The alphorn or alpenhorn or alpine horn is a labrophone, consisting of a straight several-meter-long wooden natural horn of conical bore, with a wooden cup-shaped mouthpiece. It is used by mountain dwellers in the Swiss Alps, Austrian Alps, Bavarian Alps in Germany, French Alps, elsewhere. Similar wooden horns were used for communication in most mountainous regions of Europe, from the Alps to the Carpathians. Alphorns are today used as musical instruments. For a long time, scholars believed that the alphorn had been derived from the Roman-Etruscan lituus, because of their resemblance in shape, because of the word liti, meaning Alphorn in the dialect of Obwalden. There is no documented evidence for this theory, and, the word liti was borrowed from 16th–18th century writings in Latin, where the word lituus could describe various wind instruments, such as the horn, the crumhorn, or the cornett. Swiss naturalist Conrad Gesner used the words lituum alpinum for the first known detailed description of the alphorn in his De raris et admirandis herbis in 1555.
The oldest known document using the German word Alphorn is a page from a 1527 account book from the former Cistercian abbey St. Urban near Pfaffnau mentioning the payment of two Batzen for an itinerant alphorn player from the Valais. 17th–19th century collections of alpine myths and legends suggest that alphorn-like instruments had been used as signal instruments in village communities since medieval times or earlier, sometimes substituting for the lack of church bells. Surviving artifacts, dating back to as far as ca. AD 1400, include wooden labrophones in their stretched form, like the alphorn, or coiled versions, such as the "Büchel" and the "Allgäuisches Waldhorn" or "Ackerhorn"; the alphorn's exact origins remain indeterminate, the ubiquity of horn-like signal instruments in valleys throughout Europe may indicate a long history of cross influences regarding their construction and usage. The alphorn is carved from solid softwood spruce but sometimes pine. In former times the alphorn maker would find a tree bent at the base in the shape of an alphorn, but modern makers piece the wood together at the base.
A cup-shaped mouthpiece carved out of a block of hard wood is added and the instrument is complete. An alphorn made at Rigi-Kulm and now in the Victoria and Albert Museum, measures 8 feet in length and has a straight tube; the Swiss alphorn varies in shape according to the locality, being curved near the bell in the Bernese Oberland. Michael Praetorius mentions an alphorn-like instrument under the name of Hölzern Trummet in Syntagma Musicum; the alphorn has no lateral openings and therefore gives the pure natural harmonic series of the open pipe. The notes of the natural harmonic series overlap, but do not correspond, to notes found in the familiar chromatic scale in standard Western equal temperament. Most prominently within the alphorn's range, the 7th and 11th harmonics are noticeable, because they fall between adjacent notes in the chromatic scale. Accomplished alphornists command a range of nearly three octaves, consisting of the 2nd through the 16th notes of the harmonic series; the availability of the higher tones is due in part to the small diameter of the bore of the mouthpiece and tubing in relation to the overall length of the horn.
The well-known "Ranz des Vaches" is a traditional Swiss melody heard on the alphorn. The song describes the time of bringing the cows to the high country at cheese making time. Rossini introduced the "Ranz des Vaches" into his masterpiece William Tell, along with many other delightful melodies scattered throughout the opera in vocal and instrumental parts that are well-suited to the alphorn. Brahms wrote to Clara Schumann that the inspiration for the dramatic entry of the horn in the introduction to the last movement of his First Symphony was an alphorn melody he heard while vacationing in the Rigi area of Switzerland. For Clara's birthday in 1868 Brahms sent her a greeting, to be sung with the melody. <Edition Eulenberg score Page I facsimile></ref> Among music composed for the alphorn: Concerto Grosso No. 1 for four alphorns and orchestra by Georg Friedrich Haas Sinfonia pastorale for corno pastoriccio in G and string orchestra by Leopold Mozart Concerto for alphorn and orchestra by Jean Daetwyler Concerto No. 2 for alphorn by Daetwyler Dialogue with Nature for alphorn and orchestra by Daetwyler Concertino rustico by Ferenc Farkas Begegnung for three alphorns and concert band, by Kurt Gable.
Säumerweg-Blues among many compositions by Hans-Jürg Sommer, Alphorn Musik Messe for alphorn and choir by Franz Schüssele Alphorn-Center Erbauliche Studie für 12 Alphörner in Abwesenheit von Bergen by Mathias Rüegg Wolf Music: Tapio for alphorn and echoing instruments by R. Murray Schafer Bob Downes & The Alphorn Brothers by Bob Downes Open Music Possibly the instrument described as a lituus in B♭: Cantata BWV 118 – O Jesu Christ, meins Lebens Licht Concerto for alphorn in F and orchestra by Daniel Schnyder Matterhorn by Robert Litton Alpine Trail for alphorn and orchestra by Arkady Shilkloper Lai nair for alphorn and contrabass by John Wolf Brennan Der Bergschuh for alphorn and marching band by Daniel Schnyder Crested Butte Mountain for alphorn and wind band by Arkady Shilkloper Robin for alphorn and wind band by Arkady Shilkloper Fanfare for four alphorns by Arkady Shilkloper The alphorn is prominently featured in televisi
Personal names in Malaysia vary according to ethno-cultural group. Personal names are, to a certain degree, regulated by the national registration department since the introduction of the National Registration Identity Card; the Malaysian Chinese are the only major ethnic group in Malaysia to use family names. Most other groups, including the ethnic Malays, Orang Asli and the Bumiputera of Sabah and Sarawak, share a naming custom that includes the use of a personal name followed by a patronym name. Traditional Malay names were taken from one of a number of languages, or a combination of two or more elements from these languages: Malay such as Intan, Kiambang or Tuah Khmer, Siamese or Cham such as Tam, Som or Lai Javanese such as Ratnasari, Joyo or Kesuma Sanskrit or Pali such as Wira, Darma or WatiArabic names were introduced along with Islam but did not become dominant among commoners until the colonial era. Although traditional Malay names were still used for centuries afterward, they are now confined to rural areas.
Malaysia's National Registration Department doesn't allow names which they deem to have negative or obscene meanings, such as Pendek which means short. The Department additionally bans names with the meaning of colors and natural phenomena; this renders many traditional names illegal including Puteh or Putih, Suria and Awan. Because of these restrictions, the vast majority of Malays today tend to favour Arabic names. However, names from the following languages are common as well: Persian such as Jihan, Mirza or Shah Greek or Latin such as Maria, Marina or Johana English, such as Tiara, Orked or Ros Names of Arabo-Hebrew origins are common, for example Adam, Ishak and Danial and Sarah. In addition, names of Arabo-Hebrew origins that used by Muslim Arabs are widespread among Malays, such as the female names of Saloma and Rohana. In pre-modern times and names of Arabic derivation were adapted to suit the Classical Malay language; this is still reflected in the rural pronunciation of certain Middle Eastern names.
Thus, Sharif would be Aziz would become Ajis. A Malay's name consists of a personal name, used to address them in all circumstances always followed by a patronym. Thus, most Malays do not use family surnames. In this respect, Malay names are similar to Icelandic naming conventions. For men, the patronym consists of the title bin followed by his father's personal name. If Osman has a son called Musa, Musa will be known as Musa bin Osman. For women, the patronym consists of the title binti followed by her father's name. Thus, if Musa has a daughter called Aisyah, Aisyah will be known as Aisyah binti Musa. Upon marriage, a woman does not change her name. In the past it was uncommon for a Malay to have more than one personal name, but in modern times Malay names may consist of two and sometimes three personal names. In October 2018, the longest recorded name for a Malaysian is'Princess Aura Nurr Ermily Amara Auliya Bidadari Nawal El-Zendra', comprizing 78 letters, 2 letters short of the allowed 80 letters.
Some are taken from public figures around the world such as Mohammad Rifae Zidane, whose third personal name is taken from the famous footballer. The patronymic is employed by all Malays in accordance with local customs as well as ones adopted from the Arabs and others. Sometimes the title part of the patronymic, Bin or Binti, is reduced to Bt. Bte. or Bint. for women. Foreigners sometimes take this abbreviation erroneously for a middle initial. In general practice, most Malays omit the title Binti from their names. Therefore, the two examples from the paragraph above would be known as Aisyah Musa; when presented in this way, the second part of the name is mistaken by foreigners for a family name. When someone is referred to using only one name, the first name is always used, never the second. Thus, Musa Osman is Mr Musa, Aisyah Musa is Mrs/Ms/Miss Aisyah. However, a man's personal name comes after the prophet Mohammed's name, or the word Abdul. In such a case, the man will be referred to by his second name, if the third name is the patronymic.
For example, Mohammed Hisyam bin Ariffin would be referred by the name Mr Hisyam, or Abdul Rahman bin Rasyid would be referred to as Mr Abdul Rahman. It is argued that the Mr or Mrs form of address is not compatible with the Malay naming system due to the lack of family or surnames, it is therefore customary to address Malays using the Malay forms of address. A few Malay families do use surnames, such as Tengku, Nik, Wan and Che, which are passed down patrilineally, while others such as Merican and Munsi indicate an Indian Muslim ancestry. Other common surnames includes Sayid or Syed, Daeng, etc. In olden times, the first group of Chinese people in Malaysia used to be held in high regard by Malays; some Malays in the past may have taken the word "Baba", referring to Chinese males, put it into their name, when this used to be the case. This is not followed by the younger generation, the current Chinese Malaysians do not have the same status as they had. Another feature in Malay names, common, is the existence of second personal names or double names.
This seems to have been developed in resp
Greek life at San Diego State University has an extensive history dating back nearly a century and has played an influential role in the university's development over time. Today it encompasses nearly 50 active chapters of social and culturally-based fraternities and sororities recognized by the university, each represented through one of four governing councils. Honors and professional Greek-letter societies exist and are recognized student organizations at SDSU, though they operate independently of the Office of Fraternity & Sorority Life; as of Spring 2019, members of social fraternities and sororities maintain a higher average grade point average than the overall undergraduate average at SDSU. The first fraternity on campus was the local Epsilon Eta fraternity, which formed on October 25, 1921; the group limited the chapter to 20 male students. The first local sorority, known as Shen Yo, was established in 1921. By the end of the decade there were eight sororities; the fraternities and sororities were all local and did not attain national affiliations until after World War II with the exception of one.
On October 10, 1924, the Inter-Fraternity Council was founded. The organization consisted of the nine sororities on campus plus the two fraternities; the organization's purpose was stated as "boosting a high scholarship standard among the members of the fraternal organizations, of cooperating with the faculty in all matters which lead to the success of the College." The IFC published the grade point averages of fraternities and sororities at the end of each semester, which stimulated a competition for scholastic standing which continues today. On a 3.0 scale, the average GPA for all students at the time was 1.49. For fraternity members it was 1.35 and for sorority members it was 1.47. After a couple of years of the co-educational governing organization, the sororities split from the IFC to create their own organization, the Inter-Sorority Council. By the mid-1930s there were eight fraternities and eleven sororities on campus, the Greek community expanded to fifteen fraternities and twelve sororities in the 1940s.
The post World War II period saw a frenzy to "go national" among the sororities. Between 1947 and 1951, five national fraternities colonized new chapters at SDSU and an additional nine formed chapters through absorbing existing local fraternities on campus. Theta Chi became the first fraternity on campus affiliated with a national organization in 1947. Alpha Xi Delta kickstarted a similar trend for sororities upon chartering in 1949, with nine other national sororities following suit in absorbing the remaining nine local sororities. In 1951, Kappa Alpha Psi fraternity chartered on campus, becoming San Diego State's first African-American Greek organization; the arrival of national fraternities began the trend of Greek organizations starting to acquire property in the College Area for chapter houses. Delta Sigma Phi became the first fraternity to own a chapter house, with Kappa Delta becoming the first sorority to acquire a house shortly thereafter in 1952; the 1950s was a period of steady increase of membership in the Greek community, coinciding with the gradual increase in undergraduate enrollment at the university.
The emergence of the counterculture phenomenon of the late 1960s and early 1970s saw interest in fraternities and sororities decline and the Greek community population dwindled to below 700, with several organizations closing. On April 6, 1978, the Gamma Phi Beta sorority hired a plane to drop marshmallows on fraternity houses during Derby Week, a philanthropy event among the Greek community hosted by the Sigma Chi fraternity; the plane crashed near Peterson Gym on the west side of campus. In 1983, after a USA Today article reported that SDSU Greeks' GPAs were below the campus average, SDSU tightened restrictions and supervision, by 1989 their grades had increased to above the university average; the Greek system began to grow again in the late seventies following the close of the Vietnam War before spiking in the 1980s, reaching a peak of upwards of 2,900 members in 1988. At this point there were 20 fraternities and 13 sororities affiliated with the Interfraternity Council and College Panhellenic Association as well as six additional independent fraternities and sororities.
This made it one of the largest fraternity and sorority systems in the western U. S; the 1990s proved to be a less prosperous time for social fraternities and sororities at the university than the previous decade. A fiscal crisis in California early in the decade impacted the California State University system and SDSU was impacted by budget cuts. A significant decline in enrollment at the University resulted and several organizations shut down due to operational and conduct issues. Despite the turmoil, the Greek community still experienced substantial growth during the 1990s, though this time it centered around the establishment of numerous culturally-based fraternities and sororities; this led to the establishment of SDSU's fourth Greek governing council, the United Sorority and Fraternity Council, on September 24, 1997. The early 2000s ushered in a new era for the Greek community with the SDSU Foundation's landmark development of Fraternity Row in 2002, where eight fraternities moved into newly-constructed chapter houses in a 1.4 acre complex adjacent to the newly-constructed Viejas Arena.
The complex consists of eight free-standing two story chapter houses, each with