Purba Medinipur district
Purba Medinipur district is an administrative unit in the Indian state of West Bengal. It is the southernmost district of Medinipur division – one of the five administrative divisions of West Bengal; the headquarters in Tamluk. It was formed on 1 January 2002 after the Partition of Medinipur into Purba Medinipur and Paschim Medinipur which lies at the northern and western border of it; the state of Odisha is at the southwest border. Purba Medinipur is formed of the sub-divisions of Tamluk and Haldia of erstwhile Medinipur district. Another sub-division, Egra has been created out of the erstwhile Contai sub-division during the partition of Medinipur. In 2011, the state government has proposed to rename the district as Tamralipta district after the ancient port city of Tamralipta which used to lie near the modern district headquarters. Purba Medinipur saw many political movements during the British Raj. A parallel government named the Tamralipta Jatiya Sarkar was formed during the Quit India Movement in Tamluk.
In 2007, Purba Medinipur witnessed the Nandigram violence, an incident of police firing that killed 14 farmers. Tamralipta, the port in ancient India, is believed by scholars to have been around modern-day Tamluk, it is mentioned in the writings of Ptolemy, the Greco-Egyptian writer, the Chinese Buddhist monk, who travelled to India on foot, Xuanzang, the Chinese Buddhist monk, scholar and translator. It was the main port used by the Mauryan emperor. With too much siltation the port lost its importance around 8th century A. D. Purba Medinipur district is part of Eastern coastal plains. Topographically, the district can be divided into two parts – entirely flat plains on the west and north, the coastal plains on the south; the vast expanse of land is composed of younger and coastal alluvial. The elevation of the district is within 10 metres above mean sea level; the district has a long coastline of 65.5 km along its south eastern boundary. Five coastal CD Blocks, Khejuri II, Contai II, Contai I, Ramnagar I and II, are affected by cyclones and tornadoes.
Tidal floods are quite regular in these five CD Blocks. Floods occur in 21 of the 25 CD Blocks in the district; the major rivers are Haldi, Rasulpur and Keleghai, flowing in north to south or south-east direction. River water is an important source of irrigation; the district has a low 899 hectare forest cover, 0.02% of its geographical area. Major cities and towns include Panskura, Nandakumar, Egra, Haldia, Mahishadal, Mandarmani, Ramnagar, Kolaghat, Nandigram. Purba Medinipur district is divided into the following administrative subdivisions: Tamluk subdivision consists of Tamluk municipality, Panskura municipality and seven community development blocks: Nandakumar, Tamluk, Shahid Matangini, Panskura–I, Panskura–II and Chandipur. Haldia subdivision consists of Haldia municipality and five community development blocks: Mahishadal, Nandigram–I, Nandigram–II, Sutahata and Haldia. Egra subdivision consists of Egra municipality and six community development blocks: Bhagawanpur–I, Bhagawanpur–II, Egra–I, Egra–II, Pataspur–I and Pataspur–II.
Contai subdivision consists of Contai municipality and seven community development blocks: Kanthi–I, Kanthi–II, Kanthi–III, Khejuri–I, Khejuri–II, Ramnagar–I and Ramnagar–II. Tamluk is the district headquarters. There are 21 police stations, 25 development blocks, 5 municipalities and 223 gram panchayats in this district. Other than in the municipality area, each subdivision contains community development blocks which in turn are divided into rural areas and census towns. In total there are 10 urban units: five census towns. Panskura municipality was established in 2001. Two municipalities: Tamluk and Panskura Nandakumar community development block consists of rural areas only with 12 gram panchayats. Moyna community development block consists of rural areas with 11 gram panchayats and one census town: Goasafat. Tamluk community development block consists of rural areas with 12 gram panchayats and two census towns: Anantapur and Dakshin Baguan. Sahid Matangini community development block consists of rural areas with 10 gram panchayats and two census towns: Kakdihi and Shantipur.
Panskura community development block consists of rural areas only with 14 gram panchayats. Kolaghat community development block consists of rural areas with 13 gram panchayats and four census towns: Kolaghat, Amalhara and Kharisha. Chandipur community development block consists of rural areas with 10 gram panchayats and two census towns: Kotbar and Ershal. One municipality: Haldia. Mahishadal community development block consists of rural areas with 11 gram panchayats and one census town: Garh Kamalpur. Nandigram I community development block consists of rural areas with 10 gram panchayats and one census town: Nandigram. Nandigram II community development block consists of rural areas with 7 gram panchayats and one census town: Ashadtalya. Sutahata community development block consists of rural areas with 6 gram panchayats and one census town: Barda Haldia community development block consists of rural areas only with 4 gram panchayats. One municipality: Egra. Bhagabanpur I community development block consists of rural areas with 10 gram panchayats and two census towns: Benudiya and Hincha Gerya.
Egra I community
Geeta Mukherjee was a political and social worker and a four times MLA from Panskura Purba, from 1967 to 1977, seven time Member of Parliament elected from the Panskura constituency, from 1980 to 2000, in the Indian state of West Bengal being a Communist Party of India candidate. She remained the president of National Federation of Indian Women, women's wing of Communist Party of India, she led the demand for the legislature of 1/3rd reservation for women in parliamentary elections in India. She was born on 8 January 1924 in West Bengal, she was married to Biswanath Mukherjee on 8 November 1942. Mukherjee completed Bachelor of Arts In Bengali Literature from Calcutta, she remained secretary of Bengal Provincial Students Federation from 1947 to 1951. She was first elected as Member, State Committee, Communist Party of India, Bengal in 1946. Popularly known as Geetadi, Geeta Mukherjee since won every Lok Sabha election from Panskura in West Bengal, was in the forefront till her death in 2000, she was elected to 7th Lok Sabha in 1980 and during 1980–84, she served as Member, Committee on Public Undertakings Member, Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Member, Joint Committee on Criminal Law Bill, 1980Since 1981 onwards, she was the Member of National Executive Committee, Communist Party of India.
She was elected to her 7th term during the 13th Lok Sabha in 1999. Her career spanned about five and half decades. However, it was her role in the women's reservation issue, she was a member of the National Commission on Rural Labour, National Commission on Women, National Children's Board, Press Council and vice-president of the National Federation of Women, besides being a secretariat member of the Women's International Democratic Federation, Berlin. Besides her political career, she wrote a few books for children, including Bharat Upakatha, Chotoder Rabindranath and He Atit Katha Kao. Mukherjee died on 4 March 2000, following a massive heart-attack. At the time of death, she was 76 years old. Atal Behari Vajpayee, the Prime Minister of India, told in his condolence message— "Mrs. Mukherjee embodied determination and dedication, she was a shining example of women's empowerment. Her life shall remain an inspiration for future generations women."
Mamata Banerjee is an Indian politician of Bengali descent, serving as the 8th and current Chief Minister of West Bengal since 2011. She is the first woman to hold the office, she founded the party All India Trinamool Congress in 1998 after separating from the Indian National Congress, became its chairperson. She is referred to as Didi. Banerjee has served twice as the Minister of Railways, the first woman to do so, she is the first female Minister of Coal, Minister of State for Human Resource Development, Youth Affairs, Sports and Child Development in the cabinet of the Indian government. She rose to prominence after opposing the erstwhile land acquisition policies for industrialisation of the Communist government in West Bengal for Special Economic Zones at the cost of agriculturalists and farmers at Singur. In 2011 Banerjee pulled off a landslide victory for the TMC Congress alliance in West Bengal, defeating the 34-year-old Communist Party of India - led Left Front government, the world's longest-serving democratically elected communist government in the process.
In 2012, Time magazine named her as one of the 100 Most Influential People in the World. Bloomberg Markets magazine listed her among the 50 most influential people in the world of finance in September 2012. Banerjee was born in Calcutta, West Bengal to a Bengali family headed by parents Promileswar Banerjee and Gayetri Devi. Banerjee's father died due to lack of medical treatment, when she was 17. In 1970, Banerjee completed the higher secondary board examination from Deshbandhu Sishu Sikshalay, she graduated with an honours degree in history from the Jogamaya Devi College, a women's graduate college in southern Kolkata. She earned a master's degree in Political history from the University of Calcutta; this was followed by a degree in education from the Shri Shikshayatan College. She earned a law degree from the Jogesh Chandra Chaudhuri Law College, Kolkata, she was honoured with a Doctor of Letters from Kalinga Institute of Industrial Technology. Banerjee became involved with politics when she was only 15.
While studying at the Jogamaya Devi College she established Chhatra Parishad Unions, the student's wing of the Congress Party, defeating the Democratic Students’ Union of the Socialist Unity Centre of India. She continued in Congress Party in West Bengal serving a variety of positions within the party and in other local political organizations. Banerjee is a poet. Mamta Banerjee's 300 paintings were sold for 9 crore INR. One painting was sold to Sudipto Sen for 1.8 crore. Throughout her political life, Banerjee has maintained a publicly austere lifestyle, dressing in simple traditional Bengali clothes and avoiding luxuries. Banerjee began her political career in the Congress party, as a young woman in the 1970s, she rose in the ranks of the local Congress group, remained the general secretary of Mahila Congress, West Bengal, from 1976 to 1980. In the 1984 general election, Banerjee became one of India's youngest parliamentarians defeating veteran Communist politician Somnath Chatterjee, to win the Jadavpur parliamentary Constituency in West Bengal.
She became the general secretary of the Indian Youth Congress. Losing her seat in the 1989 general elections in an anti-Congress wave, she was reelected in the 1991 general elections, having settled into the Calcutta South constituency, she retained the Kolkata South seat in the 1998, 1999, 2004 and 2009 general elections. In the Rao government formed in 1991, Banerjee was made the Union Minister of State for Human Resources Development, Youth Affairs and Sports, Women and Child Development; as the sports minister, she announced that she would resign, protested in a rally at the Brigade Parade Ground in Kolkata, against the Government's indifference towards her proposal to improve sports in the country. She was discharged of her portfolios in 1993. In April 1996, she alleged, she claimed that she was the lone voice of reason and wanted a "clean Congress". In 1997, Banerjee left the Congress Party in West Bengal and established the All India Trinamool Congress, it became the primary opposition party to the long-standing Communist government in the state.
On 11 December 1998, she controversially held a Samajwadi Party MP, Daroga Prasad Saroj, by the collar and dragged him out of the well of the Lok Sabha to prevent him from protesting against the Women's Reservation Bill. In 1999, she joined the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance government and was allocated the Railways Ministry. In 2002, Banerjee presented her first Railway Budget. In it she fulfilled many of her promises to her home state West Bengal, she introduced a new biweekly New Delhi-Sealdah Rajdhani Express train and four express trains connecting various parts of West Bengal, namely the Howrah-Purulia Rupasi Bangla Express, Sealdah-New Jalpaiguri Padatik Express, Shalimar-Adra Aranyak Express and the Sealdah-Amritsar Superfast Express. She increased the frequency of the Pune-Howrah Azad Hind Express and the extension of at least three express train services. Work on the Digha-Howrah Express service was hastened during her brief tenure, she focused on developing tourism, enabling the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway section to obtain two additional locomotives and proposing the Indian Railway Catering and Tourism Corporation Limited.
She commented that India should play a pivotal role in the Trans-Asian Railway and that rail links between Bangladesh and Nepal would be reintroduced. In all, s
Quit India Movement
The Quit India Movement, or the August Movement, was a movement launched at the Bombay session of the All-India Congress Committee by Gandhiji on 8 August 1942, during World War II, demanding an end to British Rule of India. The Cripps Mission had failed, on 8 August 1942, Gandhi made a call to Do or Die in his Quit India speech delivered in Bombay at the Gowalia Tank Maidan; the All-India Congress Committee launched a mass protest demanding what Gandhi called "An Orderly British Withdrawal" from India. Though it was wartime, the British were prepared to act; the entire leadership of the Indian National Congress was imprisoned without trial within hours of Gandhi's speech. Most spent the rest of the war in out of contact with the masses; the British had the support of the Viceroy's Council, of the All India Muslim League, the princely states, the Indian Imperial Police, the British Indian Army and the Indian Civil Service. Many Indian businessmen profiting from heavy wartime spending did not support the Quit India Movement.
Many students paid more attention to Subhas Chandra Bose, in exile and supporting the Axis Powers. The only outside support came from the Americans, as President Franklin D. Roosevelt pressured Prime Minister Winston Churchill to give in to some of the Indian demands; the Quit India campaign was crushed. The British refused to grant immediate independence, saying it could happen only after the war had ended. Sporadic small-scale violence took place around the country and the British arrested tens of thousands of leaders, keeping them imprisoned until 1945. In terms of immediate objectives, Quit India failed because of heavy-handed suppression, weak co-ordination and the lack of a clear-cut programme of action. However, the British government realized that India was ungovernable in the long run due to the cost of World War II, the question for postwar became how to exit gracefully and peacefully. In 1992 Reserve Bank of India issued a 1 rupee commemorative coin to mark the Golden Jubilee of the Quit India Movement.
In 1939, Indian nationalists were angry that British Governor-General of India, Lord Linlithgow, had brought India into the war without consultation with them. The Muslim League supported the war. At the outbreak of war, the Congress Party had passed a resolution during the Wardha meeting of the working-committee in September 1939, conditionally supporting the fight against fascism, but were rebuffed when they asked for independence in return. If the war is to defend the status quo of imperialist possessions and colonies, of vested interest and privilege Indian can have nothing to do with it. If, the issue is democracy and world order based on democracy India is intensely interested in it... If Great Britain fights for the maintenance and expansion of democracy she must end imperialism in her possessions and establish full democracy in India, the Indian people have the right to self-determination... A free democratic India will gladly associate herself with other free nations for mutual defence against aggression and for economic co-operation.
Gandhi had not supported this initiative. However, at the height of the Battle of Britain, Gandhi had stated his support for the fight against racism and of the British war effort, stating he did not seek to raise an independent India from the ashes of Britain. However, opinions remained divided; the long-term British policy of limiting investment in India and using the country as a market and source of revenue had left the Indian Army weak and poorly armed and trained and forced the British to become net contributors to India's budget, while taxes were increased and the general level of prices of doubled: although many Indian businesses benefitted from increased war production, in general business "felt rebuffed by the government" and in particular the refusal of the British Raj to give Indians a greater role in organising and mobilising the economy for war time production. After the onset of the war, only a group led by Subhas Chandra Bose took any decisive action. Bose organised the Indian Legion in Germany, reorganised the Indian National Army with Japanese assistance, soliciting help from the Axis Powers, conducted a guerrilla war against the British authorities.
In March 1942, faced with an dissatisfied sub-continent only reluctantly participating in the war and deterioration in the war situation in Europe and with growing dissatisfaction among Indian troops—especially in Africa—and among the civilian population in the sub-continent, the British government sent a delegation to India under Stafford Cripps, the Leader of the House of Commons, in what came to be known as the Cripps mission. The purpose of the mission was to negotiate with the Indian National Congress a deal to obtain total co-operation during the war, in return for progressive devolution and distribution of power from the crown and the Viceroy to an elected Indian legislature; the talks failed, as they did not address the key demand of a timetable of self-government and of definition of the powers to be relinquished making an offer of limited dominion-status, wholly unacceptable to the Indian movement. In 1939, with the outbreak of war between Germany and Britain, India became a party to the war by being a constituent component of the British Empire.
Following this declaration, the Congress Working Committee at its meeting on 10 October 1939, passed a resolution condemning the aggressive activities of the Germans. At the s
The Bengal Presidency reorganized as the Bengal Province, was once the largest subdivision of British India, with its seat in Calcutta. It was centred in the Bengal region. At its territorial peak in the 19th century, the presidency extended from the present-day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan in the west to Burma and Penang in the east; the Governor of Bengal was concurrently the Viceroy of India for many years. Most of the presidency's territories were incorporated into other British Indian provinces and crown colonies. In 1905, Bengal proper was partitioned, with Eastern Bengal and Assam headquartered in Dacca and Shillong. British India was reorganised in 1912 and the presidency was reunited into a single Bengali-speaking province; the Bengal Presidency was established in 1765, following the defeat of the last independent Nawab of Bengal at the Battle of Plassey in 23 June 1757, the Battle of Buxar in 22 October 1764. Bengal was the economic and educational hub of the British Raj, it was the centre of the late 19th and early 20th century Bengali Renaissance and a hotbed of the Indian Independence Movement.
The Partition of British India in 1947 resulted in Bengal's division on religious grounds, between the Indian state of West Bengal and the Pakistanian province of East Bengal, which first became East Pakistan in 1955 under Pakistanian rule and the nation of Bangladesh in 1971. Under Warren Hastings the consolidation of British imperial rule over Bengal was solidified, with the conversion of a trade area into an occupied territory under a military-civil government, while the formation of a regularised system of legislation was brought in under John Shore. Acting through Lord Cornwallis Governor-General, he ascertained and defined the rights of the landholders over the soil; these landholders under the previous system had started, for the most part, as collectors of the revenues, acquired certain prescriptive rights as quasi-proprietors of the estates entrusted to them by the government. In 1793 Lord Cornwallis declared their rights perpetual, gave over the land of Bengal to the previous quasi-proprietors or zamindars, on condition of the payment of a fixed land tax.
This piece of legislation is known as the Permanent Settlement of the Land Revenue. It was designed to "introduce" ideas of property rights to India, stimulate a market in land; the former aim misunderstood the nature of landholding in India, the latter was an abject failure. The Cornwallis Code, while defining the rights of the proprietors, failed to give adequate recognition to the rights of the under-tenants and the cultivators; this remained a serious problem for the duration of British Rule, as throughout the Bengal Presidency ryots found themselves oppressed by rack-renting landlords, who knew that every rupee they could squeeze from their tenants over and above the fixed revenue demanded from the Government represented pure profit. Furthermore, the Permanent Settlement took no account of inflation, meaning that the value of the revenue to Government declined year by year, whilst the heavy burden on the peasantry grew no less; this was compounded in the early 19th century by compulsory schemes for the cultivation of opium and indigo, the former by the state, the latter by British planters.
Peasants were forced to grow a certain area of these crops, which were purchased at below market rates for export. This added to rural poverty. So unsuccessful was the Permanent Settlement that it was not introduced in the North-Western Provinces after 1831, in Punjab after its conquest in 1849, or in Oudh, annexed in 1856; these regions remained administratively distinct. The area of the Presidency under direct administration was sometimes referred to as Lower Bengal to distinguish it from the Presidency as a whole. Punjab and Allahabad had Lieutenant-Governors subject to the authority of the Governor of Bengal in Calcutta, but in practice they were more or less independent; the only all-Presidency institutions which remained were the Civil Service. The Bengal Army was amalgamated into the new British-Indian Army in 1904–5, after a lengthy struggle over its reform between Lord Kitchener, the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Curzon, the Viceroy; the partition of the large province of Bengal, decided upon by Lord Curzon, Cayan Uddin Ahmet, the Chief Secretary of Bengal carried into execution in October 1905.
The Chittagong and Rajshahi divisions, the Malda District and the States of Hill Tripura and Comilla were transferred from Bengal to a new province, Eastern Bengal and Assam. The province of West Bengal consisted of the thirty-three districts of Burdwan, Bankura, Hughli, Twenty-four Parganas, Nadia, Jessore, Patna, Shahabad, Champaran, Darbhanga, Bhagalpur, Santhal Parganas, Balasore and Kandhmal, Sambalpur, Hazaribagh, Ranchi and Manbhum; the princely states of Sikkim and the tributary states of Odisha and Chhota Nagpur were not part of Bengal, but British relations with them were managed
Surendra Mohan Kumaramangalam was an Indian politician and communist theorist, a member of the Communist Party of India, the Indian National Congress. He served as a member of Lok Sabha for Pondicherry from 1971 to 1972, he served as Advocate-General for Madras State from 1966 to 1967. Mohan Kumaramangalam was born in London to P. Subbarayan zamindar of Kumaramangalam in Salem district and Chief Minister of Madras Presidency and his wife, Radhabai Subbarayan on 1 November 1916, he was their third and youngest son, P. P. Kumaramangalam and Gopal Kumaramangalam being elder to him. Kumaramangalam was educated at Eton and King's College, serving as President of the Cambridge Union Society in 1938. During his period at Cambridge he was influenced by Communism. Kumaramangalam was called to the bar by the Inner Temple, he participated in the Indian Independence Movement. In 1941, Kumaramangalam was arrested along with P. Ramamurthi, C. S. Subramaniam and R. Umanath for distributing seditious pamphlets in what came to be known as the Madras Conspiracy Case.
Kumaramangalam was released. During the Second World War Kumaramangalam served as the editor of the communist magazine, People's War, which on the conclusion of hostilities he renamed as People's Age. In the days following India's independence Madras Presidency was gripped by a peasant rebellion, which compelled the provincial government to launch a crackdown on communists. Kumaramangalam was arrested along with other communist leaders and released after the rebellion had subsided. Kumaramangalam favoured friendly relations with the Soviet Union and established the Indo-Soviet Cultural Society. However, with the onset of the 1960s Kumaramangalam began distancing himself from communism, he served as Advocate General of Madras. Following the victory of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in the 1967 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, Kumaramangalam resigned from the Communist Party of India and joined the Indian National Congress. Kumaramangalam was loyal to Indira Gandhi when the party split and was elected to the Lok Sabha from Pondicherry in the 1971 elections.
He was the driving force behind Indira Gandhi's decision in 1973, to appoint Ajit Nath Ray was the Chief Justice of India superseding three senior judges of the Supreme Court of India - J. M. Shelat, A. N Grover and K. S. Hegde, he served as the Minister of Steel and Mines from 1971 until his death in 1973. Kumaramangalam was killed in the crash of Indian Airlines Flight 440 on 30 May 1973 at the age of 56. Many of the dead were unidentifiable, but his body was identified by a Parker pen and a hearing aid he wore. Mohan Kumaramangalam married Kalyani Mukerjee, niece of Bengali politician Ajoy Mukherjee in 1943. Ajoy Mukherjee served as the Chief Minister of West Bengal; the couple had Rangarajan Kumaramangalam and two daughters. Rangarajan Kumaramangalam was a member of the Indian National Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party and served as a minister in the Narasimha Rao and Atal Behari Vajpayee governments. Mohan's daughter, Lalitha Kumaramangalam contested the 2004 and 2009 Lok Sabha elections as a Bharatiya Janata Party candidate from Tiruchirapalli and lost on both occasions.
The older daughter is Uma Kumaramangalam, Physics teacher Bal Krishan Kalra's student at Springdale Higher Secondary School in Delhi and is married to Malay Mukherjee. Mohan Kumaramangalam's brother P. P. Kumaramangalam was a distinguished army officer who served as India's Chief of Army Staff, his sister, Parvathi Krishnan was a politician of the Communist Party of India and served three terms as Member of Parliament from Coimbatore. Kumaramangalam's grandson, Muktesh Mukherjee, his wife Xiaomao Bai, are among the two Canadian passengers aboard Malaysia Airlines Flight 370 which went missing since 8 March 2014. Kumaramangalam's other grandson, son of Rangarajan Mohan Kumaramangalam, sharing the name with his grandfather, is a Renewable Energy Entrepreneur and carries the family legacy, as the President of All India Professional's Congress, Tamil Nadu Chapter, he unsuccessfully contested the Lok Sabha polls 2014, from Salem on Congress ticket. He is the working president of Tamil Nadu Congress Committee.
Mohan Kumaramangalam was a prominent communist theorist and authored a number of books and pamphlets. Some of his works include: Mohan Kumaramangalam. A New Germany in birth. People's Publishing House. Mohan Kumaramangalam. Critique of CHina's destiny: Review of Marshal Chiang Kai Shek's book. People's Publishing House. Mohan Kumaramangalam. Who threatens China's unity. People's Publishing House. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list Mohan Kumaramangalam; the United Nations: Instrument for peace or dictatorship of the big five. People's Publishing House. Mohan Kumaramangalam. Iran at the Crossroads. People's Publishing House. Mohan Kumaramangalam. India's fight for equality in South Africe. People's Publishing House. Mohan Kumaramangalam. India and the UNO. People's Publishing House. Mohan Kumaramangalam. India's language crisis: an introductory study. New Century Book House. Mohan Kumaramangalam. Democracy and cult of the individual. National Book Club. Mohan Kumaramangalam. Constitutional amendments: the reason why.
All India Congress Committee. Mohan Kumaramangalam. Coal industry in India: nationalisation and tasks ahead. Oxford & IBH Pub. Co. Mohan Kumaramangalam. Communists in Congress:Kumaramangalam's thesis. D. K. Pub. House. At Google Books Mohan Kumaramangalam. Judicial appointments: an analysis of the recent contr
Indian National Congress
The Indian National Congress is a broadly based political party in India. Founded in 1885, it was the first modern nationalist movement to emerge in the British Empire in Asia and Africa. From the late 19th century, after 1920, under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, Congress became the principal leader of the Indian independence movement. Congress led India to independence from Great Britain, powerfully influenced other anti-colonial nationalist movements in the British Empire. Congress is a secular party whose social democratic platform is considered to be on the centre-left of Indian politics. Congress' social policy is based upon the Gandhian principle of Sarvodaya—the lifting up of all sections of society—which involves the improvement of the lives of economically underprivileged and marginalised people; the party endorses social democracy—seeking to balance individual liberty and social justice and secularism—asserting the right to be free from religious rule and teachings. Its constitution states democractic socialism to be its ideal.
After India's independence in 1947, Congress formed the central government of India, many regional state governments. Congress became India's dominant political party. There have been seven Congress Prime Ministers, the first being Jawaharlal Nehru, the most recent Manmohan Singh. Although it did not fare well in the last general elections in India in 2014, it remains one of two major, political parties in India, along with the right-wing, Hindu nationalist, Bharatiya Janata Party. In the 2014 general election, Congress had its poorest post-independence general election performance, winning only 44 seats of the 543-member Lok Sabha. From 2004 to 2014, United Progressive Alliance, a coalition of Congress with several regional parties, formed the Indian government led by Manmohan Singh, the Prime Minister as the head of the coalition government; the leader of the party during the period, Sonia Gandhi has served the longest term as the president of the party. As of December 2018, the party is in power in six legislative assemblies: Karnataka, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and the union territory of Puducherry.
The Indian National Congress conducted its first session in Bombay from 28–31 December 1885 at the initiative of retired Civil Service officer Allan Octavian Hume. In 1883, Hume had outlined his idea for a body representing Indian interests in an open letter to graduates of the University of Calcutta, its aim was to obtain a greater share in government for educated Indians, to create a platform for civic and political dialogue between them and the British Raj. Hume took the initiative, in March 1885 a notice convening the first meeting of the Indian National Union to be held in Poona the following December was issued. Due to a cholera outbreak there, it was moved to Bombay. Hume organised the first meeting in Bombay with the approval of the Viceroy Lord Dufferin. Womesh Chandra Bonnerjee was the first president of Congress. Notable representatives included Scottish ICS officer William Wedderburn, Dadabhai Naoroji, Pherozeshah Mehta of the Bombay Presidency Association, Ganesh Vasudeo Joshi of the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha, social reformer and newspaper editor Gopal Ganesh Agarkar, Justice K. T. Telang, N. G. Chandavarkar, Dinshaw Wacha, Behramji Malabari and activist Gooty Kesava Pillai, P. Rangaiah Naidu of the Madras Mahajana Sabha.
This small elite group, unrepresentative of the Indian masses at the time, functioned more as a stage for elite Indian ambitions than a political party for the first decade of its existence. At the beginning of the 20th century, Congress' demands became more radical in the face of constant opposition from the British government, the party decided to advocate in favour of the independence movement because it would allow a new political system in which Congress could be a major party. By 1905, a division opened between the moderates led by Gokhale, who downplayed public agitation, the new extremists who advocated agitation, regarded the pursuit of social reform as a distraction from nationalism. Bal Gangadhar Tilak, who tried to mobilise Hindu Indians by appealing to an explicitly Hindu political identity displayed in the annual public Ganapati festivals he inaugurated in western India, was prominent among the extremists. Congress included a number of prominent political figures. Dadabhai Naoroji, a member of the sister Indian National Association, was elected president of the party in 1886 and was the first Indian Member of Parliament in the British House of Commons.
Congress included Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal, Lala Lajpat Rai, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Mohammed Ali Jinnah. Jinnah was a member of the moderate group in the Congress, favouring Hindu–Muslim unity in achieving self-government, he became the leader of the Muslim League and instrumental in the creation of Pakistan. Congress was transformed into a mass movement by Surendranath Banerjee during the partition of Bengal in 1905, the resultant Swadeshi movement. Mahatma Gandhi returned from South Africa in 1915. With the help of the moderate group led by Ghokhale, Gandhi became president of Congress. After the First World War, the party became associated with Gandhi, who remained its unofficial spiritual leader and icon, he formed an alliance wit