The Apple II is an 8-bit home computer and one of the world's first successful mass-produced microcomputer products, designed by Steve Wozniak. It was introduced by Jobs and Wozniak at the 1977 West Coast Computer Faire and was the first consumer product sold by Apple Computer, Inc, it is the first model in a series of computers which were produced until Apple IIe production ceased in November 1993. The Apple II marks Apple's first launch of a personal computer aimed at a consumer market—branded toward American households rather than businessmen or computer hobbyists. Byte magazine referred to the Apple II, Commodore PET 2001 and the TRS-80 as the "1977 Trinity." The Apple II had the defining feature of being able to display color graphics, this capability was the reason why the Apple logo was redesigned to have a spectrum of colors. By 1976, Steve Jobs had convinced the product designer Jerry Manock to create the "shell" for the Apple II—a smooth case inspired by kitchen appliances that concealed the internal mechanics.
The earliest Apple IIs were assembled in Silicon Valley, in Texas. The first computers went on sale on June 10, 1977 with a MOS Technology 6502 microprocessor running at 1.022,727 MHz, two game paddles, 4 KiB of RAM, an audio cassette interface for loading programs and storing data, the Integer BASIC programming language built into the ROMs. The video controller displayed 24 lines by 40 columns of monochrome, uppercase-only text on the screen, with NTSC composite video output suitable for display on a TV monitor or on a regular TV set; the original retail price of the computer with 4 KiB of RAM was $1,298 and $2,638 with the maximum 48 KB of RAM. To reflect the computer's color graphics capability, the Apple logo on the casing had rainbow stripes, which remained a part of Apple's corporate logo until early 1998. Most the Apple II was a catalyst for personal computers across many industries. In the May 1977 issue of Byte, Steve Wozniak published a detailed description of his design; this arrangement eliminated the need for a separate refresh circuit for the DRAM chips, as the video transfer accessed each row of the dynamic memory within the timeout period.
In addition, it did not require separate RAM chips for the video RAM, while the PET and TRS-80 had SRAMs for the video. Rather than use a complex analog-to-digital circuit to read the outputs of the game controller, Wozniak used a simple timer circuit whose period is proportional to the resistance of the game controller, used a software loop to measure the timer. A single 14.31818 MHz master oscillator was divided by various ratios to produce all other required frequencies, including the microprocessor clock signals, the video transfer counters, the color-burst samples. The text and graphics screens have a complex arrangement. For instance, the scanlines were not stored in sequential areas of memory; this complexity was due to Wozniak's realization that the method would allow for the refresh of the dynamic RAM as a side effect. This method had no cost overhead to have software calculate or look up the address of the required scanline and avoided the need for significant extra hardware. In the high-resolution graphics mode, color is determined by pixel position and thus can be implemented in software, saving Wozniak the chips needed to convert bit patterns to colors.
This allowed for subpixel font rendering, since orange and blue pixels appear half a pixel-width farther to the right on the screen than green and purple pixels. The Apple II at first used data cassette storage like most other microcomputers of the time. In 1978, the company introduced an external 5 1⁄4-inch floppy disk drive, the Disk II, attached via a controller card that plugs into one of the computer's expansion slots; the Disk II interface, created by Wozniak, is regarded as an engineering masterpiece for its economy of electronic components. The approach taken in the Disk II controller is typical of Wozniak's designs. With a few small-scale logic chips and a cheap PROM, he created a functional floppy disk interface at a fraction of the component cost of standard circuit configurations. Steve Jobs extensively pushed to give the Apple II a case that looked visually appealing and sellable to people outside of electronics hobbyists, rather than the generic wood and metal boxes typical of early microcomputers.
The result was a futuristic-looking molded white plastic case. Jobs paid close attention to the keyboard design and decided to use dark brown keycaps as it contrasted well with the case; the first production Apple IIs had hand-molded cases.
Neal Hazel is a British criminologist and social policy analyst, best known for his research on youth justice and on family support. He is Professor of Criminology and Criminal Justice at the University of Salford and is the former Her Majesty's Deputy Chief Inspector of Probation for England and Wales. Hazel completed his undergraduate degree, MSc in Applied Social Research and PhD in Social Policy at the University of Stirling. After his doctorate, he was Research Fellow and Senior Research Fellow at the Policy Research Bureau, London, he joined the University of Salford in 2003 as a Lecturer and Senior Lecturer in Criminology, now holds a Personal chair in the School of Health and Society. He was the inaugural Director of both the Institute for Public Policy and the Centre for Social Research at the University of Salford, he has directed more than 25 funded research projects, including several national evaluations of criminal justice interventions. Hazel published the first national study of the impact of poverty and disadvantage on parenting in Britain.
Reported in the book Parenting in Poor Environments, the study of coping and support for families living in poverty was described by Bob Holman in the British Journal of Social Work as "an important study which lifts the curtain on if and how poor parents cope in deprived areas". Community Care stated that its "crucial findings" formed "an emphatic message to practitioners" to ensure more evidence-based support, he conducted the United Kingdom's first national study of parental discipline. Its findings led to a national campaign by the NSPCC in 2005 against the physical punishment of children. Hazel’s book on Engaging Fathers in Preventive Services introduced the concept of “gender differentiated” parenting support; the research challenged existing feminised family services by showing the importance of catering to the particular needs and experiences of men in order to engage them. This approach has since been adopted as a standard requirement of family services by policy makers in Great Britain.
Hazel conducted the first study of young offenders' views of their experiences throughout the criminal justice system in England. He produced the official government evaluation of the main youth custodial sentence in England and Wales and several evaluations of government schemes for resettlement after prison, his 2001 article revealing common patterns behind the rise and fall of types of youth custodial institutions is listed by Youth Justice as both one of its most cited and most read articles. Hazel's cross-national analysis of youth justice systems is used as the basis of international comparisons in Ministry of Justice official youth justice statistics, it was used and credited in the 2013 documentary film, Kids for Cash. His framework and five principles for effective reentry support for juvenile offenders were described by the Youth Justice Minister as "a gold standard for resettlement planning", they have since been adopted by the Ministry of Justice, HM Prison and Probation Service and Youth Justice Board as a common policy approach to reform youth detention across England and Wales, called Constructive Resettlement.
His other publications from the same research programme with Nacro include a report revealing psychological suffering by young people after release from custody, a new model for how to address the specific needs of girls and young women leaving prison, guidance on ensuring better engagement from young offenders. In 2013, Hazel was appointed as an advisor to the HM Inspectorate of Probation for inspection of services across England and Wales for youth reentry after detention. From 2014 to 2015, he served in the newly created role of Her Majesty's Deputy Chief Inspector of Probation for England and Wales, responsible for strategy at HMIP. During his time at HMIP, he designed a method of inspecting criminal justice agencies that focused on evaluating whether and how services were impacting on offenders, rather than the previous practice of auditing services' processes, he introduced the strategic aim for HMIP to improve the wellbeing of children at risk of reoffending, a peer review system to check the quality of inspection reports.
In January 2018, he was appointed by the Secretary of State for Justice to sit on the Youth Justice Board, responsible for overseeing the youth justice system in England and Wales. He was a member of the YJB's Expert Advisory Board for developing government policy on youth reentry after detention. Engaging Fathers in Preventive Services York, YPS. ISBN 1902633490 Parenting in Poor Environments: Stress and Coping London, Jessica Kingsley. ISBN 184310069X Cross-national Comparison of Youth Justice Systems London, Youth Justice Board Young People's Stress After Release from Custody London, Nacro The Resettlement of Girls and Young Women London, Nacro Engaging Young People in Resettlement London, Nacro Resettlement of Young People Leaving Custody: Lessons from the Literature London, Nacro "Now all I care about is my future": Supporting the shift London, Nacro University of Salford departmental profile University of Salford research profile Beyond Youth Custody research project
The People's Front for Democracy and Justice is the founding and ruling political party of the State of Eritrea. The successor to the left-wing nationalist and Marxist–Leninist Eritrean People's Liberation Front, the PFDJ holds itself open to nationalists of any political affiliation; the leader of the PFDJ party and current President of Eritrea is Isaias Afewerki. It has been accused of totalitarianism; the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front People’s Front for Democracy and Justice, formed from the secessionist movement that fought for the creation of an independent Eritrean nation out of the northernmost province of Ethiopia in 1993. The historical region of Eritrea had joined Ethiopia as an autonomous unit in 1952; the Eritrean Liberation Movement was founded in 1958 and was succeeded by the Eritrean Liberation Front in 1961. The ELF grew in membership when the Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie abolished Eritrea’s autonomous status, annexing it as a province in 1962. In the 1960s and 1970s the ELF undertook a systematic campaign of guerrilla warfare against the Ethiopian government.
A faction of the ELF broke away in 1970 to form the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front. The EPLF managed to secure control of much of the Eritrean countryside and build effective administrations in the areas it controlled. Fighting that broke out between the EPLF, ELF, other Eritrean rebel groups in 1981 prevented further military gains, but the EPLF subsequently emerged as the principal Eritrean guerrilla group; as Soviet support of Ethiopia’s socialist government collapsed in the late 1980s, the EPLF formed an alliance with guerrilla groups in Tigray province and other parts of Ethiopia, when these groups overthrew the central government and captured the Ethiopian capital in May 1991, the EPLF formed a separate provisional government for Eritrea. After the holding of a United Nations-supervised referendum on independence there in April 1993, the EPLF declared the new nation of Eritrea the following month. At the third congress of the EPLF Front in February 1994, delegates voted to transform the 95,000‐person organization into a mass political movement, the People's Front for Democracy and Justice.
The congress gave the PFDJ a transitional mandate to draw the general population into the political process and to prepare the country for constitutional democracy. The leader of the PFDJ party and current President of Eritrea is Isaias Afewerki; because Eritrea formed itself from a participated referendum and because of EPLF’s provision of education and other public services to save women and peasants from poverty and oppression, both domestic and foreign media showed high hopes for Eritrea to develop a self-governed and democratic government. EPLF leaders, at the time, were perceived as a “new generation” of African leaders, they enjoyed high popularity rates among their constituents. They endorsed, at least theoretically, human rights, free markets, they had clear development policies based on their priorities. In 1994, the PFDJ established a transitional 150-member National Assembly to determine the pending constitutions and elections; the assembly chose the PFDJ's secretary-general and the former EPLF leader, Isaias Afwerki as Eritrea's president and formed a cabinet around him.
In 1997, the National Assembly adopted a constitution for a multi-party democratic system. It scheduled multi-party elections for 1997; the new government appeared practice separation of powers. However, the political institutions other than the executive office – the cabinet of ministers, a temporary parliament and a nominally independent judiciary – did not pose checks on the executive power; the cabinet did not provide a platform for debates. The military remained under the president's control. Isaias, at the same time, attempted to strengthen the president's power. Since the PFDJ has not held a meeting since 2002. Eritrean nationalism constitutes the core of PFDJ’s ideology, because it is perceived as a necessary process within the overall nation-building effort. To that end the PFDJ advocates unity and participation of all sections of the Eritrean society as the bases of all of its programs. Engagement as well as active contribution to the political, economic and cultural life of Eritrea is therefore perceived as a necessary precondition for social cohesion and development of the country.
To do so the PFDJ aims to establish a national government which ensures unity and equality for the people of Eritrea, rejects all divisive attitudes and activities, places national interest above everything else, enables participation of all sectors of Eritrean society in the PFDJ. Moreover, all political establishments must be built on a national basis, all sectarian political tendencies must be categorically rejected. All forms of discrimination and domination, including ethnic and regional, must be rejected; the diverse cultures of Eritrea should be a source of unity. The national system should be secular, separate from religion, but respectful of the equality of established traditional religions. In short, nationhood is the basis of all political policies; the National Charter of the PFDJ was adopted in 1994 and sets out the key objectives the PFDJ is striving to achieve. Those include: National Harmony – For the people of Eritrea to live in harmony and stability, with no distinction along regional, linguistic, gender or class lines.