire caused by a leaking LPG cylinder injured 27 people. In 2010, the local residents association moved in court to ban non-sporting activities at the ground, on the grounds that the general public was being denied access to it, something which the gymkhana denied. Parsi Gymkhana had received special permission to hold events on 60 days during the year. In 2011, the collector restricted non-sport events to 25 days a year only on weekdays; the gymkhana is used for other events, such as the unveiling of the world's cheapest car, Tata Nano by Ratan Tata in 2009