The Kosovo War was an armed conflict in Kosovo that started in late February 1998 and lasted until 11 June 1999. It was fought by the forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which controlled Kosovo before the war, the Kosovo Albanian rebel group known as the Kosovo Liberation Army, with air support from the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation from 24 March 1999, ground support from the Albanian army; the KLA was formed in 1991 and initiated its first campaign in 1995 when it launched attacks targeting Serbian law enforcement in Kosovo. In June 1996 the group claimed responsibility for acts of sabotage targeting Kosovo police stations. In 1997, the organisation acquired a large amount of arms through weapons smuggling from Albania, following a rebellion in which weapons were looted from the country's police and army posts. In early 1998, KLA attacks targeting Yugoslav authorities in Kosovo resulted in an increased presence of Serb paramilitaries and regular forces who subsequently began pursuing a campaign of retribution targeting KLA sympathisers and political opponents.
After attempts at a diplomatic solution failed, NATO intervened, justifying the campaign in Kosovo as a "humanitarian war". This precipitated a mass expulsion of Kosovar Albanians as the Yugoslav forces continued to fight during the aerial bombardment of Yugoslavia. By 2000, investigations had recovered the remains of three thousand victims of all ethnicities, in 2001 a United Nations administered Supreme Court, based in Kosovo, found that there had been "a systematic campaign of terror, including murders, rapes and severe maltreatments", but that Yugoslav troops had tried to remove rather than eradicate the Albanian population; the war ended with the Kumanovo Treaty, with Yugoslav and Serb forces agreeing to withdraw from Kosovo to make way for an international presence. The Kosovo Liberation Army disbanded soon after this, with some of its members going on to fight for the UÇPMB in the Preševo Valley and others joining the National Liberation Army and Albanian National Army during the armed ethnic conflict in Macedonia, while others went on to form the Kosovo Police.
After the war, a list was compiled which documented that over 13,500 people were killed or went missing during the two year conflict. The Yugoslav and Serb forces caused the displacement of between 1.2 million to 1.45 million Kosovo Albanians. After the war, around 200,000 Serbs and other non-Albanians fled Kosovo and many of the remaining civilians were victims of abuse. Serbia became home to the highest number of IDPs in Europe; the NATO bombing campaign has remained controversial, as it did not gain the approval of the UN Security Council and because it caused at least 488 Yugoslav civilian deaths, including substantial numbers of Kosovar refugees. The modern Albanian-Serbian conflict has its roots in the expulsion of the Albanians in 1877-1878 from areas that became incorporated into the Principality of Serbia. Tensions between the Serbian and Albanian communities in Kosovo simmered throughout the 20th century and erupted into major violence during the First Balkan War, World War I, World War II.
After 1945 the socialist government under Josip Broz Tito systematically repressed all manifestations of nationalism throughout Yugoslavia, seeking to ensure that no republic or nationality gained dominance over the others. In particular, Tito diluted the power of Serbia—the largest and most populous republic—by establishing autonomous governments in the Serbian province of Vojvodina in the north and Kosovo and Metohija in the south. Kosovo's borders did not match the areas of ethnic Albanian settlement in Yugoslavia. Kosovo's formal autonomy, established under the 1945 Yugoslav constitution meant little in practice; the secret police cracked down hard on nationalists. In 1956 a number of Albanians went on trial in Kosovo on charges of subversion; the threat of separatism was in fact minimal, as the few underground groups aiming for union with Albania had little political significance. Their long-term impact became substantial, though, as some—particularly the Revolutionary Movement for Albanian Unity, founded by Adem Demaçi—would form the political core of the Kosovo Liberation Army.
Demaci himself was imprisoned in 1964 along with many of his followers. Yugoslavia underwent a period of economic and political crisis in 1969, as a massive government program of economic reform widened the gap between the rich north and poor south of the country. Student demonstrations and riots in Belgrade in June 1968 spread to Kosovo in November, but Yugoslav security forces quelled them. Tito conceded some of the students' demands—in particular, representative powers for Albanians in both the Serbian and Yugoslav state bodies and better recognition of the Albanian language; the University of Pristina was established as an independent institution in 1970, ending a long period when the institution had been run as an outpost of Belgrade University. The lack of Albanian-language educational materials in Yugoslavia hampered Albanian education in Kosovo, so an agreement was struck with Albania itself to supply textbooks. In 1969 the Serbian Orthodox Church ordered its clergy to compile data on the ongoing problems of Serbs in Kosovo, seeking to pressure the government in Belgrade to do more to protect the interests of Serbs there.
In 1974 Kosovo's political status improved further when a new Yugoslav constitutio
Mitrovica or Kosovska Mitrovica is a city and municipality located in Kosovo. Settled on the banks of Ibar and Sitnica rivers, the city is the administrative center of the Mitrovica District. In 2013, following the North Kosovo crisis, the Serb-majority municipality of North Mitrovica was created, dividing the city in two administrative units, both operating within the Kosovo legal framework. According to the 2011 Census, in Mitrovica live 84,235 inhabitants, 71,909 of which in the southern municipality and 12,326 in North Mitrovica; the name of the city derives from the Greek name Demetrius. It was most named after the 8th century Byzantine church St. Demetrius, built near Zvecan Fortress, just above the modern Mitrovica, in honor of Saint Demetrius of Thessaloniki; the city was called Dmitrovica. In 1660, the Ottoman explorer Evliya Çelebi mentions for the first time the city with the name Mitrovica. After President Tito's death, each of the constituent parts of Yugoslavia had to have one place named with the word "Tito" included, the city was known as Titova Mitrovica in Serbian or Mitrovica e Titos in Albanian, until 1991.
The city is now known as Mitrovicë in the Albanian language. There are archaeological evidences that prove the region of Mitrovica has been inhabited since Neolithic era. Two settlements were discovered in 1955 in the industrial park near the FAFOS factory from which the archaeological site got the name. In Fafos settlements different objects of everyday use were discovered, but the most characteristic are cult objects of the Vinča culture; the city is one of the oldest known settlements in Kosovo, being first mentioned in written documents during the Middle Ages. Near Mitrovica is the medieval fortress of Zvečan, which played an important role during the Kingdom of Serbia under Nemanjić rule. Under Ottoman rule Mitrovica was a typical small Oriental city. Rapid development came in the 19th century after lead ore was discovered and mined in the region, providing what has been one of Kosovo largest industries, it became an industrial town the economic centre of Kosovo because of the nearby Trepča Mines.
It grew in size as a centre of trade and industry with the completion of the railway line to Skopje in 1873–1878, which linked Mitrovica to the port of Thessalonika. Another line linked the town to Belgrade and Western Europe. During World War II, the city was part of Axis-occupied Serbia. In 1948, Mitrovica had a population of 13,901 and in the early 1990s of about 75,000. Both the town and municipality were badly affected by the 1999 Kosovo War. According to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the area had been the scene of guerrilla activity by the Kosovo Liberation Army prior to the war, it came under the command of NATO's French sector. They were reinforced with a contingent of 1,200 troops from the United Arab Emirates, a small number of Danish troops. Most of the 6,000 Roma fled to Serbia, or were relocated to one of two resettlement camps, Cesmin Lug, or Osterode, in North Kosovska Mitrovica. In the north, live some 17,000 Kosovo Serbs, with 2,000 Kosovo Albanians and 1,700 Bosniaks inhabiting discrete enclaves on the north bank of the Ibar River.
All of the Serbs living on the south bank were displaced to North Mitrovica after the Kosovo War. In 2011, the city had an estimated total population of 71,601. Mitrovica became the focus for ethnic clashes between the two communities, exacerbated by the presence of nationalist extremists on both sides; the bridges linking the two sides of the town were guarded by armed groups determined to prevent incursions by the other side. Because of the tense situation in the town, KFOR troops and the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo police were stationed there in large numbers to head off trouble; however and harassment was directed against members of the "wrong" ethnic community on both sides of the river, necessitating the presence of troops and police checkpoints around individual areas of the city and in front of individual buildings. On March 17, 2004, the drowning of an Albanian child in the river prompted major ethnic violence in the town and a Serbian teenager was killed.
Demonstrations by thousands of angry Albanians and Serbs mobilised to stop them crossing the river degenerated into rioting and gunfire, leaving at least eight Albanians dead and at least 300 injured. The bloodshed sparked off the worst unrest in Kosovo seen since the end of the 1999 war; the local prison was the scene of an international incident on 18 April 2004 when Ahmed Mustafa Ibrahim, a Jordanian policeman working as a UN prison guard, opened fire on a group of UN police officers leaving a class, killing three. Tensions rose in the city of Mitrovica after Kosovo declared independence on 17 February 2008; some 150 Kosovo Serb police officers refused to take orders from the ethnic Albanian authorities and were suspended. Serb protesters prevented ethnic Albanian court employees from crossing the bridge over the Ibar River. UN police raided and seized the courthouse on 14 March using tear gas against Serbs and leaving some of them wounded; the explosion of a hand-grenade injured several UN and NATO staff on 17 March.
The Serbian minority formed the Community Assembly of Kosovo and Metohija in the city, but it has no police force. Serbs refused to accept the jurisdiction o
Commander is a common naval and air force officer rank. Commander is used as a rank or title in other formal organisations, including several police forces. Commander is a generic term for an officer commanding any armed forces unit, for example "platoon commander", "brigade commander" and "squadron commander". In the police, terms such as "borough commander" and "incident commander" are used. Commander is a rank used in navies but is rarely used as a rank in armies; the title "master and commander," originated in the 18th century to describe naval officers who commanded ships of war too large to be commanded by a lieutenant but too small to warrant the assignment of a post-captain and a sailing-master. In practice, these were unrated sloops-of-war of no more than 20 guns; the Royal Navy shortened "master and commander" to "commander" in 1794. The equivalent American rank master commandant remained in use until changed to commander in 1838. A corresponding rank in some navies is frigate captain.
In the 20th and 21st centuries, the rank has been assigned the NATO rank code of OF-4. Various functions of commanding officers were styled commandeur. In the navy of the Dutch Republic, anyone who commanded a ship or a fleet without having an appropriate rank to do so, could be called a Commandeur; this included acting captains. In the fleet of the Admiralty of Zealand however, commandeur was a formal rank, the equivalent of Schout-bij-nacht in the other Dutch admiralties; the Dutch use of the title as a rank lives on in the Royal Netherlands Navy, as the equivalent of commodore. In the Royal Netherlands Air Force, this rank is known by the English spelling of commodore, the Dutch equivalent of the British air commodore; the rank of commander in the Royal Australian Navy is identical in description to that of a commander in the British Royal Navy. RAN chaplains who are in sivisions 1, 2 or 3 have the equivalent rank standing of commanders; this means that to officers and NCOs below the rank of commander, lieutenant colonel, or wing commander, the chaplain is a superior.
To those officers ranked higher than commander, the chaplain is subordinate. Although this equivalency exists, RAN chaplains who are in divisions 1, 2 or 3 do not wear the rank of commander, they hold no command privilege. In Denmark, the rank of commander exists as kommandørkaptajn, senior to kaptajn and kommandør ("commander", senior to kommandørkaptajn. In France, the rank of commander exists as capitaine de frégate, it is senior to capitaine de corvette, junior to capitaine de vaisseau. The rank of commander was used in the Imperial Japanese Navy, continues to be used in the modern Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force. Though the modern rank is translated as "commander" in English, its literal translation is "captain second rank"; the rank is equivalent to that of a commander in the U. S. Navy. Commander is a rank in the Military and Hospitaller Order of Saint Lazarus of Jerusalem, is denoted by the post-nominal letters CLJ; the corresponding rank in the Polish Navy is komandor porucznik. In the Russian Navy the equivalent rank to commander is "captain of the second rank".
The rank was introduced in Russia by Peter the Great in 1722. From the introduction of the Russian Table of Ranks to its abolition in 1917, "captain of the second rank" was equal to a court councillor, at the sixth level out of 14 ranks; until 1856 it was conferred hereditary nobility on the holder. The equivalent rank in the Soviet Navy from 1918 to 1935 was "first mate"; the rank returned to the Imperial Russian Navy form of "captain 2nd rank" in 1935. Commander is a naval rank in Scandinavia equivalent to the Anglo-American naval rank of captain; the Scandinavian the rank of commander is above "commander-captain", equivalent to the Anglo-American naval rank of commander. In the Spanish Navy the equivalent rank to commander is capitán de fragata. A commander in the Royal Navy is above the rank of lieutenant commander, below the rank of captain, is equivalent in rank to a lieutenant colonel in the army. A commander may command a frigate, submarine, aviation squadron or shore installation, or may serve on a staff.
Since the British Royal Air Force's mid-rank officers' ranks are modelled on those of the Royal Navy, the term wing commander is used as a rank, this is the equivalent of a lieutenant colonel in the army or a commander in the navy. The rank of wing commander is below that of group captain. In the former Royal Naval Air Service, merged with the Royal Flying Corps to form the Royal Air Force in 1918, the pilots held appointments as well as their normal ranks in the Royal Navy, they wore insignia appropriate to the appointment instead of the rank. A flight commander wore a star above a lieutenant's two rank stripes, squadron commander wore two stars above two rank stripes or two-and-a-half rank stripes, wing commander wore three rank stripes; the rank stripes had the usual Royal Navy curl, they were surmounted by an eagle. Commander is a two-star field grade officer of Vietnam People's Navy For instance, as
Adem Jashari Olympic Stadium
The Adem Jashari Olympic Stadium is a multi-purpose stadium in Mitrovica, used for football matches and is the home ground of KF Trepça. The stadium has 18,500 seated. After the Kosovo War, the stadium was renamed in honour of Adem Jashari, one of the founders of the Kosovo Liberation Army. On 31 October 1979, it hosted a UEFA Euro 1980 qualifying match of Yugoslavia against Romania and finished with the result 2–1. On 5 March 2014, after 35 years hosted the first permitted by FIFA match of the Kosovo against Haiti and finished with the result 0–0. On 4 July 2017, after renovation was held a qualifying match for 2017–18 UEFA Champions League against Faroese club Víkingur Gøta. Playing for the first time at the refurbished Adem Jashari Olympic Stadium. Olympic Stadium Adem Jashari at EU-Football.info
2008 Kosovo declaration of independence
The 2008 Kosovo declaration of independence was adopted on 17 February 2008 by the Assembly of Kosovo. In a meeting attended by 109 of the total 120 members, the assembly unanimously declared Kosovo to be independent from Serbia, while all 11 representatives of the Serb minority boycotted the proceedings; this minority was found to be common in the northern District of Mitrovica. It was the second declaration of independence by Kosovo's Albanian-majority political institutions; the legality of the declaration has been disputed. Serbia sought international validation and support for its stance that the declaration was illegal, in October 2008 requested an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice; the Court determined. As a result of the ICJ decision, a joint Serbia-EU resolution was passed in the United Nations General Assembly which called for an EU-facilitated dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia to "promote cooperation, achieve progress on the path to the European Union and improve the lives of the people."
The dialogue resulted in the 2013 Brussels deal between Serbia and Kosovo which abolished all of the Republic of Serbia's institutions in Kosovo. Dejan Pavićević is the official representative of Serbia to Kosovo. Valdet Sadiku is the official representative of Kosovo to Serbia; the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija took shape in 1945 as the Autonomous Region of Kosovo and Metohija within Socialist Yugoslavia, as an autonomous region within People's Republic of Serbia. A ceremonial entity, more power was devolved to Kosovan authorities with each constitutional reform. In 1968 it became the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo and in 1974 new constitution enabled the province to function at every administrative level independently of its host republic within Yugoslavia. Increasing ethnic tension throughout Yugoslavia in the late 1980s amid rising nationalism among its nations led to a decentralised state: this facilitated Serbian President Slobodan Milošević in terminating the privileges awarded to the Kosovar assembly in 1974.
The move attracted criticism from the leaderships of the other Yugoslav republics but no higher authority was in place to reverse the measure. In response to the action, the Kosovo Assembly voted on 2 July 1990 to declare Kosovo an independent state, this received recognition from Albania. A state of emergency and harsh security rules were subsequently imposed against Kosovo's Albanians following mass protests; the Albanians established a "parallel state" to provide education and social services while boycotting or being excluded from Yugoslav institutions. Kosovo remained quiet through the Yugoslav wars; the severity of the Yugoslav government in Kosovo was internationally criticised. In 1996, the Kosovo Liberation Army began attacking federal security forces; the conflict escalated until Kosovo was on the verge of all-out war by the end of 1998. In January 1999, NATO warned that it would intervene militarily against Yugoslavia if it did not agree to the introduction of an international peacekeeping force and the establishment of local government in Kosovo.
Subsequent peace talks failed and from 24 March to 11 June 1999, NATO carried out an extensive bombing campaign against FR Yugoslavia including targets in Kosovo itself. The war ended with Milošević agreeing to allow peacekeepers into Kosovo and withdrawing all security forces so as to transfer governance to the United Nations. A NATO-led Kosovo Force entered the province following the Kosovo War, tasked with providing security to the UN Mission in Kosovo. Before and during the handover of power, an estimated 100,000 Serbs and other non-Albanians Romani, fled the province for fear of reprisals. In the case of the non-Albanians, the Romani in particular were regarded by many Albanians as having assisted federal forces during the war. Many left along with the withdrawing security forces, expressing fears that they would be targeted by returning Albanian refugees and KLA fighters who blamed them for wartime acts of violence. Thousands more were driven out by attacks and a wave of crime after the war.
Large numbers of refugees from Kosovo still live in temporary shelters in Serbia proper. In 2002, Serbia and Montenegro reported hosting 277,000 internally displaced people, which included 201,641 persons displaced from Kosovo into Serbia proper, 29,451 displaced from Kosovo into Montenegro, about 46,000 displaced within Kosovo itself, including 16,000 returning refugees unable to inhabit their original homes; some sources put the figure far lower. In 2004 the European Stability Initiative estimated the number of displaced people as being only 65,000, with 130,000 Serbs remaining in Kosovo, though this would leave a significant proportion of the pre-1999 ethnic Serb population unaccounted-for; the largest concentration of ethnic Serbs in Kosovo is in the north of the province above the Ibar river, but an estimated two-thirds of the Serbian population in Kosovo continue to live in the Albanian-dominated south of the province. On 17 March 2004, serious unrest in Kosovo led to 19 deaths, the destruction of thirty-five Serbian Orthodox churches and monasteries in the province, as Albanians started pogroms against the Serbs.
Several thousand more Kosovo Serbs have left their homes to seek refuge in Serbia proper or in the Serb-dominated north of Kosovo. Since the end of the war, Kosovo has been a major source and destination country in the trafficking of women, women forced into prostitution and sexual slavery; the growth in the sex trade industry was fuelled by NATO forces in Kosovo. Internatio
Attack on Prekaz
The Attack on Prekaz known as the Prekaz massacre, was an operation led by the Special Anti-Terrorism Unit of Serbia on 5 March 1998, to capture Kosovo Liberation Army fighters deemed terrorists by Serbia. During the operation, KLA leader Adem Jashari and his brother Hamëz were killed, along with nearly 60 other family members; the attack was criticized by Amnesty International, which wrote in its report that: "all evidence suggests that the attack was not intended to apprehend armed Albanians, but'to eliminate the suspects and their families.'" Serbia, on the other hand, claimed. Adem and Hamëz Jashari were members of the Kosovo Liberation Army, a militant group of ethnic Albanians that sought the independence of Kosovo from Yugoslavia. Adem Jashari was responsible for organizing the first armed political formation in Srbica in 1991. Pursuing Adem Jashari for the murder of a Serbian policeman, Serbian forces again attempted to assault the Jashari compound in Prekaz on 22 January 1998. On 28 February 1998, a firefight erupted between Albanian militants and a Serbian police patrol in the small village of Likošane.
Four Serbian policemen were killed and several were injured. The KLA militants, one of whom was Adem Jashari, escaped. Subsequently, Serbian police killed thirteen people in a nearby household; that same day, Serbian policemen attacked the neighbouring village of Ćirez and subsequently killed 26 Albanians. However, the Albanian militants who had incited the violence managed to escape and the police decided to move in on Adem Jashari and his family. A long-time radical hardliner in the Drenica valley, Jashari decided to stay in his home and he instructed his fighters to stay there as well and resist to the last man. On 5 March 1998, the KLA launched another attack on a police patrol in Donji Prekaz, which caused the Serbian police to seek retribution, according to the official Serbian public report. After the second attack, the police prepared a brutal response for the Jasharis, they started hunting down local KLA militants who were forced to retreat to Jashari's compound in the same village. Yugoslav policemen surrounded the group and invited them to surrender, while urging all other persons to clear the premises.
The police further alleged. Within the given deadline, dozens of civilians complied with the order and dispersed in safety from the stronghold. According to the police, after the two-hour deadline had expired, Adem Jashari, his brother and most of his family-members, however still refused to comply and remained inside the compound. After a tense verbal stand-off, according to official Serbian statements, Jashari's group responded by firing on the police using automatic weapons as well as mortars, hand grenades and snipers, killing two and injuring three policemen. In the ensuing violence, the Yugoslav police killed more than sixty people, including both Jashari brothers; the only survivor was Hamëz Jashari's daughter. She claimed that the policemen had "threatened her with a knife and ordered her to say that her uncle had killed everyone who wanted to surrender." Goran Radosavljević, a major in the Serbian Interior Ministry, claimed that "Adem Jashari used women and the elderly as hostages...".
General Nebojša Pavković stated. It was successful; the other details I don't remember". Evidence gathered showed that the attack wasn't intended to apprehend of armed Albanian "militants". Other houses of Jashari family members were attacked by the police as well as the residential compound of the Lushtaku family. In response, the UN security council turned to Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter without authorizing the final measure of the chapter, military intervention. Mortars fired on houses, snipers shot those who fled; the local Council for the Defense of Human Rights and Freedoms was contacted by the police to collect the bodies, but when the council requested documentation about the deceased none was made public. According to the Council, the police had moved the corpses to a Pristina morgue before returning them to the Drenica area. On 9 March, the police warned that if the bodies weren't buried by their families they would be buried by the authorities, while the families requested autopsies to be performed.
On 10 March, the police got a bulldozer and dug a mass grave near Prekaz, buried the bodies, ten of which were still unidentified at that time. Families had hoped that autopsies might be performed, but a group of doctors from Pristina, the families of the deceased, representatives from the Catholic Church, the Muslim community and international human rights organizations were denied access to the area; the heads of the Serbian police accused the organizations that they had smuggled weapons into the region in the past. On 11 March the bodies were reburied according to Islamic tradition.42 individuals, were identified to have died in Donji Prekaz during the operation. 6 Albanians died in the nearby village of Lauša under unclear circumstances. The shootout at the Jashari family compound involving Adem Jashari, a KLA commander and surrounding Yugoslav troops in 1998 resulted in the massacre of most Jashari family members; the deaths of Jashari and his family generated an international backlash against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
The Prekaz attack led to a rapid increase of the KLA's popularity among ethnic-Albanians and village militias were formed in many parts of Kosovo. As news of the killings spread, armed Kosovo Albanian militias emerged throughout Kosovo, seeking to avenge Jashari's death as Albanians floc
Kosovo the Republic of Kosovo, is a recognized state and disputed territory in Southeastern Europe. Defined in an area of 10,908 square kilometres, Kosovo is landlocked in the center of the Balkans and bordered by the uncontested territory of Serbia to the north and east, North Macedonia to the southeast, Albania to the southwest and Montenegro to the west. Geographically, Kosovo possesses varied and opposing landscapes for its size determined by the ideal climate along with the geology and hydrology. Most of central Kosovo is dominated by the vast fields of Dukagjin and Kosovo; the Albanian Alps and Šar Mountains rise in the southwest and southeast respectively. The earliest known human settlements in what is now Kosovo were the Paleolithic Vinča and Starčevo cultures. During the Classical period, it was inhabited by the Celtic people. In 168 BC, the area was annexed by the Romans. In the Middle Ages, it was conquered by the Byzantine and Serbian Empires; the Battle of Kosovo of 1389 is considered to be one of the defining moments in Serbian medieval history.
The region was the core of the Serbian medieval state, the seat of the Serbian Orthodox Church from the 14th century, when its status was upgraded to a patriarchate. Kosovo was part of the Ottoman Empire from the 15th to the early 20th century. In the late 19th century, it became the centre of the Albanian National Awakening. Following their defeat in the Balkan Wars, the Ottomans ceded Kosovo to Montenegro. Both countries joined Yugoslavia after World War I, following a period of Yugoslav unitarianism in the Kingdom, the post-World War II Yugoslav constitution established the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija within the Yugoslav constituent republic of Serbia. Tensions between Kosovo's Albanian and Serb communities simmered through the 20th century and erupted into major violence, culminating in the Kosovo War of 1998 and 1999, which resulted in the withdrawal of the Yugoslav army and the establishment of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo. On 17 February 2008, Kosovo unilaterally declared its independence from Serbia.
It has since gained diplomatic recognition as a sovereign state by 113 UN member states. Serbia does not recognize Kosovo as a sovereign state, although with the Brussels Agreement of 2013, it has accepted its institutions. While Serbia recognizes administration of the territory by Kosovo's elected government, it continues to claim it as the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija. Kosovo has a lower-middle-income economy and has experienced solid economic growth over the last decade by international financial institutions, has experienced growth every year since the onset of the 2008 global financial crisis. Kosovo is a member of the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, Regional Cooperation Council, has applied for membership of Interpol and for observer status in the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation; the entire region that today corresponds to the territory is referred to in English as Kosovo and in Albanian as Kosova or Kosovë or Kosovë. In Serbia, a formal distinction is made between the western areas.
According to one theory, Kosovo is the Serbian neuter possessive adjective of kos "blackbird", an ellipsis for Kosovo Polje,'blackbird field', the name of a plain situated in the eastern half of today's Kosovo and the site of the 1389 Battle of Kosovo Field. The name of the plain was applied to the Kosovo Province created in 1864. Albanians refer to Kosovo as Dardania, the name of a Roman province formed in 165 BC, which covered the territory of modern Kosovo; the name is derived from ancient tribe of Dardani from proto-Albanian word dardha/dardā which means "pear". The former Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova had been an enthusiastic backer of a "Dardanian" identity and the Kosovan flag and presidential seal refer to this national identity. However, the name "Kosova" remains more used among the Albanian population; the current borders of Kosovo were drawn while part of SFR Yugoslavia in 1945, when the Autonomous Region of Kosovo and Metohija was created as an administrative division of the new People's Republic of Serbia.
In 1963, it was raised from the level of an autonomous region to the level of an autonomous province as the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija. In 1968, the dual name "Kosovo and Metohija" was reduced to a simple "Kosovo" in the name of the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo. In 1990, the province was renamed the Autonomous Province of Metohija; the official conventional long name of the state is Republic of Kosovo, as defined by the Constitution of Kosovo, is used to represent Kosovo internationally. Additionally, as a result of an arrangement agreed between Pristina and Belgrade in talks mediated by the European Union, Kosovo has participated in some international forums and organisations under the title "Kosovo*" with a footnote stating "This designation is without prejudice to positions on status, is in line with UNSC 1244 and the ICJ Opinion on the Kosovo declaration of independence"; this arrangement, dubbed the "asterisk agreement", was agreed