Juan Carlos Onganía
Juan Carlos Onganía Carballo was de facto President of Argentina from 29 June 1966 to 8 June 1970. He rose to power as military dictator after toppling the president Arturo Illia in a coup d'état self-named Revolución Argentina. While preceding military coups in Argentina were aimed at establishing temporary, transitional juntas, the Revolución Argentina headed by Onganía aimed at establishing a new political and social order, opposed both to liberal democracy and to communism, which gave to the Armed Forces of Argentina a leading role in the political and economic operation of the country; the political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell named this type of regime "authoritarian-bureaucratic state", in reference both to the Revolución Argentina, the Brazilian military regime, Augusto Pinochet's regime and Juan María Bordaberry's regime in Uruguay. While Chief of the Army in 1963, Onganía helped crush the 1963 Argentine Navy Revolt by mobilizing troops that seized rebelling Navy bases. However, he demonstrated a disregard for civil authority when he refused to call off his troops after a ceasefire agreement had been approved by President José María Guido and his cabinet, was only convinced to follow orders after a tense meeting.
As military dictator, Onganía suspended political parties and supported a policy of Participacionismo, by which representatives of various interest groups such as industry and agriculture, would form committees to advise the government. However these committees were appointed by the dictator himself. Onganía suspended the right to strike and supported a corporatist economic and social policy, enforced in Cordoba by the appointed governor, Carlos Caballero. Onganía's Minister of Economy, Adálbert Krieger Vasena, decreed a wage freeze and a 40% devaluation, which adversely impacted the state of the Argentine economy, favoring foreign capital. Krieger Vasena suspended collective labour conventions, reformed the Fossil Fuels Law which had established a partial monopoly of the Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales state enterprise and signed a law facilitating the expulsion of tenants in cases of non-payment of rent. Onganía's rule signified an end to university autonomy, achieved by the University Reform of 1918.
A month into his administration, he was responsible for the violation of university autonomy in the so-called La Noche de los Bastones Largos in which he ordered police to invade the Faculty of Sciences of the University of Buenos Aires. Students and professors were arrested. Many were forced to leave the country, beginning a "brain drain" that adversely affects Argentine academia to this day. Onganía ordered repression on all forms of "immoralism", proscribing miniskirts, long hair for boys, all avant-garde artistic movements; this moral campaign favorized the radicalization of the middle classes, who were over-represented in universities. In 1969, Ongania dedicated the country to the Immaculate Heart of Mary; this position was opposed by the other factions in the military, which felt that its influence in government would be diminished. At the end of May 1968, General Julio Alsogaray dissented from Onganía, rumors spread about a possible coup d'état, Alsogaray leading the conservative opposition to Onganía.
At the end of the month, Onganía dismissed the leaders of the Armed Forces: Alejandro Lanusse replaced Julio Alsogaray, Pedro Gnavi replaced Benigno Varela, Jorge Martínez Zuviría replaced Adolfo Alvarez. Ongania's ruthless government was weakened by a popular uprising of workers and students that took place in the whole of the country, in particular in the interior, in cities such as Córdoba in 1969 or Rosario; the dominant military faction, led by General Lanusse, demanded. When he refused, he was toppled by a military junta. Jorge Rafael Videla Argentine military officer who would succeed Ongania. 31 yrs after
Kirchnerism is an Argentinian political group formed by the supporters of the late Néstor Kirchner, President of Argentina from 2003 to 2007. Although the Kirchners are members of the Justicialist Party, Peronism itself is a broad movement and many Peronists oppose them. Kirchnerism is considered to fall into the category of left-wing populism. Although a faction in the Justicialist Party, Kirchnerism received support from other smaller Argentine political parties and from factions of some traditional parties. In parties which are divided along Kirchnerist/Anti-Kirchnerist lines, the members of the Kirchnerist faction are distinguished with the letter K while the factions opposing Kirchnerism are labeled with the expression "anti-K". In response to the rise of Kirchnerism, the term "anti-Kirchnerism" has arisen to describe those sectors and persons, as much within as without Peronism, who opposed the governments of Kirchner and Fernández. Both Kirchner and Fernández come from the left-wing of Peronism and both began their political careers as members of the Peronist Youth.
Many of the Kirchners' closest allies belong to the Peronist left. Anti-Kirchnerists criticize this ideological background with the term setentista, suggesting that Kirchnerism is overly influenced by the populist struggle of the 1970s. Kirchnerism has shown itself to be concerned with the defense of human rights in prosecuting those who committed human rights violations during the Dirty War and were made immune from prosecution by the governments of Carlos Menem; the willingness of the Kirchner government to revoke these immunities has led many Argentine pressure groups, such as the Madres de Plaza de Mayo and Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, to take an Kirchnerist position. This has led to many controversies and to allegations that the Kirchners were never committed to human rights during the period of the last military dictatorship, that it was only when Kirchner became President and began to make alliances with the left-wing parties in Congress and with the Madres de Plaza de Mayo that he started to campaign about these rights in order to promote his own platform and gain popular favor.
It is documented that the Kirchners did push for trial against human rights violators during the dictatorship, although late in that period in 1983, when its end was in sight. Kirchnerism has shown itself to be expressly opposed to neoliberal policies. However, while governor of the province of Santa Cruz, Kirchner publicly supported neoliberal President Carlos Menem, going as far as claiming that "since the times of that great General there hasn't been a president that has listened so much to the southern Patagonia and Santa Cruz in particular". Economically, Kirchnerism has pursued an economic policy of industrialist developmentalism, they do not allow importation of goods that are produced in Argentina to protect local industry and employment. Kirchnerism has opposed multilateral and bilateral free trade agreements pursued by the United States; the climax of this policy occurred with the confrontation between Kirchner and George W. Bush at the Mar del Plata Summit of the Americas in 2005, which resulted in Argentina's refusal to sign the Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement.
Internationally, Kirchnerism has supported Mercosur and vice versa, to the point that the President of Mercosur, Carlos Álvarez, is a Kirchnerist. One of the most prominent aims of Kirchnerism is to strengthen Argentine relations with the countries of Latin America and to establish a South American economic axis. Recent economic measures posited by Fernández's government have hurt Argentina's relationship with these countries Brazil and Uruguay, whose President José "Pepe" Mujica expressed worries regarding Argentina going towards an "autarchist" form of government and the Kirchnerist economic model "complicating relationships and multiplying difficulties" in bilateral commerce. Kirchnerism, in particular former minister of health Ginés González García, has shown a liberal attitude to birth control and sexuality, including the legalization of same-sex marriage, both of which have provoked the opposition of the Catholic Church and other conservative sectors. Unlike his predecessor Eduardo Duhalde, Kirchner was a Peronist that distrusted the Justicialist Party as a support for his government.
He proposed instead a "transversalist" policy, seeking the support of progressive politicians regardless of their party. Thus he got support from factions of the Justicialist Party, the Radical Civic Union and small centre-left parties. Kirchner neglected the internal politics of the Justicialist Party and kept instead the Front for Victory party, an electoral alliance in his home province of Santa Cruz and in the 2003 elections premiered in the federal political scene; some politicians favored by this policy were Aníbal Ibarra, mayor of Buenos Aires for the Broad Front and supported as Kirchnerist. The transversalist project was dismissed. Kirchner took control of the Justicialist Party and some "Radicales K" returned to the "anti-K" faction of their party, m
Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata
The Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata was the last to be organized and the shortest-lived of the Viceroyalties of the Spanish Empire in America. The Viceroyalty was established in 1776 from several former Viceroyalty of Perú dependencies that extended over the Río de la Plata Basin the present-day territories of Argentina, Bolivia and Uruguay, extending inland from the Atlantic Coast; the colony of Spanish Guinea depended administratively on the Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata. Buenos Aires, located on the western shore of the Río de la Plata estuary flowing into the Atlantic Ocean, opposite the Portuguese outpost of Colonia del Sacramento, was chosen as the capital. Considered one of the late Bourbon Reforms, the organization of this viceroyalty was motivated on both commercial grounds, as well as on security concerns brought about by the growing interest of competing foreign powers in the area; the Spanish Crown wanted to protect its territory against the Kingdom of Portugal. But these Enlightenment reforms proved counterproductive, or too late, to quell the colonies' demands.
The entire history of this Viceroyalty was marked by growing domestic unrest and political instability. Between 1780 and 1782, the Rebellion of Túpac Amaru II inspired a violent Aymara-led revolt across the Upper Peru highlands, demonstrating the great resentment against colonial authorities by both the mestizo and indigenous populations. Twenty-five years the Criollos, native-born people of the colony defended against two successive British attempts to conquer Buenos Aires and Montevideo; this enhanced their sense of power at a time when Spanish troops were unable to help. In 1809, the Criollo elite revolted against colonial authorities at La Paz and Chuquisaca, establishing revolutionary governments, juntas. Although short-lived, these provided a theoretical basis for the legitimacy of the locally based governments, which proved decisive at the 1810 May Revolution events deposing Viceroy Cisneros at Buenos Aires; the revolution spread except for Paraguay and Upper Peru. Meanwhile, the Governor of Montevideo Francisco Javier de Elío, appointed as a new Viceroy by the Cortes of Cádiz in 1811, declared the Buenos Aires Junta seditious.
However, after being defeated at Las Piedras, he retained control only of Colonia del Sacramento and Montevideo. He departed by ship to Spain on 18 November and resigned as Viceroy in January 1812. By 1814, as the revolutionary patriots entered Montevideo, following a two-year-long siege, the Viceroyalty was finished as government of the region. In 1680, Manuel Lobo, Portuguese governor of Rio de Janeiro, created the Department of Colonia and founded Colónia do Sacramento; the fort was developed as the department's capital. Lobo's chief objective was to secure the Portuguese expansion of Brazil beyond the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, which had defined areas of influence in the Americas between the Iberian nations. From 1580 to 1640, Spain had controlled Portugal and thus all of its territories in America. In 1681 José de Garro attacked and seized the new fort for Spain. On 7 May 1681, under the Provisional Treaty of Lisbon, it was ceded to Portugal; the Viceroyalty of Peru was requiring all commerce to go through the port of Lima, on the Pacific Ocean.
This policy failed to develop the potential of Buenos Aires as an Atlantic port, adding months to the transport of goods and commodities in each direction. It resulted in encouraging widespread contraband activities in the eastern region in Asunción, Buenos Aires and Montevideo. Under these conditions, Viceroy Manuel de Amat y Junyent issued a decree for the former Governor of the Río de la Plata Pedro Antonio de Cevallos to found the new viceroyalty in August 1776; the ruling was resisted by the elite of Lima. The Cabildo of the Captaincy General of Chile requested the King be excluded from the new viceroyalty, accepted; the Cuyo region, with its main city Mendoza, was split from the Captaincy General of Chile. Leaders in Santiago resented this action as the Cuyo region had been settled by Spanish colonists from Chile; the Portuguese prime minister Marquis of Pombal encouraged the occupation of territory, awarded to the Spanish in the Treaty of Paris, following the British defeat of France in the Seven Years' War.
King Charles III reacted to the advantageous conditions: France was bound to be an ally as a guarantor of the treaty, Great Britain, due to its own colonial problems with revolution in the Thirteen Colonies in North America, maintained neutrality on the issues between Portugal and Spain. Pedro de Cevallos conquered Colonia del Sacramento and the Santa Catarina islands after a siege of three days, gaining the First Treaty of San Ildefonso. With it, the Portuguese left the Banda Oriental for Spain. In exchange Spain ceded them the area of Rio Grande do Sul. Cevallos ended his military actions at this point and started working with government, but he was soon replaced by Juan José Vertiz y Salcedo; the viceroyalty was tasked with promoting local production of linen and hemp as export commodity crops, to supply the Spanish cloth industries that the Bourbons sought to favor. The conditions imposed by Spain on
Argentine Declaration of Independence
What today is referred as the Independence of Argentina was declared on July 9, 1816 by the Congress of Tucumán. In reality, the congressmen who were assembled in Tucumán declared the independence of the United Provinces of South America, still today one of the legal names of the Argentine Republic; the Federal League Provinces, at war with the United Provinces, were not allowed into the Congress. At the same time, several provinces from the Upper Peru that would become part of present-day Bolivia, were represented at the Congress; the 1810 May Revolution followed the deposition of the Spanish king Ferdinand VII by the Napoleonic French. The revolution replaced it with the Primera Junta; when the Spanish monarchy resumed its functions in 1814, Spain was determined to recover control over its colonies in the Americas. Moreover, the royalists from Peru had been victorious at the battles of Sipe-Sipe, Huaqui and Ayohuma, in Upper Peru, threatened the United Provinces from the north. On April 15, 1815 a revolution ended the mandate of Carlos María de Alvear as Supreme Director and demanded that a General Congress be summoned.
Delegate deputies, each representing 14,000 inhabitants, were sent from all the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata to the sessions, which started on March 24, 1816. However, the Federal League Provinces did not send delegates: the Argentine littoral Provinces, the Eastern Province; the Congress was inaugurated with 33 deputies. The presidency of the Congress would be rotated monthly; because the Congress had the freedom to choose topics to debate, endless discussions ensued. The voting ended on July 9 with a declaration of independence; the Declaration pointed to the circumstances in Europe of the past six years—the removal of the King of Spain by the Napoleon and the subsequent refusal of Ferdinand VII to accept constitutional rule both in the Peninsula and overseas. The Document claimed that Spanish America recovered its sovereignty from the Crown of Castile in 1808, when Ferdinand VII had been deposed, therefore, any union between the overseas dominions of Spain and the Peninsula had been dissolved.
This was a legal concept, invoked by the other Spanish American declarations of independence, such as Venezuela's and Mexico's, which were responding to the same events. The president of the Congress at the time was Francisco Narciso de Laprida, delegate from San Juan Province. Subsequent discussions centered on what form of government; the congress continued its work in Buenos Aires in 1817, but it got stopped in 1820 after the Battle of Cepeda, which deepened the differences between the Unitarian Party, who favored a strong central government, the Federales, who favored a weak central government. The house where the declaration was adopted has been rebuilt and is now a museum and monument: the House of Tucumán. Francisco Narciso de Laprida, Deputy for San Juan, President Mariano Boedo, Deputy for Salta, Vice-president José Mariano Serrano, Deputy for Charcas, Secretary Juan José Paso, Deputy for Buenos Aires, Secretary Dr. Antonio Sáenz, Deputy for Buenos Aires Dr. José Darragueira, Deputy for Buenos Aires Friar Cayetano José Rodríguez, Deputy for Buenos Aires Dr. Pedro Medrano, Deputy for Buenos Aires Dr. Manuel Antonio Acevedo, Deputy for Catamarca Dr. José Ignacio de Gorriti, Deputy for Salta Dr. José Andrés Pacheco de Melo, Deputy for Chibchas Dr. Teodoro Sánchez de Bustamante, Deputy for Jujuy Eduardo Pérez Bulnes, Deputy for Córdoba Tomás Godoy Cruz, Deputy for Mendoza Dr. Pedro Miguel Aráoz, Deputy for Tucumán Dr. Esteban Agustín Gazcón, Deputy for Buenos Aires Pedro Francisco de Uriarte, Deputy for Santiago del Estero Pedro León Gallo, Deputy for Santiago del Estero Pedro Ignacio Rivera, Deputy for Mizque Dr. Mariano Sánchez de Loria, Deputy for Charcas Dr. José Severo Malabia, Deputy for Charcas Dr. Pedro Ignacio de Castro Barros, Deputy for La Rioja Lic.
Gerónimo Salguero, Deputy for Córdoba Dr. José Colombres, Deputy for Catamarca Dr. José Ignacio Thames, Deputy for Tucumán Friar Justo de Santa María de Oro, Deputy for San Juan José Antonio Cabrera, Deputy for Córdoba Dr. Juan Agustín Maza, Deputy for Mendoza Tomás Manuel de Anchorena, Deputy for Buenos Aires Kingdom of Hawaii: 1818 Portugal: 1821 Brazil, United States of America: 1822 United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland: December 15, 1823 France: 1830 Denmark: 1841 United Kingdoms of Sweden and Norway: 1847 Spain: April 29, 1857 The Declaration of Independence of the United Provinces of South America was written in Spanish and translated into Quechua and Aymara; the version in Aymara is attributed to Vicente Pazos Kanki. Argentine War of Independence Congress of Tucumán United Provinces of South America 9 de Julio de 1816: Declaración de la Independencia Act of Independence – Spanish Wikisource
General Confederation of Labour (Argentina)
The General Confederation of Labor of the Argentine Republic is a national trade union federation in Argentina founded on September 27, 1930, as the result of the merger of the USA and the COA trade unions. Nearly one out of five employed - and two out of three unionized workers in Argentina - belong to the CGT, one of the largest labor federations in the world; the CGT was founded on September 27, 1930, the result of an agreement between the Socialist Confederación Obrera Argentina and the Revolutionary Syndicalist Unión Sindical Argentina, which had succeeded to the FORA IX. The COA, which included the two unions covering rail transport in Argentina, was the larger of the two with 100,000 members. During the Infamous Decade of the 1930s and subsequent industrial development, the CGT began to form itself as a strong union, competing with the anarchist FORA V. Centered around the railroad industry, the CGT was headed in the 1930s by Luis Cerruti and José Domenech; the CGT became the Argentine affiliate of the International Federation of Trade Unions.
The CGT split in 1935 over a conflict between Socialists and Revolutionary Syndicalists, leading to the creation of the CGT-Independencia and the CGT-Catamarca. The latter reestablished the Unión Sindical Argentina in 1937; the CGT again split in 1942, creating the CGT n°1, headed by the Socialist railroader José Domenech and opposed to Communism. After the coup d'état of 1943, its leaders embraced the pro-working class policies of the Labour Minister, Col. Juan Perón; the CGT was again unified, due to the incorporation of many unionists who were members of the CGT n°2, dissolved in 1943 by the military government. When Perón was separated from the government and confined on Martín García Island, the CGT called for a major popular demonstration at the Plaza de Mayo, on October 17, 1945, succeeding in releasing Perón from prison and in the call for elections. Founding on the same day the Labour Party, the CGT was one of the main support of Perón during the February 1946 elections; the Labor Party merged into the Peronist Party in 1947, the CGT became one of the strongest arms of the Peronist Movement, as well as the only trade union recognized by Perón's government.
Two CGT delegates, the Socialist Ángel Borlenghi and Juan Atilio Bramuglia were nominated Minister of Interior and Minister of Foreign Affairs, respectively. Colonel Domingo Mercante, the military officer with the closest ties to labor, was elected Governor of Buenos Aires; the number of unionized workers grew markedly during the Perón years, from 520,000 to over 2.5 million. His administration enacted or extended numerous landmark social reforms supported by the CGT, including: minimum wages. After the Revolución Libertadora military coup in 1955, which ousted Perón and outlawed Peronism, the CGT was banned from politics and its leadership replaced with government appointees. In response, the CGT began a destabilization campaign to end Perón's proscription and to obtain his return from exile. Amid ongoing strikes over both declining real wages and political repression, AOT textile workers' leader Andrés Framini and President Arturo Frondizi negotiated an end to six years of forced government receivership over the CGT in 1961.
This concession, as well as the lifting of the Peronists' electoral ban in 1962, led to Frondizi's overthrow, however. During the 1960s, the leaders of the CGT attempted to create a "Peronism without Perón" - that is, a form of Peronism that retained the populist ideals set forth by Juan Perón, but rejected the personality cult that had developed around him in the 1940s and 1950s; the chief exponents of this strategy were the Unión Popular, founded by former Foreign Minister Juan Atilio Bramuglia, UOM steelworkers' leader Augusto Vandor, who endorsed the CGT's active participation in elections against Perón's wishes and became the key figure in this latter movement. Vandor and Perón both supported President Arturo Illia's overthrow in 1966, but failed to reach an agreement with dictator Juan Carlos Onganía afterward. While membership in CGT unions remained well below their peak before Perón's 1955 overthrow, they enjoyed unprecedented resources during the 1960s; the CGT diversified their assets through investment
A multinational corporation or worldwide enterprise is a corporate organization which owns or controls production of goods or services in at least one country other than its home country. Black's Law Dictionary suggests that a company or group should be considered a multinational corporation if it derives 25% or more of its revenue from out-of-home-country operations. A multinational corporation can be referred to as a multinational enterprise, a transnational enterprise, a transnational corporation, an international corporation, or a stateless corporation. There are subtle but real differences between these three labels, as well as multinational corporation and worldwide enterprise. Most of the largest and most influential companies of the modern age are publicly traded multinational corporations, including Forbes Global 2000 companies. Multinational corporations are subject to criticisms for lacking ethical standards, that this shows up in how they evade ethical laws and leverage their own business agenda with capital, the military backing of their own wealthy host nation-states.
They have become associated with multinational tax havens and base erosion and profit shifting tax avoidance activities. A multinational corporation is a large corporation incorporated in one country which produces or sells goods or services in various countries; the two main characteristics of MNCs are their large size and the fact that their worldwide activities are centrally controlled by the parent companies. Importing and exporting goods and services Making significant investments in a foreign country Buying and selling licenses in foreign markets Engaging in contract manufacturing — permitting a local manufacturer in a foreign country to produce their products Opening manufacturing facilities or assembly operations in foreign countriesMNCs may gain from their global presence in a variety of ways. First of all, MNCs can benefit from the economy of scale by spreading R&D expenditures and advertising costs over their global sales, pooling global purchasing power over suppliers, utilizing their technological and managerial know-how globally with minimal additional costs.
Furthermore, MNCs can use their global presence to take advantage of underpriced labor services available in certain developing countries, gain access to special R&D capabilities residing in advanced foreign countries. The problem of moral and legal constraints upon the behavior of multinational corporations, given that they are "stateless" actors, is one of several urgent global socioeconomic problems that emerged during the late twentieth century; the best concept for analyzing society's governance limitations over modern corporations is the concept of "stateless corporations". Coined at least as early as 1991 in Business Week, the conception was theoretically clarified in 1993: that an empirical strategy for defining a stateless corporation is with analytical tools at the intersection between demographic analysis and transportation research; this intersection is known as logistics management, it describes the importance of increasing global mobility of resources. In a long history of analysis of multinational corporations we are some quarter century into an era of stateless corporations - corporations which meet the realities of the needs of source materials on a worldwide basis and to produce and customize products for individual countries.
One of the first multinational business organizations, the East India Company, was established in 1601. After the East India Company, came the Dutch East India Company, founded March 20, 1603, which would become the largest company in the world for nearly 200 years; the main characteristics of multinational companies are: In general, there is a national strength of large companies as the main body, in the way of foreign direct investment or acquire local enterprises, established subsidiaries or branches in many countries. Multinational corporations can select from a variety of jurisdictions for various subsidiaries, but the ultimate parent company can select a single legal domicile. Corporations can engage in tax avoidance through their choice of jurisdiction, but must be careful to avoid illegal tax evasion. Multinational corporations may be subject to the laws and regulations of both their domicile and the additional jurisdictions where they are engaged in business. In some cases, the jurisdiction can help to avoid burdensome laws, but regulatory statutes target the "enterprise" with statutory language around "control".
For small corporations, registering a foreign subsidiary can be expensive and complex, involving fees and forms.
Juan Domingo Perón was an Argentine Army general and politician. After serving in several government positions, including Minister of Labor and Vice President, he was elected President of Argentina three times, serving from June 1946 to September 1955, when he was overthrown in a coup d'état, from October 1973 until his death in July 1974. During his first presidential term, Perón was supported by his second wife, Eva Duarte, they were immensely popular among many Argentines. Eva died in 1952, Perón was elected to a second term, serving from 1952 until 1955. During the following period of two military dictatorships, interrupted by two civilian governments, the Peronist party was outlawed and Perón was exiled; when the left-wing Peronist Héctor José Cámpora was elected President in 1973, Perón returned to Argentina and was soon after elected President for a third time. His third wife, María Estela Martínez, known as Isabel Perón, was elected as Vice President on his ticket and succeeded him as President upon his death in 1974.
Although they are still controversial figures and Evita Perón are nonetheless considered icons by the Peronists. The Peróns' followers praised their efforts to eliminate poverty and to dignify labour, while their detractors considered them demagogues and dictators; the Peróns gave their name to the political movement known as Peronism, which in present-day Argentina is represented by the Justicialist Party. Peronism is a political phenomenon that draws support from both the political left and political right. Peronism is not considered a traditional party, but a political movement, because of the wide variety of people who call themselves Peronists, there is great controversy surrounding his personality. A number of following Argentinian presidents are considered Peronists, including administrations covering a majority of the democratic era: Héctor Cámpora, Isabel Perón, Adolfo Rodríguez Saá, Eduardo Duhalde, Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Kirchner. Juan Domingo Perón was born in Lobos, Buenos Aires Province, on 8 October 1895.
He was the son of Mario Tomás Perón. The Perón branch of his family was Spanish, but settled in Spanish Sardinia, from which his great-grandfather emigrated in the 1830s, he had Spanish and French Basque ancestry. Perón's great-grandfather became a successful shoe merchant in Buenos Aires, his grandfather was a prosperous physician; the couple had their two sons out of wedlock and married in 1901. His father moved to the Patagonia region that year, where he purchased a sheep ranch. Juan himself was sent away in 1904 to a boarding school in Buenos Aires directed by his paternal grandmother, where he received a strict Catholic upbringing, his father's undertaking failed, he died in Buenos Aires in 1928. The youth entered the National Military College in 1911 at age 16 and graduated in 1913, he excelled less in his studies than in athletics boxing and fencing. Perón began his military career in an Infantry post in Entre Ríos, he went on to command the post, in this capacity mediated a prolonged labor conflict in 1920 at La Forestal a leading firm in forestry in Argentina.
He earned instructor's credentials at the Superior War School, in 1929 was appointed to the Army General Staff Headquarters. Perón married his first wife, Aurelia Tizón, on 5 January 1929. Perón was recruited by supporters of the director of the War Academy, General José Félix Uriburu, to collaborate in the latter's plans for a military coup against President Hipólito Yrigoyen. Perón, who instead supported General Agustín Justo, was banished to a remote post in northwestern Argentina after Uriburu's successful coup in September 1930, he was promoted to the rank of Major the following year and named to the faculty at the Superior War School, where he taught military history and published a number of treatises on the subject. He served as military attaché in the Argentine Embassy in Chile from 1936 to 1938, returned to his teaching post, his wife was diagnosed with uterine cancer that year, died on 10 September at age 30. Perón was assigned by the War Ministry to study mountain warfare in the Italian Alps in 1939.
He attended the University of Turin for a semester and served as a military observer in countries across Europe. He studied Benito Mussolini's Italian Fascism, Nazi Germany, other European governments of the time, concluding in his summary, Apuntes de historia militar, that social democracy could be a viable alternative to liberal democracy or totalitarian regimes, he returned to Argentina in 1941, served as an Army skiing instructor in Mendoza Province. In 1943 a coup d'état was led by General Arturo Rawson against conservative President Ramón Castillo, fraudulently elected to office; the military was opposed to Governor Robustiano Patrón Costas, Castillo's hand-picked successor, the principal landowner in Salta Province, as well as a main stockholder in its sugar industry. As a colonel and his power of premier minister, Perón took a significant part in the military coup by the GOU against the conservative civilian government of Castillo. At first an assistant to Secretary of War General Edelmiro Farrell, under the administration of General Pe