National Reorganization Process
The National Reorganization Process was the name used by its leaders for the military dictatorship that ruled Argentina from 1976 to 1983. In Argentina it is known as última junta militar, última dictadura militar or última dictadura cívico-militar, because there have been several in the country's history; the Argentine military seized political power during the March 1976 coup, as part of the Operation Condor over the presidency of Isabel Perón, widow of former President Juan Domingo Perón. After losing the Falklands War to the United Kingdom in 1982, the military junta faced mounting public opposition and relinquished power in 1983. All of the Junta members are serving sentences for crimes against humanity and genocide; the military has always been influential in Argentine politics, Argentine history is laced with frequent and prolonged intervals of military rule. The popular Argentine leader, Juan Perón, three-time President of Argentina, was a colonel in the army who first came to political power in the aftermath of a 1943 military coup.
He advocated a new policy dubbed Justicialism, a nationalist policy which he claimed was a "Third Position," an alternative to both capitalism and communism. After being re-elected to the office of president by popular vote, Perón was deposed and exiled by the Revolución Libertadora in 1955. After a series of weak governments, a seven-year military government, Perón returned to Argentina in 1973, following 18 years exile in Francoist Spain, amidst escalating political unrest, divisions in the Peronist movement, frequent outbreaks of political violence, his return was marked by June 20, 1973 Ezeiza massacre, after which the right-wing Peronist movement became dominant. Peron was democratically elected President in 1973, but died in July 1974, his vice president and third wife, Isabel Martínez de Perón, succeeded him, but she proved to be a weak, ineffectual ruler. A number of revolutionary organizations – chief among them Montoneros, a group of far-left Peronists – escalated their wave of political violence against the campaign of harsh repressive and retaliatory measures enforced by the military and the police.
In addition, right-wing paramilitary groups entered the cycle of violence, such as the Triple A death squad, founded by José López Rega, Perón's Minister of Social Welfare and a member of the P2 masonic lodge. The situation escalated, she was replaced on March 24, 1976 by a military junta led by Lieutenant General Jorge Rafael Videla. Official investigations undertaken after the end of the Dirty War by the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons documented 8,961 desaparecidos and other human rights violations, noting that the correct number is bound to be higher. Many cases were never reported, when whole families were disappeared, the military destroyed many of its records months before the return of democracy. Among the "disappeared" were pregnant women, who were kept alive until giving birth under primitive circumstances in the secret prisons; the infants were illegally adopted by military or political families affiliated with the administration, the mothers were killed. Thousands of detainees were drugged, loaded into aircraft, stripped naked and thrown into the Rio de la Plata or the Atlantic Ocean to drown in what became known as "death flights."
The film The Official Story, which won the Oscar for the Best Foreign Film category in 1985, addresses this situation. The Argentine secret service SIDE cooperated with the DINA in Pinochet's Chile and other South American intelligence agencies. Eight South American nations supported endeavours to eradicate left-leaning terrorist groups on the continent, known as Operation Condor, it is estimated to have caused the deaths of more than 60.000 people. SIDE trained – for example in the Honduran Lepaterique base – the Nicaraguan Contras who were fighting the Sandinista government there; the regime shut down the legislature and restricted both freedom of the press and freedom of speech, adopting severe media censorship. The 1978 World Cup, which Argentina hosted and won, was used as a means of propaganda and to rally its people under a nationalist pretense. Corruption, a failing economy, growing public awareness of the harsh repressive measures taken by the regime, the military defeat in the Falklands War, eroded the public image of the regime.
The last de facto president, Reynaldo Bignone, was forced to call for elections by the lack of support within the Army and the growing pressure of public opinion. On October 30, 1983, elections were held, democracy was formally restored on December 10 with President Raúl Alfonsín being sworn into office. Videla appointed José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz as Minister of Economy, charged with stabilizing and privatizing state-owned companies, along what would be known as neoconservative lines; the Junta borrowed money abroad for social welfare spending. Martínez de Hoz was forced to rely on high interest rates and an over-valued exchange rate to control inflation, which hurt Argentine industry and exports. Before the military government took office, 9% of the population lived in poverty while the unemployment rate
San Luis, Argentina
San Luis is the capital city of San Luis Province in the Cuyo region of Argentina. It is the seat of the Juan Martín de Pueyrredón Department. San Luis lies at the feet of the Sierras Grandes, along the northern bank of the Chorrillos River, is set in a Dry Pampas plateau around 730 m above sea level. Points of interest in the city include the Park of the Nations, the neoclassical cathedral, a number of museums including the Dora Ochoa De Masramón Provincial Museum, the colonial architecture. A number of landmarks honor the Argentine War of Independence, as well. Independence Park features an equestrian monument to General José de San Martín, liberator of Argentina and Perú. Nearby Pringles Plaza honors Colonel Juan Pascual Pringles, one of San Martín's chief adjutants and Governor of San Luis Province. Fishing in the nearby Lake Potrero de los Funes, other locations, is popular; the Sierra de las Quijadas National Park is located 122 kilometres from the city. The city's climate is dry, with July average temperature between 3 and 15 °C and January average between 18 and 31 °C, an annual average of 17 °C.
The extremes temperatures in this city are −10 and +41 °CNational Route 7 connects San Luis to Mendoza, Buenos Aires. The San Luis Airport is located less than 2 miles north of downtown, has regular flights to Buenos Aires. San Luis was founded on August 1594, by Luis Jufré de Loaysa y Meneses; the settlement was abandoned, was reestablished in 1632 by Martín García Oñez de Loyola as San Luis de Loyola Nueva Medina de Río Seco. By the end of the 19th century, San Luis had 7,000 inhabitants, in 1882 the Argentine Great Western Railway reached the city on its way to Chile; the following year, work began on the cathedral. The Governor's Executive Building, designed in French renaissance architecture, was completed in 1911; the city's population reached 40,000 in 1960, grew afterwards, when light industry and growing numbers of retirees began to migrate to the area. Because the city is located at the part of the Sierras Grandes known as Punta de los Venados, the inhabitants of the city are called puntanos.
San Luis has a semi-arid climate and it borders a humid subtropical climate. Summers are hot and humid, winters are cool and dry, with temperatures falling below 0 °C sometimes and snowfalls can occur occasionally; the hottest month, has an average temperature of 24.0 °C, the coldest month, has an average of 8.9 °C. The annual average temperature is 16.6 °C. Official Site Municipal information: Municipal Affairs Federal Institute, Municipal Affairs Secretariat, Ministry of Interior, Argentina. City info CuyoNoticias digital newspaper
The Justicialist Party, or PJ, is a Peronist political party in Argentina, the largest component of the Peronist movement. It is the main opposition party. Former presidents Carlos Menem, Eduardo Duhalde, Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner have been elected from this party. Justicialists have been the largest party in the Congress covering nearly the entire period since 1987; the Justicialist Party is the largest party in the Congress. The Justicialist Party was founded in 1947 by Juan and Evita Perón, superseded the Labour Party on which Perón had been elected a year earlier. Following the enactment of women's right to vote in 1948, a Peronist Women's Party, led by the First Lady, was established. All Peronist entities were banned from elections after 1955, when the Revolución Libertadora overthrew Perón, civilian governments' attempt to lift Peronism's ban from legislative and local elections in 1962 and 1965 resulted in military coups. Basing itself on the policies espoused by Juan Perón as president of Argentina, the party's platform has from its inception centered around populism, its most consistent base of support has been the CGT, Argentina's largest trade union.
Perón ordered the mass nationalization of public services, strategic industries, the critical farm export sector, while enacting progressive labor laws and social reforms, accelerating public works investment. His tenure favored technical schools while harassing university staff, promoted urbanization as it raised taxes on the agrarian sector; these trends earned Peronism the loyalty of much of the working and lower classes, but helped alienate the upper and middle class sectors of society. Censorship and repression intensified, following his loss of support from the influential Catholic Church, Perón was deposed in a violent 1955 coup; the alignment of these groups as pro or anti-Peronist endured, though the policies of Peronism itself varied over the subsequent decades, as did those put forth by its many competing figures. During Perón's exile, it became a big tent party united solely by their support for the aging leader's return. A series of violent incidents, as well as Perón's negotiations with both the military regime and diverse political factions, helped lead to his return to Argentina in 1973, to his election.
An impasse followed in which the PJ had a place both for leftist armed organizations such as Montoneros, far-right factions such as José López Rega's Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance. Following Perón's death in 1974, this tenuous understanding disintegrated, a wave of political violence ensued resulting in a March 1976 coup; the Dirty War of the late 1970s, which cost hundreds of Peronists their lives, solidified the party's populist outlook following the failure of conservative Economy Minister José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz's free trade and deregulatory policies after 1980. In the first democratic elections after the end of the dictatorship of the National Reorganization Process, in 1983, the Justicialist Party lost to the Radical Civic Union. Six years it returned to power with Carlos Menem, during whose term the Constitution was reformed to allow for presidential reelection. Menem adopted neoliberal right-wing policies; the Justicialist Party was defeated by a coalition formed by the UCR and the centre-left FrePaSo in 1999, but regained political weight in the 2001 legislative elections, was left in charge of managing the selection of an interim president after the economic collapse of December 2001.
Justicialist Eduardo Duhalde, chosen by Congress, ruled during 2002 and part of 2003. The 2003 elections saw the constituency of the party split in three, as Carlos Menem, Néstor Kirchner and Adolfo Rodríguez Saá ran for the presidency leading different party coalitions. After Kirchner's victory, the party started to align behind his leadership, moving to the left; the Justicialist Party broke apart in the 2005 legislative elections when two factions ran for a Senate seat in Buenos Aires Province: Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and Hilda González de Duhalde. The campaign was vicious. Kirchner's side allied with other minor forces and presented itself as a heterodox, left-leaning Front for Victory, while Duhalde's side stuck to older Peronist tradition. González de Duhalde's defeat to her opponent marked, according to many political analysts, the end to Duhalde's dominance over the province, was followed by a steady defection of his supporters to the winner's side. Néstor Kirchner proposed the entry of the party into the Socialist International in February 2008.
His dominance of the party was undermined, however, by the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector, when a bill raising export taxes was introduced with presidential support. Subsequent growers' lockouts helped result in the defection of numerous Peronists from the FpV caucus, further losses during the 2009 mid-term elections resulted in the loss of the FpV absolute majorities in both houses of Congress; the Justicialist Party was, since its foundation, a Peronist catch-all party, which focuses on the figure of Juan Perón and his wife Eva. However, another wing of the party was well more than the left-
1976 Argentine coup d'état
The 1976 Argentine coup d'état was a right-wing coup that overthrew Isabel Perón as President of Argentina on 24 March 1976. A military junta was installed to replace her; the political process initiated on 24 March 1976, took the official name of "National Reorganization Process", the junta, although not with its original members, remained in power until the return to the democratic process on December 10, 1983. The coup d'état had been planned since October 1975, the United States Department of State learned of the preparations two months before its execution; the American secretary of state Henry Kissinger would meet several times with Argentinian military leaders after the coup, urging them to destroy their opponents before outcry over human rights abuses grew in the United States. When president Juan Perón died of natural causes on July 1, 1974, he was succeeded by his wife María Estela Martínez de Perón known as "Isabelita." Despite her claim as the country's rightful ruler, she lost political gravitas and power.
A group of military officials, tasked by Perón to aide the vice-president, took control in an effort to revitalize Argentina's deteriorating political and social climate. This shift in governance paved the way for the ensuing coup. On February 5, 1975 Operativo Independencia was launched; this Vietnam-style intervention aimed to eliminate the guerrillas in the Tucumán jungle, who had maintained strongholds in the area as early as May 1974. In October the country was divided into five military zones, with each commander given full autonomy to unleash a planned wave of repression. On December 18, a number of warplanes took off from Morón Air Base and strafed the Casa Rosada in an attempt to overthrow Isabel Perón; the rebellion was brought to a halt four days through arbitration by a chaplain. However, the military did succeed in removing the only officer remaining loyal to the government, Air Force commander Héctor Fautario. Fautario drew harsh criticism from the Army and Navy owing to his vehement opposition to their repressive plans, for his refusal to mobilize the Air Force against the guerrillas' strongholds in the north.
Fautario was Videla's final obstacle in his pursuit of power. By January 1976 the guerrilla presence in Tucumán had been reduced to a few platoons. Meanwhile, the military backed by the local élite and the United States, bided its time before seizing power. Shortly before 01:00 am, President Martínez de Perón was detained and taken by helicopter to the El Messidor residence. At 03:10 all television and radio stations were interrupted. Regular transmissions were cut and replaced by a military march, after which the first communiqué was broadcast: People are advised that as of today, the country is under the operational control of the Joint Chiefs General of the Armed Forces. We recommend to all inhabitants strict compliance with the provisions and directives emanating from the military, security or police authorities, to be careful to avoid individual or group actions and attitudes that may require drastic intervention from the operating personnel. Signed: General Jorge Rafael Videla, Admiral Emilio Eduardo Massera and Brigadier Orlando Ramón Agosti.
A state of siege and martial law were implemented, as military patrolling spread to every major city. The morning was uneventful, but as the day progressed, the detentions multiplied. Hundreds of workers, unionists and political activists were abducted from their homes, their workplaces, or in the streets; the Junta assumed the executive power until March 29th. Congress was disbanded and an entity known as Legislative Advising Commission assumed a Legislative role. Human activists state that in the aftermath of the coup and ensuing Dirty War, some 30,000 people young opponents of the military regime, were "disappeared" or killed. Military men responsible for the killings spared pregnant women for a time, keeping them in custody until they gave birth, before killing them and giving their infants to childless military families. Kissinger assured the military regime that they would have the full support of the United States government in their war and associated actions, a promise, opposed by the U.
S. Ambassador to Argentina at the time, Robert Hill; the 24th of March anniversary of the coup is now designated the Day of Remembrance for Truth and Justice. 1973 Chilean coup d'état
Carlos Saúl Menem Akil is an Argentine politician, President of Argentina from July 8, 1989 to December 10, 1999. He has been a Senator for La Rioja Province since December 10, 2005. Born in Anillaco, Menem became a Peronist during a visit to Buenos Aires, he led the party in his home province of La Rioja, was elected governor in 1973. He was deposed and detained during the 1976 Argentine coup d'état, was elected governor again in 1983, he defeated the Buenos Aires governor Antonio Cafiero in the primary elections for the 1989 presidential elections, which he won. Hyperinflation forced outgoing president Raúl Alfonsín to resign early, shortening the presidential transition. Menem supported the Washington Consensus, tackled inflation with the Convertibility plan in 1991; the plan was complemented by a series of privatizations, was a success. Argentina re-established diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom, suspended since the 1982 Falklands War, developed special relations with the United States.
The country suffered two terrorist attacks. The Peronist victory in the 1993 midterm elections allowed him to force Alfonsín to sign the Pact of Olivos for the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution; this amendment allowed Menem to run for re-election in 1995. A new economic crisis began, the opposing parties formed a political coalition that won the 1997 midterm elections and the 1999 presidential election. Menem ran for the presidency again in 2003, but faced with a defeat in a ballotage against Néstor Kirchner, he chose to pull out of the ballotage handing the presidency to Kirchner, he was elected senator for La Rioja in 2005. At 88, he is the oldest living former Argentine president. Carlos Saúl Menem was born in 1930 in Anillaco, a small town in the mountainous north of La Rioja Province, Argentina, his parents, Saúl Menem and Mohibe Akil, were Syrian nationals from Yabroud who had emigrated to Argentina. He attended elementary and high school in La Rioja, joined a basketball team during his university studies.
He visited Buenos Aires in 1951 with the team, met the president Juan Perón and his wife Eva Perón. This influenced Menem to become a Peronist, he studied law at the National University of Córdoba, graduating in 1955. After President Juan Peron's overthrow in 1955, Menem was incarcerated, he joined the successor to the Peronist Party, the Justicialist Party. He was elected president of its La Rioja Province chapter in 1973. In that capacity, he was included in the flight to Spain that brought Perón back to Argentina after his long exile. According to the Peronist politician Juan Manuel Abal Medina, Menem played no special part in the event. Menem was elected governor in 1973, he was deposed during the 1976 Argentine coup d'état that deposed the president Isabel Martínez de Perón. He was accused of corruption, having links with the guerrillas of the Dirty War, he was detained on March 25, kept for a week at a local regiment, moved to a temporary prison at the ship "33 Orientales" in Buenos Aires. He was detained alongside former ministers Antonio Cafiero, Jorge Taiana, Miguel Unamuno, José Deheza, Pedro Arrighi, the unionists Jorge Triaca, Diego Ibáñez, Lorenzo Miguel, the diplomat Jorge Vázquez, the journalist Osvaldo Papaleo, the former president Raúl Lastiri.
He shared a cell with Juan Perón's personal physician. During this time he helped the chaplain Lorenzo Lavalle, despite being a Muslim. In July he was sent to a permanent prison, his wife Zulema rejected his conversion to Christianity. His mother died during the time he was a prisoner, dictator Jorge Rafael Videla denied his request to attend her funeral, he was released on July 29, 1978, on the condition that he live in a city outside his home province without leaving it. He settled in Mar del Plata. Menem met Admiral Eduardo Massera, who intended to run for president, had public meetings with personalities such as Carlos Monzón, Susana Giménez, Alberto Olmedo; as a result, he was forced to reside in Tandil. He had to report daily to Chief of Police Hugo Zamora; this forced residence was lifted in February 1980. He returned to Buenos Aires, to La Rioja, he resumed his political activities, despite the prohibition, was detained again. His new forced residence was in Formosa Province, he was one of the last politicians to be released from prison by the National Reorganization Process.
Military rule ended in 1983, the radical Raúl Alfonsín was elected president. Menem ran for governor again, was elected by a clear margin; the province benefited from tax regulations established by the military, which allowed increased industrial growth. His party got control of the provincial legislature, he was re-elected in 1987 with 63% of the vote; the PJ was divided in two factions, the conservatives that still supported the political doctrines of Juan and Isabel Perón, those who proposed a renovation of the party. The internal disputes ceased in 1987. Menem, with his prominent victory in his district, was one of the leading figures of the party, disputed its leadership. Antonio Cafiero, elected governor of Buenos Aires Province, led the renewal of the PJ, was considered their most candidate for the presidency. Menem, on the other hand, was seen as a populist leader. Using a big tent approach, he got support from several unrelated political figures; as a result, he defeated Cafiero in the primary elections.
He sought alliances with Bunge and Born, union leaders, former members of Montoneros, the AAA, people from the church, "Carapintadas", etc. He promise
The Argentine Senate is the upper house of the National Congress of Argentina. The National Senate was established by the Argentine Confederation on July 29, 1854, pursuant to Articles 46 to 54 of the 1853 Constitution. There are three for the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires; the number of senators per province was raised from two to three following the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution, the change took effect following the May 14, 1995, general elections. Senators are elected to six-year terms by direct election on a provincial basis, with the party with the most votes being awarded two of the province's senate seats and the second-place party receiving the third seat. Senators were indirectly elected to nine-year terms by each provincial legislature; these provisions were abrogated by a 1994 constitutional amendment, direct elections to the Senate took effect in 2001. One-third of the members are elected every two years. One-third of the provinces hold senatorial elections every two years.
The Vice President of the Republic is ex officio President of the Senate, with a casting vote in the event of a tie. In practice, the Provisional President presides over the chamber most of the time; the Senate must obtain this being an absolute majority. It has the power to approve bills passed by the Chamber of Deputies, call for joint sessions with the Lower House or special sessions with experts and interested parties, submit bills for the president's signature; the Senate must introduce any changes to federal revenue sharing policies, ratify international treaties, approve changes to constitutional or federal criminal laws, as well as confirm or impeach presidential nominees to the cabinet, the judiciary, the armed forces, the diplomatic corps, among other federal posts. There are twenty-four standing committees made up of fifteen members each, namely: Agreements Constitutional Affairs Foreign Affairs and Worship Justice and Criminal Affairs General Legislation Budget and Finance Administrative and Municipal Affairs National Defense Domestic Security and Drug Trafficking National Economy and Investment Industry and Trade Regional Economies, Micro and Medium Enterprises Labor and Social Security Agriculture, Cattle Raising and Fishing Education, Culture and Technology Rights and Guarantees Mining and Fuels Health and Sports Infrastructure and Transport Systems and Freedom of Speech Environment and Human Development Population and Human Development Federal Revenue Sharing Tourism.
According to Section 55 of the Argentine Constitution, candidates for the Argentine Senate must: be at least 30 years old have been a citizen of Argentina for six years be native to the province of his office, or have been a resident of that province for two years. See List of current members of the Argentine SenateAll data from official website; the current members of the Senate were elected in 2013, 2015 and 2017. The titular President of the Senate is the Vice President of Argentina. However, day to day leadership of the Senate is exercised by the Provisional President. Current leadership positions include: List of current Argentine senators Argentine Chamber of Deputies List of former Argentine Senators List of legislatures by country senado.gov.ar – Senate of Argentina
Radical Civic Union
The Radical Civic Union is a centrist social-liberal political party in Argentina. The party has been ideologically heterogeneous; the UCR is a member of the Socialist International. Founded in 1891 by radical liberals, it is the oldest political party active in Argentina after the Liberal Party of Corrientes. For many years the party was either in opposition to Peronist governments or illegal during military rule; the UCR's main support comes from the middle class. Throughout its history the party has stood for free elections, supremacy of civilians over the military and liberal democratic values. During the 1970s and 1980s it was perceived as a strong advocate for human rights. By May 2014, the UCR had 14 Senators; the party was a breakaway from the Civic Union, led by Bartolomé Mitre and Leandro Alem. The term'radical' in the party's name referred to its demand for universal male suffrage, considered radical at the time, when Argentina was ruled by an exclusive oligarchy and government power was allocated behind closed doors.
The party unsuccessfully led an attempt to force the early departure of President Miguel Juárez Celman in the Revolution of the Park. A compromise was reached with Juárez Celman's government. Hardliners who opposed this agreement founded the current UCR, led by Alem's nephew, the young and charismatic Hipólito Yrigoyen. In 1893 and 1905 the party led unsuccessful revolutions to overthrow the government. With the introduction of free and confidential voting in elections based on universal adult male suffrage in 1912 the Party managed to win the general elections of 1916, when Hipólito Yrigoyen became president; as well as backing more popular participation, UCR's platform included promises to tackle the country's social problems and eradicate poverty. Yrigoyen's presidency however turned out to be rather dictatorial; the Radical Civic Union remained in power during the next 14 years: Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo T. de Alvear in 1922 and again by himself in 1928. The first coup in Argentina's modern history occurred on September 6, 1930 and ousted an aging Yrigoyen amid an economic crisis resulting from the United States' Great Depression.
From 1930 to 1958 the Radical Civic Union was confined to be the main opposition party, either to the Conservatives and the military during the 1930s and the early 1940s or to the Peronists during the late 1940s and early 1950s. It was only in 1958 that a faction of the party allied with banned Peronists came back to power, led by Arturo Frondizi; the growing tolerance of Frondizi towards his Peronist allies provoked unrest in the army, which ousted the president in March 1962. After a brief military government, presidential elections took place in 1963 with the Peronist Party banned; the outcome saw the candidate of the People's Radical Civic Union Arturo Illia coming first but with only 25% of the votes. Although Argentina experienced during Illia's presidency one of the most successful periods of history in terms of economic performance, the president was ousted by the army in June 1966. Illia's peaceful and ordered style of governing — sometimes considered too "slow" and "boring" - was being criticized at the time.
During the 1970s Peronist government, the Radical Civic Union was the second-most supported party, but this didn't grant the party the role of being the political opposition. In fact, the Peronist government's most important criticisms came from the same Peronist Party; the UCR's leader in those times, Ricardo Balbín, saluted Peron's coffin with the famous sentence "This old adversary salutes a great friend", thus marking the end of the Peronist-radical rivalry that had marked the pace of the Argentine political scene until then. The growing fight between left-wing and right-wing Peronists took the country into chaos and many UCR members were targeted by both factions; the subsequent coup in 1976 ended Peronist rule. During the military regime many members of the UCR were "disappeared", as were members of other parties. Between 1983 and 1989 its leader, Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín, was the first democratically elected president after the military dictatorship headed by generals such as Jorge Videla, Leopoldo Galtieri and Reynaldo Bignone.
Alfonsín was succeeded by Carlos Saúl Menem of the Peronist Justicialist Party. In 1997 the UCR participated in elections in coalition with Front for a Country in Solidarity, itself an alliance of many smaller parties; this strategy brought Fernando de la Rúa to the presidency in the 1999 elections. During major riots triggered by economic reforms implemented by the UCR government, President de la Rúa resigned and fled the country to prevent further turmoil. After three consecutive acting presidents assumed and resigned their duties in the following weeks, Eduardo Duhalde of the PJ took office until new elections could be held. After the 2001 legislative elections it became the second-largest party in the federal Chamber of Deputies, winning 71 of 257 seats, it campaigned in an alliance with the smaller, more leftist FREPASO. The party has subsequently declined markedly and its candidate for President in 2003 gained just 2.34% of the vote, beaten by three Peronis