Anti-Armenian sentiment known as anti-Armenianism and Armenophobia, is a diverse spectrum of negative feelings, fears, derision and/or prejudice towards Armenians and Armenian culture. Modern anti-Armenianism is expressed by opposition to the actions or existence of Armenia, aggressive denial of the Armenian Genocide or belief in an Armenian conspiracy to fabricate history and manipulate public and political opinion for political gain. Although it was possible for Armenians to achieve status and wealth in the Ottoman Empire, as a community they were never accorded more than "second-class citizen" status and were regarded as fundamentally alien to the Muslim character of Ottoman society. In 1895, revolts among the Armenian subjects of the Ottoman Empire led to Sultan Abdül Hamid's decision to massacre tens of thousands of Armenians in the Hamidian massacres. During World War I, the Ottoman government massacred between 1 and 1.5 million Armenians in the Armenian Genocide. The Turkish government has aggressively denied the Armenian Genocide.
This position has been criticized in a letter from the International Association of Genocide Scholars to – Turkish Prime Minister, now President – Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Cenk Saraçoğlu argues that anti-Armenian attitudes in Turkey "are no longer constructed and shaped by social interactions between the'ordinary people' Rather, the Turkish media and state promote and disseminate an overtly anti-Armenian discourse." According to a 2011 survey in Turkey, 73.9% of respondents admitted having unfavorable views toward Armenians. The survey showed an unfavorable stance toward Armenians was "relatively more widespread among those participants with lower levels of education and socioeconomic status." According to Minority Rights Group, while the government recognizes Armenians as a minority group, as used in Turkey this term denotes second-class status. The Ankara Chamber of Commerce included a documentary, accusing the Armenian people of slaughtering Turks, with its paid tourism advertisements in the June 6, 2005 edition of the magazine Time Europe.
The magazine apologized for allowing the inclusion of the DVDs and published a critical letter signed by five French organizations. The February 12, 2007 edition of Time Europe included an acknowledgment of the truth of the Armenian Genocide and a DVD of a documentary by French director Laurence Jourdan about the genocide. Hrant Dink, the editor of the weekly bilingual newspaper Agos, was assassinated in Istanbul on January 19, 2007, by Ogün Samast, he was acting on the orders of Yasin Hayal, a militant Turkish ultra-nationalist. For his statements on Armenian identity and the Armenian Genocide, Dink had been prosecuted three times under Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code for “insulting Turkishness.” Dink had received numerous death threats from Turkish nationalists who viewed his "iconoclastic" journalism as an act of treachery.İbrahim Şahin and 36 other alleged members of Turkish ultra-nationalist Ergenekon group were arrested in January, 2009 in Ankara. The Turkish police said the roundup was triggered by orders Şahin gave to assassinate 12 Armenian community leaders in Sivas.
According to the official investigation in Turkey, Ergenekon had a role in the murder of Hrant Dink. In 2002, a monument was erected in memory of Turkish-Armenian composer Onno Tunç in Turkey; the monument to the composer of Armenian origin was subjected to much vandalism over the course of the years, in which unidentified people had taken out the letters on the monument. In 2012 Yalova Municipal Assembly decided to remove the monument. Bilgin Koçal, the former mayor of Yalova, informed the public that the memorial had been destroyed by time and that it would shortly be replaced with a new one in the memory of Tunç. On the other hand, a similar memorial stays in place at the village of Selimiye, where an aircraft had crashed. Sevag Balikci, a Turkish soldier of Armenian descent, was shot dead on April 24, 2011, the day of the commemoration of the Armenian Genocide during his military service in Batman, it was discovered that killer Kıvanç Ağaoğlu was an ultra-nationalist. Through his Facebook profile, it was uncovered that he was a sympathizer of nationalist politician Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu and Turkish agent / contract killer Abdullah Çatlı, who himself had a history of anti-Armenian activity, such as the Armenian Genocide Memorial bombing in a Paris suburb in 1984.
His Facebook profile showed that he was a Great Union Party sympathizer, a far-right nationalist party in Turkey. Testimony given by Sevag Balıkçı's fiancée stated that he was subjected to psychological pressure at the military compound, she was told by Sevag over the phone that he feared for his life because a certain military serviceman threatened him by saying, "If war were to happen with Armenia, you would be the first person I would kill."On February 26, 2012, on the anniversary of the Khojaly Massacre a demonstration took place in Istanbul which contained hate speech and threats towards Armenia and Armenians. Chants and slogans during the demonstration include: "You are all Armenian, you are all bastards," "bastards of Hrant can not scare us," and "Taksim Square today, Yerevan Tomorrow: We will descend upon you in the night."In 2012 the ultra-nationalist ASIM-DER group (f
Valencian referred to as Southern Catalan, is a dialect of the Catalan language spoken in the Valencian Community, where it is an official language, in the El Carche comarca in Murcia, where it has no official recognition. Besides, it is spoken in the south of the Terres de l'Ebre and in the south of La Franja in Aragon, in its transitional variety; the denominations "Valencian" or "Valencian language" are used traditionally and as a glottonym exclusively in the Valencian Community, to refer not only to the dialect spoken in the region, but to refer to the totality of the Catalan language. However, outside this territory the use of this denomination is null, it is considered the Valencian Community's own language according to the region's 1982 Statute of Autonomy and the Spanish Constitution. According to philological studies, the varieties of this language spoken in the Valencian Community and El Carxe cannot be considered a dialect restricted to these borders: the several dialects of Valencian belong to the Western group of Catalan dialects.
Valencian, as a variety of the Catalan language, displays transitional features between Ibero-Romance languages and Gallo-Romance languages. Its similarity with Occitan has led many authors to group it under the Occitano-Romance languages. There is some controversy within the Valencian Community regarding its status as a glottonym or as a language on its own among certain political sectors such as blaverism and Spanish nationalism. According to a study carried out by the Generalitat Valenciana in 2014, scarcely more than a half people in the Valencian Community consider it as a separate language, different from Catalan. However, according to the same study, most of Valencians with higher studies say that it is the same language. According to the 2006 Statute of Autonomy Valencian is regulated by the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua, by means of the Normes de Castelló. Due to not having been recognized for a long time and the considerable immigration coming from Andalusia but from other areas of Spain where Spanish is spoken, the number of speakers has decreased, the influence of Spanish has led to the adoption of a huge amount of loanwords.
Some of the most important works of Catalan literature in Valencia experienced a golden age during the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Important works include Joanot Martorell's chivalric romance Tirant lo Blanch, Ausiàs March's poetry; the first book produced with movable type in the Iberian Peninsula was printed in the Valencian variety. The earliest recorded chess game with modern rules for moves of the queen and bishop was in the Valencian poem Scachs d'amor; the official status of Valencian is regulated by the Spanish Constitution and the Valencian Statute of Autonomy, together with the Law of Use and Education of Valencian. Article 6 of the Valencian Statute of Autonomy sets the legal status of Valencian, providing that: The official language of the Valencian Community is Valencian. Valencian is official within the Valencian Community, along with Spanish, the official language nationwide. Everyone shall have the right to know it and use it, receive education in Valencian. No one can be discriminated against by reason of their language.
Special protection and respect shall be given to the recuperation of Valencian. The Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua shall be the normative institution of the Valencian language; the Law of Use and Education of Valencian develops this framework, providing for implementation of a bilingual educational system, regulating the use of Valencian in the public administration and judiciary system, where citizens can use it when acting before both. Valencian is recognized under the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages as "Valencian". Valencian is not spoken all over the Valencian Community. A quarter of its territory, equivalent to 10% of the population, is traditionally Castilian-speaking only, whereas Valencian is spoken to varying degrees elsewhere. Additionally, it is spoken by a reduced number of people in Carche, a rural area in the Region of Murcia adjoining the Valencian Community. Although the Valencian language was an important part of the history of this zone, nowadays only about 600 people are able to speak Valencian in the area of Carche.
In 2010 the Generalitat Valenciana published a study and Social use of Valencian, which included a survey sampling more than 6,600 people in the provinces of Castellón, Alicante. The survey collected the answers of respondents and did not include any testing or verification; the results were: Valencian was the language "always or most used": at home: 31.6% with friends: 28.0% in internal business relations: 24.7%For ability: 48.5% answered they speak Valencian "perfectly" or "quite well" 26.2% answered they write Valencian "perfectly" or "quite well" The survey shows that, although Valencian is still the common language in many areas in the Valencian Community, where more than half of the Valencian population are able to speak it, most Valencians do not speak in Valencian in their
The Catalans are an iberian/european ethnic group of mediterranean and pyrenean descent, having its roots in the Pyrenees mountains. The only official category of "catalans" is that of the citizens of Catalonia, an autonomous community in Spain and the inhabitants of the Roussillon historical region in southeast France, today the Pyrénées Orientales departments called Catalonia Nord and Pays Catalan in French; some authors extend the word "Catalans" to encompass the inhabitants of all the regions where Catalan language is spoken, namely those from Andorra, the Balearic islands, eastern Aragon and the city of Alghero in Sardinia. These territories are known as the Països Catalans or "Catalan Countries". In 1500 BCE the area, now known as Catalonia was, along with the rest of the Iberian Peninsula, inhabited by Proto-Celtic Urnfield people who brought with them the rite of burning the dead; these Indo-European people were absorbed by the Iberians beginning in 600 BCE in a process that would not be complete until the fourth century BCE.
These groups came under the rule of various invading groups starting with the Phoenicians and Carthaginians, who set up colonies along the coast, including Barcino itself. Following the Punic Wars, the Romans replaced the Carthaginians as the dominant power in the Iberian eastern coast, including parts of Catalonia, by 206 BCE. Rome established Latin as the official language and imparted a distinctly Roman culture upon the local population, which merged with Roman colonists from the Italian peninsula. An early precursor to the Catalan language began to develop from a local form of popular Latin before and during the collapse of the Roman Empire. Various Germanic tribes arrived following nearly six centuries of Roman rule, which had transformed the area into the Roman province of Tarraconensis; the Visigoths established themselves in the fifth century, making their first capital in the Iberian peninsula Barcelona, they would move to Toledo. This continued until 718 when Muslim Arabs conquered the region in order to pass through the Pyrenees into French territory.
With the help of the Frankish, a land border was created known nowadays as Old Catalonia which faced Muslim raids but resisted any kind of settlement from them. "New Catalonia" and its native peoples were in control of the Arab invaders for around a century. The Franks on the other side of the Pyrenees held back the main Muslim raiding army which had penetrated unchallenged as far as central France at the Battle of Tours in 732. Frankish suzerainty was extended over much of present-day Catalonia. Larger wars with the Muslims began in the March of Barcelona which led to the beginnings of the Reconquista by Catalan forces over most of Catalonia by the year 801. Barcelona would become an important center for Christian forces in the Iberian Peninsula. Catalonia emerged from the conflicts in Muslim Spain as a regional power, as Christian rulers entrenched themselves in the region during the Carolingian period. Rulers such as Wilfred the Hairy became masters of a larger territory encompassing Catalonia.
The Crown of Aragón included the Principality of Catalonia and the kingdoms of Aragon and Majorca. The marriage of Isabella I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon was a dynastic union in which the Kingdom of Castille and the Kingdom of Aragon were under the same crown but kept their own laws, power structures and monetary systems. Regional unrest led to conflicts such as the Revolt of the Germanies in Valencia and Majorca, the 1640 revolt in Catalonia known as the Reapers' War; this latter conflict embroiled Spain in a larger war with France as many Catalan nobles allied themselves with Louis XIII. The war continued until 1659 and ended with the Peace of the Pyrenees, which partitioned Catalonia as the northern strip of the March came under French rule, while the rest remained under Spanish hegemony; the Catalan government took sides with the Habsburg pretender against the Bourbon one during the War of the Spanish Succession that started in 1705 and ended in 1714. The Catalan failure to defend the continuation of Habsburg rule in Spain culminated in the surrender of Barcelona on 11 September 1714 which came to be commemorated as Catalonia's National Day.
During the Napoleonic Wars, much of Catalonia was seized by French forces by 1808, as France ruled the entire country of Spain until Napoleon's surrender to Allied Armies. In France, strong assimilationist policies integrated many Catalans into French society, while in Spain a Catalan identity was suppressed in favor of a Spanish national identity; the Catalans regained autonomy during the Spanish Second Republic from 1932 until Francisco Franco's nationalist forces retook Catalonia by 1939. It was not until 1975 and the death of Franco that the Catalans as well as other Spaniards began to regain their right to cultural expression, restarted by the Spanish Constitution of 1978. Since this period, a balance between a sense of local identity versus the broader Spanish one has emerged as the dominant political force in Catalonia; the former tends to advocate for greater autonomy and independence. As a result, there tends to be much fluctuation depending on regional and national politics during a given election cycle.
Given the stronge
Autonomous communities of Spain
In Spain, an autonomous community is a first-level political and administrative division, created in accordance with the Spanish constitution of 1978, with the aim of guaranteeing limited autonomy of the nationalities and regions that make up Spain. Spain is not a federation, but a decentralized unitary state. While sovereignty is vested in the nation as a whole, represented in the central institutions of government, the nation has, in variable degrees, devolved power to the communities, which, in turn, exercise their right to self-government within the limits set forth in the constitution and their autonomous statutes; each community has its own set of devolved powers. Some scholars have referred to the resulting system as a federal system in all but name, or a "federation without federalism". There are 17 autonomous communities and two autonomous cities that are collectively known as "autonomies"; the two autonomous cities have the right to become autonomous communities, but neither has yet exercised it.
This unique framework of territorial administration is known as the "State of Autonomies". The autonomous communities are governed according to the constitution and their own organic laws known as Statutes of Autonomy, which contain all the competences that they assume. Since devolution was intended to be asymmetrical in nature, the scope of competences vary for each community, but all have the same parliamentary structure. Spain is a diverse country made up of several different regions with varying economic and social structures, as well as different languages and historical and cultural traditions. While the entire Spanish territory was united under one crown in 1479 this was not a process of national homogenization or amalgamation; the constituent territories—be it crowns, principalities or dominions—retained much of their former institutional existence, including limited legislative, judicial or fiscal autonomy. These territories exhibited a variety of local customs, laws and currencies until the mid nineteenth century.
From the 18th century onwards, the Bourbon kings and the government tried to establish a more centralized regime. Leading figures of the Spanish Enlightenment advocated for the building of a Spanish nation beyond the internal territorial boundaries; this culminated in 1833, when Spain was divided into 49 provinces, which served as transmission belts for policies developed in Madrid. However, unlike in other European countries such as France, where regional languages were spoken in rural areas or less developed regions, two important regional languages of Spain were spoken in some of the most industrialized areas, moreover, enjoyed higher levels of prosperity, in addition to having their own cultures and historical consciousness; these were Catalonia. This gave rise to peripheral nationalisms along with Spanish nationalism; therefore and social changes that had produced a national cultural unification in France had the opposite effect in Spain. As such, Spanish history since the late 19th century has been shaped by a dialectical struggle between Spanish nationalism and peripheral nationalisms in Catalonia and the Basque Country, to a lesser degree in Galicia.
In a response to Catalan demands, limited autonomy was granted to Catalonia in 1914, only to be abolished in 1923. It was granted again in 1932 during the Second Spanish Republic, when the Generalitat, Catalonia's mediaeval institution of government, was restored; the constitution of 1931 envisaged a territorial division for all Spain in "autonomous regions", never attained—only Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia had approved "Statutes of Autonomy"—the process being thwarted by the Spanish Civil War that broke out in 1936, the victory of the rebel Nationalist forces under Francisco Franco. During General Franco's dictatorial regime, centralism was most forcefully enforced as a way of preserving the "unity of the Spanish nation". Peripheral nationalism, along with communism and atheism were regarded by his regime as the main threats, his attempts to fight separatism with heavy-handed but sporadic repression, his severe suppression of language and regional identities backfired: the demands for democracy became intertwined with demands for the recognition of a pluralistic vision of the Spanish nationhood.
When Franco died in 1975, Spain entered into a phase of transition towards democracy. The most difficult task of the newly democratically elected Cortes Generales in 1977 acting as a Constituent Assembly was to transition from a unitary centralized state into a decentralized state in a way that would satisfy the demands of the peripheral nationalists; the Prime Minister of Spain, Adolfo Suárez, met with Josep Tarradellas, president of the Generalitat of Catalonia in exile. An agreement was made so that the Generalitat would be restored and limited competencies would be transferred while the constitution was still being written. Shortly after, the government allowed the creation of "assemblies of members of parliament" integrated by deputies and senators of the different territories of Spain, so that they could constitute "pre-autonomic regimes" for their regions as well; the Fathers of the Constitution had to strike a balance between the opposing views of Spain—on the one hand, the centralist view inherited from Franco's regime, on the other hand federalism and a pluralistic view of Spain as a "nation of nations".
Far-right politics are politics further on the right of the left-right spectrum than the standard political right in terms of extreme nationalism, nativist ideologies, authoritarian tendencies. The term is used to describe Nazism, neo-Nazism, neo-fascism and other ideologies or organizations that feature ultranationalist, xenophobic, anti-communist, or reactionary views; these can lead to oppression and violence against groups of people based on their supposed inferiority, or their perceived threat to the native ethnic group, state or ultraconservative traditional social institutions. Far-right politics includes but is not limited to aspects of authoritarianism, anti-communism and nativism. Claims that superior people should have greater rights than inferior people are associated with the far-right; the far-right has favored an elitist society based on its belief in the legitimacy of the rule of a supposed superior minority over the inferior masses. Some aspects of fascist ideology have been identified with right-wing political parties: in particular, the fascist idea that superior persons should dominate society while undesirable elements should be purged, which in the case of Nazism resulted in genocide.
Charles Grant, director of the Centre for European Reform in London, has distinguished between right-wing nationalist parties—which are described as far-right such as the National Front in France—and fascism. One issue is whether parties should be labelled radical or extreme, a distinction, made by the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany when determining whether or not a party should be banned. Another question is what the label "right" implies when it is applied to the extreme right, given the fact that many parties that were labeled right-wing extremist tended to advance neoliberal and free market agendas as late as the 1980s, but now advocate economic policies which are more traditionally associated with the left, such as anti-globalisation and protectionism. One approach, drawing on the writings of Norberto Bobbio, argues that attitudes towards political equality are what distinguish the left from the right and they therefore allow these parties to be positioned on the right of the political spectrum.
There is debate about how appropriate the labels fascist or neo-Fascist are. According to Cas Mudde, "the labels Neo-Nazi and to a lesser extent neo-Fascism are now used for parties and groups that explicitly state a desire to restore the Third Reich or quote historical National Socialism as their ideological influence". Right-wing populism, a political ideology that combines laissez-faire capitalism, nationalism and anti-elitism, is sometimes described as far-right. Right-wing populism involves appeals to the "common man" and opposition to immigration. Far-right politics sometimes involves anti-immigration and anti-integration stances towards groups that are deemed inferior and undesirable. Concerning the socio-cultural dimension of nationality and migration, one far-right position is the view that certain ethnic, racial or religious groups should stay separate and it is based on the belief that the interests of one's own group should be prioritised. Proponents of the horseshoe theory interpretation of the left-right spectrum identify the far-left and the far-right as having more in common with each other as extremists than each of them has with moderate centrists.
In the United States, the term hard right has been used to describe groups such as the Tea Party movement and the Patriot movement. The term has been used to describe ideologies such as paleoconservatism, Dominion Theology and white nationalism; the German political scientist Klaus von Beyme describes three historical phases in the development of far-right parties in Western Europe after World War II. From 1945 to the mid-1950s, far-right parties were marginalised and their ideologies were discredited due to the recent existence and defeat of Nazism, thus in the years following World War II, the main objective of far-right parties was survival and achieving any political impact at all was not expected. From the mid-1950s to the 1970s, the so-called "populist protest phase" emerged with sporadic electoral success. During this period, far-right parties drew to them charismatic leaders whose profound mistrust of the political establishment led to an "us-versus-them" mind set: "us" being the nation's citizenry, "them" being the politicians and bureaucrats who were in office.
Beginning in the 1980s, the electoral successes of far-right political candidates made it possible for far-right political parties to revitalize anti-immigration as a mainstream issue. Jens Rydgren describes a number of theories as to why individuals support far-right political parties and the academic literature on this topic distinguishes between demand-side theories that have changed the "interests, emotions and preferences of voters" and supply-side theories which focus on the programmes of parties, their organisation and the opportunity structures within individual political systems; the most common demand-side theories are the social breakdown thesis, the relative deprivation thesis, the modernisation losers thesis and the ethnic competition thesis. The rise of far-right political parties has been viewed as a rejection of post-materialist values on the part of some voters; this theory, known as the reverse post-material thesis blames both left-wing and progressive parties for embracing a post-material agenda that alienates traditional working class voters.
Another study argues that individuals who join far-right parties determine whether those parties develop into major political players
Polaco is a Spanish derogatory term for a Catalan person. Its origins are not clear and all related theories are purely speculative banking on the fact that the same word denotes a Pole; the name appears across all Spain, though in particular in Madrid and in the regions neighboring Catalonia. Present in literary language, it forms part of the slang vocabulary. In Catalonia the term is accepted and at times used once its derogatory flavor is wiped out or reversed, e.g. as an auto-reference telling the Catalans from the other Spaniards. In Poland the term is unknown; the term "polacos" has been twice used in Spanish as an abuse or smear. In the late 18th century the name was applied to followers of one of two Madrid drama schools; the name stemmed from a cleric known as Padre Polaco, who used to lead his band. Both groupings were revived a century with a popular zarzuela of Luis Mariano de Larra Chorizos y polacos. Once more the term "polacos" emerged against an different background in the mid-1850s.
The grouping was led by Luis José Sartorius, a politician erroneously supposed to be of Polish origin. Because of the way the group operated, the terms "polacada", "polaquería" and "polaquísmo" soon started to stand for favoritism and arbitrary personal decisions; the name disappeared from public usage following Sartorius’ death, yet it enjoyed temporary revival in the 1880s and made it from the press to literature appearing in Miau, a novel of Benito Pérez Galdós. The term "polacada" survived in Spanish until today, in dictionaries defined as "an act of favoritism". One more episode of Poland-related naming practice occurred during the lifetime of the First Spanish Republic. Few liberal politicians dubbed Spain "Poland of the South"; the name was not anyhow related to Catalonia. Origins of the anti-Catalan usage of "polacos" are obscure; the theories striving to clarify the issue are abundant, yet they are all purely speculative and can hardly be verified. The most far-reaching hypothesis claims that supposed 17th-century merchant relations between Catalonia and Poland proved fertile soil for growth of ethnic stereotypes.
Another theory points to the 18th-century theatrical debate, though it provides no clue as to the Catalan link. One more idea is about Polish soldiers fighting in Spain and by enemies confused with their Catalan allies. There is a concept; some authors dwell upon perceived parallelism between the Polish independence movement of the late 19th century and the emergent Catalan or Basque nationalisms. Divided between France and Spain, Catalonia – the theory goes – resembled Poland, the country divided between Germany and Russia. Few suggest. Others point to the Civil War period, when Nationalist soldiers on the Aragon front confused the Polish International Brigades volunteers with the Catalan Republican belligerents. One more group of students claim that the victorious Nationalists pledged to wipe out Catalonia from the maps just the Germans did in case of Poland in 1939. A popular thesis supported by evidence is that the insult emerged during Francoism as part of the barrack argot. There is a group of theories which do not refer to any point in time but bank on presumed similarities between the Catalans and the Poles, be it linguistic, religious or other.
There are a few slur references to the Catalans used in the present-day Spanish, like "catalufos", "catalinos", "catalardos" or their scatological variations. However, in terms of popularity none compares to "polacos", by some considered a "classic" form of anti-Catalan abuse; the term is derogatory, though the intention might vary from patronizing, ironic or minimizing to aggressively contemptuous. Its actual substance is illegible. While the insults of "catalufos" or "catalardos" are thrown against a political background and are applied to individuals supposed to nurture separatist Catalanist sentiments, the term "polacos" is more universal in usage. Geographically the abuse might be heard in areas located far away from Catalonia, e.g. in Andalusia, though it remai
A boycott is an act of voluntary and intentional abstention from using, buying, or dealing with a person, organization, or country as an expression of protest for moral, political, or environmental reasons. The purpose of a boycott is to inflict some economic loss on the target, or to indicate a moral outrage, to try to compel the target to alter an objectionable behavior. Sometimes, a boycott can be a form of consumer activism, sometimes called moral purchasing; when a similar practice is legislated by a national government, it is known as a sanction. The word boycott entered the English language during the Irish "Land War" and derives from Captain Charles Boycott, the land agent of an absentee landlord, Lord Erne, who lived in Lough Mask House, near Ballinrobe in County Mayo, subject to social ostracism organized by the Irish Land League in 1880; as harvests had been poor that year, Lord Erne offered his tenants a ten percent reduction in their rents. In September of that year, protesting tenants demanded a twenty five percent reduction, which Lord Erne refused.
Boycott attempted to evict eleven tenants from the land. Charles Stewart Parnell, in a speech in Ennis prior to the events in Lough Mask, proposed that when dealing with tenants who take farms where another tenant was evicted, rather than resorting to violence, everyone in the locality should shun them. While Parnell's speech did not refer to land agents or landlords, the tactic was first applied to Boycott when the alarm was raised about the evictions. Despite the short-term economic hardship to those undertaking this action, Boycott soon found himself isolated – his workers stopped work in the fields and stables, as well as in his house. Local businessmen stopped trading with him, the local postman refused to deliver mail; the concerted action taken against him meant that Boycott was unable to hire anyone to harvest the crops in his charge. 50 Orangemen from Cavan and Monaghan volunteered to do the work. They were escorted to and from Claremorris by one thousand policemen and soldiers, despite the fact that the local Land League leaders had said that there would be no violence from them, in fact no violence happened.
This protection ended up costing far more. After the harvest, the "boycott" was continued. Within weeks Boycott's name was everywhere; the New-York Tribune reporter, James Redpath, first wrote of the boycott in the international press. The Irish author, George Moore, reported:'Like a comet the verb'boycott' appeared.' It was used by The Times in November 1880 as a term for organized isolation. According to an account in the book The Fall of Feudalism in Ireland by Michael Davitt, the term was promoted by Fr. John O'Malley of County Mayo to "signify ostracism applied to a landlord or agent like Boycott"; the Times first reported on November 20, 1880: "The people of New Pallas have resolved to'boycott' them and refused to supply them with food or drink." The Daily News wrote on December 13, 1880: "Already the stoutest-hearted are yielding on every side to the dread of being'Boycotted'." By January of the following year, the word was being used figuratively: "Dame Nature arose.... She'Boycotted' London from Kew to Mile End".
Girlcott is a portmanteau of boycott intended to focus on the rights or actions of women. The term was coined in 1968 by American track star Lacey O'Neal during the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City, in the context of protests by male African American athletes. Speaking for black women athletes, she advised that the group would not "girlcott" the Olympic Games, because female athletes were still focused on being recognized, it appeared in Time magazine in 1970, was used by retired tennis player Billie Jean King in reference to Wimbledon, to emphasize her argument regarding equal pay for women players. The term "girlcott" was revived in 2005 by women in Allegheny County, Pennsylvania protesting what they said were sexist and degrading T-shirt slogans on Abercrombie & Fitch merchandise. Although the term itself was not coined until 1880, the practice dates back to at least the 1790s, when supporters of the abolition of the slave trade in Britain advocated boycotting slave-produced sugar. Other instances include: the Iranian Tobacco Boycott, 1891 Civil Rights Movement boycotts the United Farm Workers union grape and lettuce boycotts the American boycott of British goods at the time of the American Revolution the 1905 Chinese boycott of American products to protest the extension of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1902.
The Indian boycott of British goods organized by Mohandas Gandhi the successful Jewish boycott organised against Henry Ford in the USA, in the 1920s the boycott of Japanese products in China after the May Fourth Movement the Jewish anti-Nazi boycott of German goods in Lithuania, the US, Britain and Mandatory Palestine during 1933 the antisemitic boycott of Jewish-owned businesses in Nazi Germany during the 1930s the Arab League boycott of Israel and companies trading with Israel. The worldwide Boycott and Sanctions campaign led by Palestinian civil society against the State of Israel. During the 1973 oil crisis, the Arab countries enacted a crude oil embargo against the West. Other examples include the US-led boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow, the Soviet-led boycott of the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles, the movement that advocated "disinvestment" in South Africa during the 1980s in opposition to that country's apartheid regime; the first Olympic boycott was in the 1956 Summer Olympics with several countries boycotting the games for different reasons.
Iran has an informal Olympic boycott against participating against Israel, Ir